Corridos Para La Revolución

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Corridos Para La Revolucin:

Songs of Indian pride and policies of oppression in early 20th century Mexico

Emily Bradley


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Introduction

Since the colonial conquest of Mexico, oppression of Mexicos native

population orindios has dominated government policies and social practices. In the 20th

century, policies of oppression resulted in increased poverty throughout the largely

agrarian indio population. At the turn of the 20th century, the indios suffered under a

dictatorial regime.1 Much of this suffering was caused by a legacy of prejudice that began

with the Spanish conquest centuries before. The Mexican Revolution appeared to mark a

change encouraging the indios to join the revolutionaries in the uprising. The Mexican

public, which generally accepted prejudicial policies toward the indios, suddenlycelebrated indigenous culture in the indigenismo movement.2

With the Mexican Revolution, a new image of Mexicos indigenous past

surfaced, especially as artists and composers created pieces reflecting native pride.

Though these works seemed to signify a change in the attitude of Mexicans toward the

indigenous population, land reform policies continued to denigrate indios after the

Revolution. While oppressive land reform policies following the Revolution have been

considered in other studies, this project will focus on cultural developments during the

revolutionary period (pre-, during, and post-) in order to better measure popular attitudes

toward the indios. In particular, I will look at a specific musical movement that thrived in

the mainstream of Mexican culture during the revolutionary period. In times of struggle,

artistic forms grow and gain increasing importance as an outlet for people to express their

pain and frustrations. Corridos not only are a link to the past, giving a narrative of events

during the revolutionary period, but can also provide unique insight into popular social


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opinion toward the indios. Corridos not only give one a historical context, but also reflect

individual biases that give the music power.

Question and Hypothesis

This project will use corridos as a lens through which I can reconstruct the

experience of the indios during the revolutionary period in Mexico. Through these

corridos, I expect to see not only important historic accounts, but also the personal

sentiments of the indios. The question becomes about what the elites thought of the indio

population and what the indios thought about their situation. In addition to the sentiments

of the public is the problem of elite manipulation of the indio population during theRevolution, providing them with a false hope for change. Using these corridos, I will

relate the pre-revolutionary suffering by the native population. During the Revolution,

corridos reflected an indio pride and hope for change, while post-revolutionary corridos

displayed a despairing state of unchanged land policies still suppressing indios. Within

these lyrical discourses, indio oppression clearly continued despite promises of a true

revolution. The indio population aided in fighting the elite revolution, only to be left in an

increasingly desperate state, lacking lands and means of survival after victory. Finally,

corridos illuminate the opinions of the elite who held power in the Mexican state and

therefore dictated the livelihood of the poverty-stricken indios.

Looking at lyrics written throughout the first half of the 20th century in Mexico,

corridos reflect policies and practices beyond what might be officially documented.

Many corridos from the pre-revolutionary period reflect themes about the plight of the

poorindio as a result of the Porfirio Daz regime. During the revolutionary period, indio

pride and hope for change was expressed through corridos about courageous


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revolutionary military figures. These indios, like Emiliano Zapata, triumphed overindio

stereotypes becoming leading figures of the revolutionary period.Indios such as Zapata

were full of hope, fighting for Tierra y Libertad, Land and Liberty, having everything

to gain from the Revolution. However, while stereotypes of a lazy and inferiorindio were

arguably conquered by the Revolution, land and liberty was not offered to the indios upon

victory. In the post-revolutionary period, corridos focusing on land reform show a

continuing struggle for property and equality in Mexico. The hope given to the indiosby

the elites during the Revolution was quickly squelched by the post-revolutionary

abandonment of land reform in the 1930s and focus on economic growth, just as it had inthe Porfiriato days. Using the narrative formed by corridos, one sees that the plight of

the indios was adopted by elites in fighting the Revolution. After the war, the concern for

reform was soon neglected, as old stereotypes continued to dictate policies.

Methodology

From the corridos composed in this time period one can infer many things

about the culture of a society. Musical forms like the corrido have a strong personal

connection that can instill tone and feeling into the words in a way that other forms of

writing do not. I intend to use the lyrics of a few corridos to interpret the publics opinion

concerning the indios during the first half of the 20th century. Seeing a change in opinion

during the revolutionary period, followed by a reversion to old prejudices, will elucidate

the elite manipulation ofindios for a change of power in the country. Elites of the time

drew the lower classes into the war with promises of land reform and living

improvements, providing them with a hope to escape their poverty, but at the end of the


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war these promises were not fulfilled. Corridos of the time show the hope given to the

indio and the despairing conditions that were returned to at the end of the fighting.

Using corridos as a form of historical and personal discourse, I intend to

highlight the events of the early 1900s focusing on the plight of the indio and the policies

affecting this part of the population. Breaking down the early 20th century into pre-

revolution, revolution, and post-revolution, I will reconstruct both the indio mindset and

the mindset of the elites on the indios in a chronological manner. Each time period offers

a change from the previous years. The early 1900s illustrates the colonial stereotypes and

dictatorial state of Mexico prior to the Revolution of 1910. During the Revolution, 10years of fighting brought suffering and destruction to a country locked in civil war, but it

also brought hope to the lower classes for change. After the Revolution, land reform was

soon abandoned as the nation struggled with frequent political changes and policies of

modernization and economic growth became the focus once again.

To document the historical importance of the 20th century for Mexico, I will be

utilizing many journal pieces written about the contemporary presidencies. The 21

presidents that served in the period from 1900 to 1950 resulted in a frequent change of

policy. The Mexican country suffered under a dictatorship prior to the Revolution, only to

suffer under disorganization and lack of political consistency in the years following the

Revolution. The struggles of the indios can be seen through the frequent change of

presidencies and policies and the corrido songs that accompany them.

Beyond presidential policies, the true strength tying opinion to historic events

are the corridos written by people affected or responding to the Mexican Revolution. For

each period that I am considering, pre-revolution, revolution, and post-revolution, I will


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analyze a corrido that illustrates the chronological context and public opinion concerning

the indios. Through corridos, though more interpretive, one can use this unique form of

song to understand the state of Mexico during the revolutionary period. Corridos express

the desperate state of the indio in the pre-revolution, the hope for land and liberty during

the Revolution, and the worsening economic and social status of the indio following the

fighting. I chose to use corridos due to their documentation of events and people of

importance, and also due to their personal connection to the lower classes. Corridos

booming into popularity during this time provide information about contemporary issues,

and preserve indio heritage and the truths of the indio struggle through music. Corridos

are important due to their power to not only to speak volumes about the indio, but also

due to their past importance in speaking to the indios of the Revolution directly.

The people of Mexico at the time were mixed ethnically, causing most citizens

to have some traceable indigenous ancestry. Due to suppression of indigenous culture by

the Spanish conquerors, most of the public denied theirindio roots. The corridos used in

this paper were written by people who embraced indigenismo, an indigenous pride

movement, during the time of the Revolution. My paper shows that though social

changes seemed to occur during the Revolution, the policies enacted post-revolution did

not reflect these views. This suggests that the changes in attitude were a temporary

alteration to include the indios for the revolutionary elites purposes.

Background

Corrido History

The corrido has developed as a traditional Mexican music form. It has long

been a part of Mexican society and is believed to be linked to the romance, a ballad-


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like song brought by the Spaniards during conquest.3 Many believe that the corrido

became an independent musical style on its own in the late 19th century. Following its

separation from the Spanish romance song, corridos gained mass appeal, rising in

popularity during the Revolution. Corridos during this time period focused around

agrarian reform and expressed the struggles of the lower classes.4

Corridos are narratives told to simple music, similar to ballad songs. Corridos

are traditionally 36 lines with the first stanza providing the setting for the story, either by

noting a date or location. Though there is a traditional form, the corrido is very flexible

and due to its use of everyday language and simple instrumentation it is accessible tomany. Traditionally, corridos tell stories about true events and heroic people. During the

Revolution of 1910, these songs discussed major battles and notable figures such as

Emiliano Zapata.5 Not only was this song styling important to document historic events

for future generations, but also was important as a source of media to notify the

revolutionary countryside about events and new agrarian reforms.6

Colonial Prejudices

From the Spanish arrival in 1519 to Mexican independence in the early 1800s,

the European conquistadors ideals became incorporated into the mental constructs of the

Mexican populace.Indio populations were seen as inferior by the conquering Spaniards

and every effort was made to force native groups into a European model of society. The

views of the Spaniards spread along with European diseases that they unknowingly

inflicted on the native populations. The indigenous groups were decimated by disease and

those that survived small pox were suppressed by the educational and societal demands

of the Europeans.7 Prejudices formed against the indios strengthened with each


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generation, so that by the late 19th century indio, was seen as a taboo word. Many

individuals denied any ancestral link to the Mixtec, Maya, and Nahua indigenous

communities.8 Even after Mexican independence from Spain, the problems of the new

nation allowed the persistence of prejudicial practices. Leaders such as Porfirio Daz

came to power, seized total control, and created dictatorships through which they

maintained policies of intolerance for political reasons.9

Ley Lerdo

A past standard of prejudicial practices is evidenced inLey Lerdo, a law created

in 1856. Mexico had gained independence and was acting on new liberal standardswith men in power from diverse backgrounds. The Church was seen as a powerful entity

and through this new law the government hoped to reduce the potency of the Church in

the Mexican state.10 This new law prohibited the Church from obtaining and owning large

tracts of property.Ley Lerdo did not just divide and repossess lands of the Church, it also

prohibited any corporate or communal landholdings. Since the Spanish had named both

native communities and churches as corporations during their rule, this prohibition

allowed the government to repossess lands owned by native populations as well. The

indiopopulations were left with only communal pasture lands called ejidos. Though the

indios were allowed first bid on their repossessed property, they were financially

incapable of purchasing the tracts of land even at minimal prices.11 Losing their land and

livelihood, indios were forced into despairing economic situations. Normally leaning on

the Church during these times, the Churchs reduction in power due to the law restricted

its available charitable and educational aids to the poorindios. The lands taken from the

Church and natives were sold to the highest bidders, normally foreign and domestic large


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landholding businesses, orlatifundistas. TheLey Lerdo laid a foundation for poverty in

the indigenous communities, while big business began to become an expanding and

unstoppable force.12

A year later, the ideals of theLey Lerdo were consolidated into the Constitution

of 1857. Within the new constitution, Article 27 elucidated the privatization aims of the

Ley Lerdo. Though officials stated that the laws of theLey Lerdo and the Constitution of

1857 were meant only to control the growing Church, the effects on the indigenous

communities were easily seen.13 The native lands were valuable and with government

aims of advancing and improving the financial state of the country, all available untitledlands were funds for the government and the growth of Mexico.14

Porfiriato

Leading up to the 20th century, Porfirio Daz came to power ruling Mexico

from 1877 to 1910 when he was usurped by the Mexican Revolution.15 The days of

Dazs rule were marked by continued policies of prejudice and the repossession ofindio

lands. Daz maintained power by gaining economic security for his government through

seizure of all lands without clear ownership titles and ejido lands left to the natives in the

Ley Lerdo. Dazs regime thought of the native populations as an inferior race, and

acted on these opinions to destroy the livelihood of the natives. 16 Daz modernized

Mexico at a cost to the native populations. By the end of the Porfiriato rule, less than 10

percent of the indigenous population in all of Mexico owned land.17 In the years before

the Mexican Revolution the rule of Daz grew the economy, but only proved to make the

rich richer while the rural and working classes stayed in their failing economic states.18

Daz also pushed the concept of prejudice beyond mental constructs by fostering the


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cientficos, a group of intellectual advisors who used Social Darwinism to explain the

right to destroy and forcefully assimilate the indigenous populations. 19 The regime hoped

to create a new population in Mexico, incorporating and eliminating the Indian people

through assimilation and mestizaje mixing plans. Entering the Revolution, the destitution

created through the Porfiriato pushed the indio into a corner, where the only logical hope

lied in the revolutionaries acting against this regime.

Pre-revolution: Peonage and Opinions

The pre-revolutionary period of Porfirio Dazs rule was a time of oppression

for the native populace. At the turn of the 20th centyry, the discontent of the peoplecontinued, but President Daz remained strong on mestizaje policies. The tensions in the

country were causing problems for him, and the regime struggled to prevent a social

revolution in the campos or countryside by the indios.20 Porfirio Daz used a group of

advisors called cientficos or scientists to justify his policies, using Social Darwinian

intellectual thinking to label the indios as inferior.21 To Daz, the elimination of this

unfit group would create a stronger Mexico. At the turn of the 20th century,

modernization of the Mexican state was successful in raising the economic level of

Mexico, but at the cost of only five percent of the rural population and less than 10

percent of the entire indiopopulation owning any land.22 Although the indios were given

first priority to buy back their seized property, they were unable to do so for economic

reasons. They had to watch as the land they had lived on for generations was sold to the

highest bidder, usually large foreign and domestic agrarian businesses. All measures of

the Porfiriato regime favored modernization, maintaining order and progress,23 but at

the cost of the indio people.


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The 20th century also marked a time of explosion for the corrido. Songs about

the Porfiriato age relate the struggles of the native and other rural people under the land

reform policies of theLey Lerdo and the Constitution of 1857. Traditional corridos in this

period were normally 36 lines and written in vernacular language about an event, person,

or place of importance.24 Popular Mexican corridos such as Tiempo Amargos25or

Corrido delTreinta-Treinta26 discuss the poverty of the people and the abuse by the

elites in the Porfiriato regime.

The Corrido del treinta-treinta is a famous Zapatista corrido written by a

revolutionary about the past suffering experienced during the Porfiriato period. Thiscorrido continued to be a key song for the movement throughout the 20th century.

Corrido del treinta-treinta is a shining example, written from the peasants perspective,

about the disparity of the time and the stereotypes created during the Spanish conquest

still active in Mexico before the Revolution. These stereotypes of the inferiorindio are

clearly seen in the lyrics of this Revolutionary ballad. The Daz regimes prejudicial

policies involving land seizures left the rural people with little to survive on, forcing them

to work at an almost slave labor level under the latifundistas, or agribusinesses, that were

taking over the bulk of Mexican production. Corrido del treinta-treinta, seen fully in

Appendix A, describes the conditions of the rural workers and the poverty caused by the

land reforms, which led to rising discontent and the call for a social revolution in 1910:

1) Qu pobres estamos todos, How poor we all are,sin un pan para comer; without bread to eat;porque nuestro o pan lo gasta, because our bread is wasted,el patrn en su placer. by the master for his pleasure.

2) Mientras el tiene vestidos While he has clothesy palacios y dinero, and palaces and money,nosotros vamos desnudos we are naked


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y vivimos en chiqueros. and living in pigsties.

From the first stanza, the composer explains the poverty of the rural

populations. Lines like, qu pobres estamos todos, sin un pan para comer and

nosotros vamos desnudos y vivimos en chiqueros, relate the listener to the hunger and

poor living conditions that the local populations were subjected to in the Daz days. This

corrido illuminates how the land problems and the harsh tactics of the Porfirio Daz

government fostered the feelings that eventually led to the Revolution of 1910. Stanzas

one and two express not only despair, but also resentment that the indigenous people felt

toward the bosses and large agricultural landholders, who grew richer in the days ofmodernization as the poor rural residents worked the farms and harvested the crops for

them. Though Daz pushed for modernization the old ways that were established during

the conquest by the Spaniards left the rural populations in a system of servitude. The

populations were forced into a peonage system on agricultural haciendas for large

companies. As the lyrics note in stanza two, we sow all and we harvest it, but all the

harvest is for the heath of the masters. Through the peonage system, the indio poor

worked to produce the food on lands seized from them, for masters who only exploited

the inferior indio.

The effects of theLey Lerdo and the Constitution of 1857 are seen as the rural

farmers in the Corrido del treinta-treinta not only lose their land, but lose support from

the Church. The churches were becoming less powerful as land was stripped from their

hands. In turn, the churches were not able to provide aid to the local communities that

needed the charitable donations and educational resources. In stanza five, the rural writer

notes that the Church nos echan excomuniones...piensan que cristo era como los


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patrones. These lyrics show a sense of abandonment of the people as the Church

separates from the community, excouniones, or excommunicates from the locals to join

the bosses. Without the government or the churches to turn to, Francisco Madero stepped

forward as a reformer. He gave the indio someone to look to for help. The conditions

created under Porfirio Daz created a space for an elite, like Madero, to organize a

rebellion to overturn the regime.

5) Y luego los padrecitos, And then the little priestsnos echan excomuniones excommunicate usa poco piensan que cristo they really think that Christera como los patrones! was like the bosses!

6) Compaeros del arado Friends of the plowy los de toda herramienta, and those of all tools,no ms nos queda un camino: no more we stay the path,agarrar un treinta-treinta. seize a thirty-thirty.27

In the last stanza, stanza six, the revolutionary mindset is forming. The author

calls on his compaeros del arado, friends of the plow, to rise up and seize arms to

fight for what is theirs. Modernization in the Porfiriato age forced the rural agrarian

workers to act for survival or be eliminated by the governmental practices. Though the

rural workers were the life and blood of the nations agricultural market, they did not own

the land. Their lands were stripped and in conjunction with the cientficos practice of

eliminating the inferior Indian population, unrest in the countryside grew to the point

that Porfirio Daz could not prevent the coming revolution.28

When the election of 1910 arrived, Daz was afraid of growing anti-regime

sentiments and worried about his opponent Francisco Madero, who wished to end the

dictatorial regime rule in Mexico. Madero was a wealthy landowner who wished for the

elite to rule along side the president.29 Madero was not the champion ofindio rights, nor


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land rights of the rural farmer, but nonetheless, he called for a simple change in

governmental standards. Dazs fear of losing Mexico to the elites led him to jail Madero

before the election. The regime was re-elected in a landslide vote, but only through a

fraudulent election. Outrage from Mexican citizens, especially the elites, led to Maderos

call for an uprising against the Daz regime, which became the 10-year Mexican

Revolution of 1910.

Revolutionary Years: Indigenismo Adoption, Elite War

In 1910, at the time of Francisco Maderos call for revolution, the average

Mexican was worse off than in 1810 when Mexico began the War of Independence fromSpain.30 The frustrations of the general public were adopted by the elites under Francisco

Madero in order to spur the Revolution. Madero needed the support of the lower classes,

mainly indios and mestizos, or those of mixed European and indigenous blood. In order to

gain the trust of the rural people, Madero promised the freedom to organize along with

agrarian reforms that would redistribute land to peasants.31 The foundation of the

Revolution became this land reform, seen in the 1911Plan de Ayala. ThePlan de Ayala

stated the truth about the poor state of the landless Mexican population, due to

concentration of land and resources into the hands of the wealthy elite. 32 It also outlined

agrarian reforms that would redistribute lands of large estates (haciendas) as small,

independent, but communally unified properties (ejidos).33 The focus of the Revolution

on social change through the need for land reform gave it the slogan Tierra y Libertad,

or Land and Liberty. Though the Revolution depended heavily on the indio population

and the indigenous culture for man power and motivation, the negative views of

contemporary indios did not change.34 As a revival of pride in pre-colonial cultural


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heritage surged through the indigenismo movement, the land policies and prejudicial

practices against the indios living during the Porfirato age continued.

The indio population was the strength behind the Revolution providing guerrilla

fighters and support throughout the state. Some of the most famous Mexican figures of

the Revolution were also of indigenous descent living in the agrarian peasantry, such as

Emiliano Zapata. Many corridos were written about and around this historic

revolutionary general. Some corridos,such as Corrido de Emiliano Zapata, 35 display

pride in the indio, who became a great general during the Revolution. Others such as La

feria de Cuautla (Appendix B) describe the faith that the rural populations placed in theRevolution. The elites and Madero, with their promises of land reform and their adoption

of indigenous culture through indigenismo provided hope to the indios. Many indios

joined the Revolution during this time in order to fight for the lands promised them by

Francisco Madero. La feria de Cuautla describes the departure of Zapata and other

revolutionaries off to war, and the locals joy and hope that the Revolution would bring

real and tangible change to their lives. 36

The Revolution of 1910 led the indio population forward with anticipation of a

better life. Maderos promises of land reform, with a revolutionary win in the war, led

many rural farmers to join the cause. The corrido titled La feria de Cuautla refers to a

celebration in the town of Cuautla, Morelos, Mexico. As with many corridos the date of

the event is noted within the lines, in this case the sixth stanza tells us that the festival

took place in 1911 during Lent, historically known to be on March 10th. 37

8) Villa de Ayala los mira Villa of Ayala is watching thempredicar la insurreccin, as they preach rebellion,organizan las guerrillas: and organize guerillas.setenta hombres, lo mejor. Seventy men only the best.


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The fair that is described in the corrido is a historic event in the timeline of the

Revolution. At the onset of revolution in late 1910 and 1911, in the town of Ayala, a

municipality of Cuautla, Emiliano Zapata and his revolutionary compaeros (friends)arrived in order to recruit men to fight with the revolutionaries. In stanza eight, Zapata

predicar la insurreccin, organizan las guerrillas: setenta hombres, lo major; he

preached the rebellion, organized guerrillas, and ended up recruiting seventy men, only

the best. These men were the first guerrillas organized by the revolutionary movement.

On March 10, with the cry of Viva Madero! (Long Live Madero!), Zapata, Burgos,

and Merino38 truly initiated the war, declaring open rebellion in the last line of the

corrido, en franca revolucin. 39 The cry of independence began the 10-year

Revolution. Hope was given to the indios that land reform would result with the removal

of Daz from power and the appointment of Francisco Madero. Zapata, Burgos, and

Merino, like many indios, embraced the war as a means to rise out of the poor living

conditions of the Porfiriato days. Thegrito (yell) of Viva Madero! by the

revolutionaries placed the indio in a position of no return. It was fight, and possibly die,

or be eliminated at the hands of the prejudicial government. The Revolution brought hope

for a future of fair policies and liberal reform. The promises of the elites under Madero

seemed to offer a change in policies to lift the destitute indios out of poverty and to offer

protection of their own lands, which were slowly being stripped away by the Porfirio

Daz government.

4) Vamos a la feria, nia, Let's go to the fair, girl.olvidemos el dolor: Let's forget the sorrow,en las miserias del campo, the misery in the fields,en las aflicciones del pen. and the farmworkers' distress.


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5) Los indios, los aparceros, With alcohol the Indiansal influjo del alcohol and the hired handsolvidan por un momento can forget for a momentla injusticia del patrn. the injustice of the landlord.

Beyond the historic narrative in the corrido, one can hear the hope of the ruralpeasantry and understand why so many would join the Revolution. For a promise of a

true stake in the land of Mexico, many indigenous men fought bravely. The lyrics in

stanza four show hope for the future by leaving the past behind: Let's forget the sorrow,

the misery in the fields, and the farmworkers' distress. The celebration taking place in

Cuautla is a joyful beginning to the Revolution and a departure from the Porfiriato days.

However, the issues of landholdings and suffering under the large landholders still existed

on the day of declaring rebellion: with alcohol the Indians and the hired hands [could]

forget for a moment the injustice of the landlord. These lines in stanza five show the

despair of the indio and rural peasantry around the nation in the early 1900s, only able to

set aside their problems through libations and celebrations for the new Revolution. The

70 men were most likely among these indios, with not much to lose and everything to

gain by the Revolution. The elite promises prior to the Revolution gave the indio a

reason to fight for Tierra y Libertad. It was through volunteers, like the 70 men from

Cuautla, that strength was given to the revolt.

In 1917, in the midst of the Revolution, a new constitution was written for the

Mexican state. The new Constitution of 1917 socialized land property and supported

labor unions.40 This legislation was a liberal reform that seemed to fulfill some of the

Madero promises to the lower classes at the beginning of the war. In Article 27 of the new

Constitution, an Article that in the past stripped land from the indio peasants personal

holdings and communal ejidos, plans were set forth for agrarian reform. The new land


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reform after the Revolution appeared to promise the Tierra y Libertad, Land and

Liberty, that the indios fought for. Though this agrarian reform policy was placed into

the Constitution, the president at the time, Venustiano Carranza, who served until 1920,

did not implement it, leading the rural economy into chaos. 41

Post- Revolution: Mestizaje and Land Reform

In 1920 a liberal named lvaro Obregn completed the last successful military

coup of modern Mexico.42 Once in power, Obregn created measures such as theLey de

tierras ociosas (Law of Unused Lands) in 1920 to quickly move unused territory into

production and the economy.

43

Soon this measure was replaced with the AgrarianRegulatory Law of 1924. This legislation liberalized lands, and it redefined and expanded

the groups that were able to receive land through government grants or restitution.44 With

this expansion, the indio hoped to receive some of these land grants, and in fact would

have benefited from the new definitions of groups that the law provided. This policy,

however, was short lived, as President Obregn left office the same year. His term in

office was marked by agrarian reforms and policy changes that seemed to represent the

new government aimed for in Revolution.

Unfortunately, as was seen in the years after the Revolution ended in 1920, the

legislation reforms created and the promises made by Madero were only words. The

poverty of the indios appeared insurmountable as the political state of Mexico wavered

every few years and many conservative presidents refused to create or implement reform

policies. By the early 1930s the ambitions for substantial agrarian, labor, and political

reforms were abandoned.45 By 1933 the indiopeasantry felt that it was betrayed and

cheated by a revolutionary government which had ceased to implement the land reform


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that the peasantry had fought for in the Revolution.46 Policies of agrarian reform were not

drastically changed and stereotypes survived past the Revolution. The indio was

abandoned by the new government, leaving them in poverty, feeling betrayed by the

elites who had promised beneficial reform.

When Lzaro Crdenas was elected in 1934, reform was again the central issue,

reinvigorating the hopes of the Revolution for equality and justice.47 Though many

reforms were put into place during his presidency, Crdenas mainly saw reform as a way

to appease workers and peasants in order to remain in power. As he created reforms,

which were slow to impact the lives of the indio, he and the rest of the elites governingMexico used tactics to control the workers. Control measures, such as incentives to those

who followed the governments rules and manipulation of leadership chosen in worker

league elections, were practiced during Crdenas presidency.48

The corrido titled Llamadas was composed by Carlos Chvez as an adaptation

of the Corrido de la revolucion proletaria. 49 In the symphony of Llamadas: Sinfona

proletaria (Appendix C) Chvez altered the corrido, changing some of the lyrics and

moving the tense of the text to the future. The change to future tense allowed the corrido

to depict the environment of the 1930s as the indio worker saw it. Even with Lzaro

Crdenas reform movements, there was little change felt in the countryside. These indios

continued to struggle against their landlessness and to express themselves through

corridos.50

11) Dan la una, dan las dos The clocks strike one, they strike twoy el rico siempre pensando and the rich always thinking aboutcmo le har a su dinero how they will make their moneypara que vaya doblando. to go on doubling.

12) Dan las siete de la noche The clocks strike seven at night


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y el pobre est recostado, and the poor man is lying down,duerme un sueo muy tranquilo he dreams a very tranquil dreamporque se encuentra cansado. because he is tired.

In the corrido Llamadas stanzas 11 and 12 clearly show the despair still

experienced by the indio. The lyrics in these two stanzas discuss the inequality of wealth

and extreme poverty of those on the bottom of society. Lines, such as the rich are always

thinking about how they will make their money, to go on doubling, are similar to the

experiences of those in the days of Porfirio Daz. In stanza 12, it adds the poor man is

lying down, he dreams a very tranquil dream because he is tired. Both stanzas contain

lyrics discussing little improvement in the situation of the indios and the remedying of theinequality of Mexico. The problems of the Porfiriato period concerning land and the rich

getting richer as the poor remained trapped in their powerless states continued. After the

Revolution there had been only minimal attempts at reform and the plight of the landless

that led to the Revolution had not changed. Crdenas policies in the 1930s created a high

rate of economic growth as the economic inequality of the state increased.51

The corrido is important in its ability to show the lack of change and the

continued hope for reform that began in the Revolution. The author claims in stanza one

that when our front comes to dominate in cities, settlements and ranches there will be

justice and equality. The lyrics express a belief that liberal workers coming to power

would bring about the land reform aims of the Revolution and would create justice,

fulfilling the revolutionary cry for Tierra y Libertad. According to the lyrics, with a rise

of lower class rights, they will change the customs and ways, there will not be men

above and below, the equality will come from the work and we will have bread for all.

These lines from stanza two reflect a belief that with a change in power true reform, both


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social and agrarian, could occur. The ideals of the public, the stereotypes or customs and

ways, would change so that all would be considered equal and the indio along with the

rest of the peasant farm workers would be of equal status and a stable economic state,

bringing all out of severe poverty.

4) La tierra toda sera All the land will bepara quien vaya a explotarla, for whoever goes to exploit it,se acab toda miseria, all misery is left behind,trabajar podr todo hombre. all men will be able to work.

14) No quiere ya relumbrones He doesnt want complimentsni palabras sin sentido, nor meaningless words,quiere solo garantas he wants only guarantees

para su hogar tan querido. for his home so dear.The hope established by the Revolution continued, yet remained unfulfilled in

the 1930s. Stanza four clearly shows the hopes of the indio that reform would soon allow

all misery [to be] left behind. The promises of the Mexican elite on the outset of the

Revolution were not keep as the indio still hoped for a future where all the land [would]

be for whoever goes to exploit it. The aims of the Revolution, for Tierra y Libertad,

are expressed in Chvezs corrido, as stanzas four and 14 describe continued struggles for

Land and Liberty by the indio. Through the lyrics of the corrido one can see that old

prejudices still plagued governmental policies following the Revolution. The promises of

the elites were largely abandoned once they had gained power, leaving the indio in a poor

state similar to the period prior to the Revolution.

It is evident, through the lyrics of this and othercorridos of the time, that the

indio worker of the 1930s had the same desires as the pre-Revolutionary indio. The

promises of the elites during the Revolution were hollow and meaningless as reforms

were abandoned in the 1930s.52 The lyrics in stanza 14 note these false promises, stating


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that he [the indio] doesnt want compliments nor meaningless words. The

compliments surrounding the phenomena ofindigenismo were widespread, but useless

for the modern indio. As the general public of Mexico boasted pride in indigenous culture

through the indigenismo movement, it focused on the pre-conquest cultures of the Maya

and Aztec. While the government celebrated ancient indio culture, it simultaneously

enacted oppressive policies against the contemporary indio. The government policies of

land stripping before the Revolution left the indios in a poverty stricken state, driving

them to join the Revolution. One can see in the lines of stanza 14 that the indios simple

needs were still not met 10 years after the Revolution, as the [indio]wants onlyguarantees for his home so dear. These hopes were still not realized, continuing to only

be hopes in the years after the Revolution.

President Lzaro Crdenas, when elected in 1934, a full 14 years after the

Revolution, made the greatest actualized attempts at land reforms of all prior presidents.

During his time in office from 1934 to 1940 he gave 44 million acres of landholdings,

mainly ejido lands, in individual and communal forms.53 Though these changes seemed to

finally bring the reforms that the Revolution called for, the Crdenas government made

these changes as a means of appeasing the workers. At the same time, Crdenas used

practices to control workers organizations and indio representation, such as manipulation

of workers leadership representation.54 Crdenas economic platforms created a high rate

of economic growth but, just as in the Daz period, increased the economic inequality of

Mexico.55

Though there was economic growth in Mexico, the economic level of the

individual indio was not affected. The average workers living standards did not increase


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in the period following the Revolution and real wages declined sharply. The wealthy elite

choosing to invest abroad in conjunction with the governments nationalization of

industries, such as oil and petroleum, created economic crises in Mexico.56 Beyond

economic problems, the results of Crdenas reforms were millions of acres of lands being

distributed inefficiently. In 1940, 60 percent of Mexicos agrarian population did not have

enough land, some of them had no land at all.57 Out of these land and worker struggles

thePartido Revolucionario Instituational(PRI), a political party operating on socialist

policies of worker power, began its reign of the Mexican government.58

The experiences of the public in the beginning of the 20th century created theenvironment for the growth of the PRI. The period before the Revolution was marked by

policies of oppression and land seizures that left the Mexican indio in poverty. The

Revolution of 1910 brought a hope for change due to the promise of agrarian and social

reform made by the elites under Francisco Madero. Following the Revolution, these

promises were not fulfilled. As the Llamadas: Sinfona proletaria shows, the 1930s

indio workers still struggled as the rich got richer and they remained poor. The indios of

the Revolution were not given the lands promised them, and the few attempts with the

Crdenas mid-1930s reforms were flawed. The economic drives of Mexico on the

international market brought an increase in the inequality among the classes in Mexico,

leaving a gap in political representation for the PRI to fill as the party of the workers.

Conclusion

Corridos are a musical form of narrative that has existed in Mexico for centuries,

flourishing in periods of struggle. In the 20th century, these corridos represented the

struggles of the indio population before the Revolution due to land seizures under


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Porfirio Daz. During the Revolution, there was an element of hope in most corridos as

the Revolution promised to bring reform. After the Revolution these corridos reflected

the historic reality that change had not occurred. The elites of the Revolution made

hollow promises to the indio only to abandon most land reform policies by the 1930s.

Even in periods such as the presidency of Lzaro Crdenas the reforms that were created

and initiated were inefficient. Corridos of the time reflect indio feelings of betrayal and

abandonment at seeing a continuation of the wealthy gaining wealth and power from the

Porfiriato days, as the indios remained landless. Before the Revolution of 1910, 95

percent of the rural population and more than 90 percent of the indio population did notown any land. After the Revolution, in 1940, 60 percent of the agrarian population of

Mexico still did not own sufficient amounts of land, some owning no land at all.

The class struggles and inequalities created during the Porfirio Daz period

continued after the Revolution of 1910 and into modern day Mexico. The Zapatista

movement for land reform is a modern revolution ofindio people searching for land and

fair practices in Mexico.59 Within areas such as Chiapas, a state in southern Mexico, the

disparity between the elites and the indios is evident. Chiapas demographically is home to

the highest percentage ofindios in all of Mexico and has the richest abundance of natural

resources in all of Mexico, but is also the poorest state economically in all of Mexico.60

Just as the corrido has survived since the Revolution, so have the injustices and

prejudices that the people were fighting against during the Revolution of 1910.


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Endnotes

1 During the Daz regime from 1876 to 1911, indios were kept in a servile, obedient stateso that others might accomplish the economic development of Mexico. The motto ofthe time was order and progress, allowing for advancement of Mexico at the cost ofthe indigenous poor. Daz dreamed of a mixed ormestizopopulation and so, createdschools to educate the Indians. In these few schools there was low enrollment andneglect by the government. T.G. Powell, Mexican Intellectuals and the Indian Question,

1876-1911, 48(1), 19-26.2 Kevin TerracianoHistory 157B: Indians of Colonial Mexico.[http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/071/hist157b-1/], Mexican Revolution 4a section.

3Amber Waseen, Carlso Chvez and the Corrido, 20.4 Waseen, Carlso Chvez and the Corrido, 21.5 Corridos about the Mexican Revolution, [http://artsedge.kennedy-

center.org/content/3738/], What is a Corrido? section.6Waseen, Carlos Chvez and the Corrido,18.
http://artsedge.kennedy-center.org/content/3738/http://artsedge.kennedy-center.org/content/3738/http://artsedge.kennedy-center.org/content/3738/http://artsedge.kennedy-center.org/content/3738/


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7 Diseases wiped out large numbers of indios. In 1600 the population of Mexico was 92%Indio and 3% Spaniard. In 1750, a century and a half later, indios were 65% of thepopulation while 15% was Spanish. Terraciano, Late Colonial, 19th c. Changes, 1a.

8 At the end Spanish rule with the war for Mexican independence in 1810 native peoplemade up 60% of the population and Spaniards were only 15% of the state. Terraciano.,

Late Colonial, 19th

c. Changes, 1a.9 Luis Pazos. Time Line Overview, from[http://www.mexconnect.com/mex_/history.html], The Porfiriato section.

10 Greg Clements,Ley Lerdo,[http://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections/php?artid=545&op=viewarticle], 1.

11 Terraciano, Late Colonial, 19th c. Changes section 5a.12 Clements,Ley Lerdo, 6.13 Terraciano, Late Colonial, 19th c. Changes section 5a.14 Powell, Mexican Intellectuals and the Indian Question, 1876-1911, 22.15 Pazos, Time Line Overview, The Porfiriato section 2.16 Powell, Mexican Intellectuals and the Indian Question, 1876-1911, 22.17

Terraciano, Late Colonial, 19

th

c. changes section 6d.18 Waseen, Carlso Chvez and the Corrido, 5.19 Terraciano, Late Colonial, 19th c. changes section 6c.20 Donald Stevens, Agrarian Policy and Instability in Porfirian Mexico, 39(2), 162.21 Terraciano, Late Colonial, 19th c. changes section 6c.22 Terraciano, Late Colonial, 19th c. changes section 6d.23 The goals of the Porfiriato period were summed up in the goals of order and

progress. This motto shows the focus on modernization and the strong stance of thedictatorial regime in order to maintain power over dissenters. Though the regimefocused on order and progress, the time was marked by disorder and povertythroughout the state. Terraciano, Late Colonial, 19th c. changes section 6a.

24Corridos about the Mexican Revolution., What is a Corrido? section.25 To see lyrics in Spanish and English for this corrido visit Corridos about the Mexican

Revolution. Nov 17 2007, from [http://artsedge.kennedy-center.org/content/3738/],Tiempos Amargos section

26Carlos Hernndez.El Corrido Histrico mexicano como auxiliary didactico en laensenanza de la historia y como auxiliary en el fortalecimiento de la identidad

nacional. Escuela Secundaria Diurna No. 106, 24-25.27 The line that states seize a treinta-treinta discusses the raising of arms. Treinta-

treinta refers to lever action rifles of all types. David Walker. It is Mostly History,Now: Military Aspects of the Maderista Insurgency in Cuencam, Durango, Mexico,1910-1911. Michigan State University, [http://www.msu.edu/user/walkerd/Military-Aspects3.htm#N_39_], History that I Write-The Durango Project section.

28 Terraciano, Late Colonial, 19th c. changes, section 6c.29Waseen, Carlso Chvez and the Corrido, 5.30 Michael Ratliff, 20th Century Mexico,.

[http://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections.php?op=viewarticle&artid=137], 2.31 Waseen, Carlso Chvez and the Corrido, 5.
http://www.mexconnect.com/mex_/history.htmlhttp://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections/php?artid=545&op=viewarticlehttp://artsedge.kennedy-center.org/content/3738/http://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections.php?op=viewarticle&artid=137http://www.mexconnect.com/mex_/history.htmlhttp://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections/php?artid=545&op=viewarticlehttp://artsedge.kennedy-center.org/content/3738/http://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections.php?op=viewarticle&artid=137


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321911, The Plan de Ayala.[http://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections/php?op=viewarticle&artid=127],section 7.

33 Waseen, Carlso Chvez and the Corrido, 7.34 Terraciano, Mexican Revolution section 4a.35

Waseen, Carlso Chvez and the Corrido, 6736 Smithsonian Institution Traveling Exhibition: Corridos sin Frontera. Nov 17, 2007.from [http://www.corridos.org/], 1880-1920: Bandits and Revolutionaries section.

37Antonio Hernndez. Emiliano Zapata 1909-1919, from[http://www.bibliotecas.tv/zapata/zapatistas/torresburgos.html],Los Compaeros deEmiliano Zapata Pablo Torres Burgos section.

38 Pablo Torres Burgos was a revolutionary who fought alongside Zapata. He was fromVilla de Ayala. Burgos brought the message from Francisco Madero, who was hiding inSan Antonio, Texas, to begin recruiting troops for the rebellion in 1911. Rafael Merinowas born in Villa de Ayala in Morelos, Mexico as well. Both men began the Revolutionin Cuautla and died in 1911 fighting for their land and liberty. Antonio Hernndez.,Los

Compaeros de Emiliano Zapata, Pablo Torres Burgos and Rafael Merino sections.39 Antonio Hernndez..,Los Compaeros de Emiliano Zapata section.40 Ratliff, 20th Century Mexico, 8.41 Howard Cline, Mexico: A Matured Latin-American Revolution, 1910-1960, 334.42 Cline, Mexico: A Matured Latin-American Revolution, 1910-1960,86.43 Linda Hall, Alvaro Obregn and the Politics of Mexican Land Reform, 1920-1924,

60(2), 215.44 Hall., Alvaro Obregn and the Politics of Mexican Land Reform, 1920-1924,217.45 Charles Weston Jr., The Political Legacy of Lzaro Cardenas, 39(3), 384.46 Michaels, The Crisis of Cardenismo, 59.47 Waseen, Carlso Chvez and the Corrido, 73.48 Weston, The Political Legacy of Lzaro Cardenas, 401.49 Carlos Chavezs career grew in 1921 when he adopted Indianist styles to his music and

used corrido characteristics in the symphonies he composed. The Llamadas isconsidered popular Mexican style, but Chavez tried to instill a folk-life character intothe work. In the Llamadas symphony he included classical European forms, butmaintained a Mexican character in part due to the agrarian theme that was of highimportance in the 1930s when Chavez wrote this symphony. Waseen, 14-22.

50 Waseen, Carlso Chvez and the Corrido, 70-72.51 Weston, The Political Legacy of Lzaro Cardenas, 402.52 Weston, The Political Legacy of Lzaro Cardenas, 384.53 Terraciano, Mexican Revolution, 3c.54 Weston, The Political Legacy of Lzaro Cardenas, 401.55 Michaels, The Crisis of Cardenismo, 402.56 Michaels, The Crisis of Cardenismo, 53.57 Michaels, The Crisis of Cardenismo, 60.58Partido Revolucionario Institucional(PRI) or the Institutional Revolutionary Party was

established in 1929, changing to its modern name in 1946. The PRI operates on aplatform of socioeconomic policies. It has been accused of many acts of electoral fraudand corruption in order to maintain power. Candidates of the PRI have held the
http://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections/php?op=viewarticle&artid=127http://www.corridos.org/http://www.bibliotecas.tv/zapata/zapatistas/torresburgos.htmlhttp://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections/php?op=viewarticle&artid=127http://www.corridos.org/http://www.bibliotecas.tv/zapata/zapatistas/torresburgos.html


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Mexican presidency since 1928, only recently in 2000 losing power with the election ofVicente Fox of the National Action Party (PAN). High Beam Encyclopedia. 2007. HighBeam Research, Inc. Dec 08 2007 [http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1E1-InsRPMex.html].

59 The Zapatista movement began on January 1, 1994 with the start of the North American

Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The NAFTA agreement treated ejido lands likeprivate property and end redistribution programs.Indios feared that the internationalfocus of NAFTA would move the nation away from agrarian programs towardinfrastructural reforms, which it did. The indios in this movement took up arms andseized eight towns in the state of Chiapas in order to demand more political,educational, and social reforms. Terraciano, The Zapatistas section 6a.

60 After the Revolution, change occurred slowly in Chiapas so that today nearly 40% ofthe residents receive less than the daily minimum wage of five dollars and live belowthe national average standard of living. The leading cause of death is poverty-relateddiseases such as tuberculosis and malaria. Chiapas also holds many natural resourcesincluding, 54% of Mexicos hydroelectricity, 13% of its gas, 4% of its oil, and 13% of

the nations corn. Terraciano, The Zapatistas section 2 a-e.

Appendix A

Corrido del treinta-treintaComposed by Gutirrez Cruz

Translation by Author

1) Qu pobres estamos todos,sin un pan para comer;porque nuestro o pan lo gasta,el patrn en su placer.

2) Mientras el tiene vestidosy palacios y dinero,nosotros vamos desnudosy vivimos en chiqueros.

3) Nosotros sembramos todoy todo lo cosechamos,pero toda la cosechaes para bien de los amos.

4) Nosotros sufrimos todo;la explotacin y la guerray as nos llaman ladrones


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porque pedimos la tierra!

5) Y luego los padrecitos,nos echan excomunionesa poco piensan que cristo

era como los patrones!6) Compaeros del arado

y los de toda herramienta,no ms nos queda un camino:agarrar un treinta-treinta.

How poor we all are,without bread to eat;because our bread is wasted,by the master for his pleasure.

While he has clothesand palaces and money,we are nakedand living in pigsties.

We sow alland we harvest it,but all the harvestis for the health of the masters.

We suffer all;exploitation and warand in this way they call us thievesbecause we ask for the land!

And then the little priestsexcommunicate usthey really think that Christwas like the bosses!

Friends of the plowand those of all tools,no more we stay the path,seize a thirty-thirty.

Source: Hernndez. C.El Corrido Histrico mexicano como auxiliary didactico en laensenanza de la historia y como auxiliary en el fortalecimiento de la identidad nacional.Escuela Secundaria Diurna No. 106, 24-25.

Appendix B

La feria de CuautlaInterpreted by Flix TrejoPerformed by Flix Trejo

1) Vamos para la feria,una franca animacin!Echan volar las campanasen la blanca poblacin.

Let's go to the fair,a joyful occasion,the bells toll overthe white-washed town!

2) Vamos a la feria a Cuautla!Zapata se adelant,entr a la feria meneandosupingo galopador.

Let's go the fair in Cuautla!Zapata went ahead of the others.


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He rode into the fair struttingon his galloping steed.

3) Torres, Burgos y Merinoestn ya en la poblacin

y los tres han prometidohacer la revolucin.

Torres Burgos and Merinoare already in town.

The three have pledgedto start the revolution.

4) Vamos a la feria, nia,olvidemos el dolor:en las miserias del campo,en las aflicciones del pen.

Let's go to the fair, girl.Let's forget the sorrow,the misery in the fields,and the farmworkers' distress.

5) Los indios, los aparceros,

al influjo del alcohololvidan por un momentola injusticia del patrn.

With alcohol the Indians

and the hired handscan forget for a momentthe injustice of the landlord.

6) Era en novecientos once,en Cuaresma del Seor,era en el segundo viernesque el calendario marc.

It was in 1911,during the Lord's Lent,it was the second Friday,as marked by the calendar.

7) Cuando la feria de Cuautlaya casi se termin,Burgos, Zapata y Merinopondrn a prueba el valor.

When the fair in Cuautlawas about to end,Burgos, Zapata, and Merinowould test their courage.

8) Villa de Ayala los mirapredicar la insurreccin,organizan las guerrillas:setenta hombres, lo mejor.

Villa of Ayala is watching themas they preach rebellion,and organize guerillas.Seventy men only the best.

9) En Cuautla la feria muere,la guitarra enmudece,en el palenque se truncala voz del anunciador.

In Cuautla the fair ends,the guitar stops playing.In the arena the voiceof the announcer breaks off.


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10) A Quilamula ser,buscando liberacin,Burgos, Zapata y Merinoen franca revolucin.

They will now go to Quilamulain search of liberation.Burgos, Zapata, and Merinoare now in open rebellion.

Source: Smithsonian Institution Traveling Exhibition: Corridos sin Frontera. Nov 17,2007. from [http://www.corridos.org/], 1880-1920: Bandits and Revolutionariessection.

Appendix C

Llamadas: Sinfona proletaria

Composed by Carlos ChvezTranslated by Amber Waseen

1) As sera la Revolucin Proletaria. The Proletarian Revolution will be like this.campesinos, soldados, obreros, peasants, soldiers, workers,cuando nuestro frente llegue a dominar when our front comes to dominateen ciudades poblados y ranchos in cities, settlements and rancheshabr la justicia e igualdad. there will be justice and equality.
http://www.corridos.org/http://www.corridos.org/


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2) Cambiarn las costumbres y modos, They will change the customs and ways,no habr hombres de arriba y de abajo, there will not be men above and below,la igualdad provendr del trabajo the equality will come from the worky tendremos el pan para todos. and we will have bread for all.

3) Y los proletarios cumplir sus planes And the people will carry out their planssin que nadie en la lucha se raje without anyone in the fight backing out,y diremos a los holgazanes: and we will say to the good-for-nothings:-El que quiera comer, que trabaje.- -He who wishes to eat must work.-

4) La tierra toda sera All the land will bepara quien vaya a explotarla, for whoever goes to exploit it,se acab toda miseria, all misery is left behind,trabajar podr todo hombre. all men will be able to work.

5) Las industrias y grandes empresas The industries and large companiesdirigidas sern por obreros, will be managed by workers,manejadas en cooperativas, managers in cooperatives,sin patrones sobre sus cabezas. Without bosses over their heads.

6) Todos un mismo partido All is a unified partyy nadie con quien pelear. and there are none with whom to fight.Compaeros, no habr guerras, Companions, there will be no wars,vmonos a trabajar. let us go to work.

7) Quin no se siente dichoso Who does not feel happycuando comienza a llover! when it starts to rain!Es seal muy evidente It is a very evident signque tendremos qu comer. that we will have enough to eat.

8) Si los campos reverdecen If the fields become green againcon la ayuda del tractor, with the help of the tractor,es el premio del trabajo it is the reward of the work que nos da nuestro sudor. that gives us our sweat.

9) El oro, no vale nada The gold, it is worth nothingsi no hay alimentacin: if there isnt food:es la cuerda del reloj it is the passing of time on the clock de nuestra generacin. of our generation.


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10) Quisiera ser hombre sabio I would like to be a learned mande muchas sabiduras; of much knowledge;pero ms quiero tener but more I want to have

qu comer todos los das. enough to eat every day.

11) Dan la una, dan las dos The clocks strike one, they strike twoy el rico siempre pensando and the rich always thinking aboutcmo le har a su dinero how they will make their moneypara que vaya doblando. to go on doubling.

12) Dan las siete de la noche The clocks strike seven at nighty el pobre est recostado, and the poor man is lying down,

duerme un sueo muy tranquilo he dreams a very tranquil dreamporque se encuentra cansado. because he is tired.

13) Dichoso el rbol que d [sic] Happy is the tree that givesfrutos, pero muy maduros! fruit, but very mature!S seores, vale ms Yes gentlemen, it is worth moreque todos los pesos duros. than all the hard-earned pesos.

14) No quiere ya relumbrones He doesnt want complimentsni palabras sin sentido, nor meaningless words,quiere solo garantas he wants only guaranteespara su hogar tan querido. for his home so dear.

15) Es el major bienestar It is the ultimate well-beingque el mexicano desea: that Mexicans desireque lo dejen trabajar, that they would leave it to work,para que feliz se vea. to find happiness.

Source: Waseen, A. (2005). Carlso Chvez and the Corrido. Graduate College of BowlingGreen State University, 70-72.

References


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(2003). 1911, The Plan de Ayala.November 05, 2007.[http://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections/php?op=viewarticle&artid=127].

Clements, G. (2003).Ley LerdoNovember 05, 2007.[http://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections/php?artid=545&op=viewarticle].

Cline, H. (1961) Mexico: A Matured Latin-American Revolution, 1910-1960.Annals ofthe American Academy of Political and Social Science, 334, 84-94.

Corridos about the Mexican Revolution. Nov 17 2007, from [http://artsedge.kennedy-center.org/content/3738/].

Hall, L. (1980) Alvaro Obregn and the Politics of Mexican Land Reform, 1920-1924.The Hispanic American Historical Review, 60(2), 213-238.

Hernndez, A. Emiliano Zapata 1909-1919. Nov 17, 2007, from

[http://www.bibliotecas.tv/zapata/zapatistas/torresburgos.html].Hernndez. C.El Corrido Histrico mexicano como auxiliary didactico en la ensenanza

de la historia y como auxiliary en el fortalecimiento de la identidad nacional.Escuela Secundaria Diurna No. 106, 1-56.

High Beam Encyclopedia. 2007. High Beam Research, Inc. Dec 08 2007[http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1E1-InsRPMex.html].

Michaels, A. (1970) The Crisis of Cardenismo.Journal of Latin American Studies, 2(1),51-79.

Pazos, L. Time Line Overview. Nov 17, 2007, from[http://www.mexconnect.com/mex_/history.html].

Powell, T.G. (1968) Mexican Intellectuals and the Indian Question, 1876-1911. TheHispanic American Historical Review, 48(1), 19-36.

Ratliff, M. (2003) 20th Century Mexico. October 06, 2007.[http://www.historicaltextarchive.com/sections.php?op=viewarticle&artid=137].

Smithsonian Institution Traveling Exhibition: Corridos sin Frontera. Nov 17, 2007. from[http://www.corridos.org/ ].

Stevens, D. (1982) Agrarian Policy and Instability in Porfirian Mexico. The Americas,39(2), 153-166.

Terraciano, K. (2007).History 157B: Indians of Colonial Mexico. October 20, 2007.[http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/071/hist157b-1/].
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