Micronesia Voces. La Cultura y Los Conflictos Escolares

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Micronesian voices: culture and school conflictKatherine T. Ratliffea

a Department of Educational Psychology, University of Hawai'i at Manoa, USA

First published on: 21 December 2010

To cite this Article Ratliffe, Katherine T.(2011) 'Micronesian voices: culture and school conflict', Race Ethnicity andEducation, 14: 2, 233 — 252, First published on: 21 December 2010 (iFirst)To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/13613324.2010.519971URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2010.519971

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Race Ethnicity and EducationVol. 14, No. 2, March 2011, 233–252

ISSN 1361-3324 print/ISSN 1470-109X online© 2011 Taylor & FrancisDOI: 10.1080/13613324.2010.519971http://www.informaworld.com

Micronesian voices: culture and school conflict

Katherine T. Ratliffe*

Department of Educational Psychology, University of Hawai‘i at Manoa, USATaylor and FrancisCREE_A_519971.sgm10.1080/13613324.2010.519971Race Ethnicity and Education1361-3324 (print)/1470-109X (online)Original Article2010Taylor & Francis0000000002010Dr. [email protected]

Due to political agreements between Micronesian nations and the US government,greater numbers of people are migrating from these ‘small islands’ in the westernPacific to the United States. I interviewed 26 Micronesian adults to explore theirchildhood experiences in island schools and their perceptions about education forimmigrant families and children. I also explored issues related to cultural conflictin American schools, and identified strategies to support children and familiesmigrating from Micronesia. Greater understanding of the sociocultural context ofMicronesians may help school-related personnel to better assist the growingnumber of children and families migrating from these Pacific Islands tosuccessfully navigate American schools.

Keywords: Micronesia; education; immigration; culture; historical context;school conflict

This study focused on the educational challenges of immigrant families from Micro-nesia, an area of Oceania in the Pacific with a unique relationship with the UnitedStates. Specifically, the paper addresses those from Micronesian countries withCompacts of Free Association with the United States. Also known as Freely Associ-ated States (FAS), these countries include the Republic of Palau, the Federated Statesof Micronesia (FSM) and the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI). This immigrantgroup, although small, is well established in Hawai‘i, California, Arkansas, Texas, andother states, and is growing steadily (Graham 2008; Hess, Nero, and Burton 2001;Republic of the Marshall Islands 2002).

Micronesians pose interesting challenges for educators that are rooted in theirgeographic contexts and history of colonialization, and confounded by their multiplelanguages and cultures. Many insights related to Micronesian families can be gener-alized to other immigrant groups because of common experiences related to poverty,language differences, low educational foundations, traditional gender roles andminority status (Bressler 1996; Hernandez, Denton, and Macartney 2007). However,immigrant groups are not all alike, and it is the differences that create the richness ofour diverse American society.

Immigrants and education

Cultural differences have the potential to cause conflict in school when immi-grants are viewed as having educational deficits and are seen as an educationalproblem (Gibson and Rojas 2006). Although, as Gibson and Rojas point out,

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potential exists for school personnel to work together to create inclusive communi-ties allowing for ‘expanded forms of belonging and citizenship’ (70), barrierscontinue to exist and immigrant groups continue to be marginalized. Individualimmigrant cultural perspectives need to be understood by school personnel in orderto foster healthy relationships between families and educators and form inclusiveschool communities.

Divides between home and school for immigrant children

Beliefs and practices about education may differ in disparate cultures because of vary-ing needs, opportunities, and life priorities. Although people may immigrate to theUnited States in order to access improved education, conflict between their participa-tion and the expectations of school personnel can affect families’ experiences ofschool (Henderson and Mapp 2002; Suarez-Orozco, Suarez-Orozco, and Todorova2008). Misperceptions by educators can lead to biased views, discrimination, or poorquality of communication. For example, in one study, even after taking classesdesigned to foster multicultural perspectives, teachers generally perceived that ethnicminorities did not value education (DeCastro-Ambrosetti 2005). Other studies foundthat teachers perceived minority parents as not interested in their children’s education(Goodwin and King 2002; Joshi, Eberly, and Konzal 2005). In contrast, researcherswho have interviewed them found that parents do value education for their children(Dauber and Epstein 1989; Epstein 2001).

Parent participation in school

The relationship among factors such as immigration, acculturation and education iscomplex. In 2000, immigrants made up almost 12% of the US population, and at least20% of children in school were from immigrant families (Aldous 2006; Perreira,Chapman, and Stein 2006). Young immigrants compose the fastest growing segmentof American youth (Suarez-Orozco, Suarez-Orozco, and Todorova 2008). For manyimmigrant populations, family obligations are paramount, and these obligations mayaffect parents’ priorities relating to supporting their children in school (Phinney et al.2006; Ratliffe 2008). This is especially important in newer immigrant groups likeMicronesians.

Researchers have found that family values change more toward those of the hostcountry in subsequent generations of immigrant families (Phinney, Ong, and Madden2000), while the adult generation of new immigrants tends to hold closely to homecultural values (Phinney et al. 2006). If parents did not engage with their children’sschools in their home country, they are not likely to easily change this behavior intheir new country.

Parents who come from cultures where education is considered to be the responsi-bility of teachers may find themselves in unfamiliar roles when they immigrate to theUnited States (García Coll et al. 2002). In addition to coping with prejudice related topoverty and minority status, many low-income immigrant parents and guardians musttry to fulfill the new roles expected of them in the school. Low levels of education,inadequate English language skills, and lack of knowledge of the expectations andculture of the school can further impede parent participation in their children’s educa-tion (Chrispeels and Gonzales 2004; García Coll et al. 2002; Joshi, Eberly, and Konzal2005).


Race Ethnicity and Education 235

Conflicts between families and schools

Conflicts between families and teachers often arise due to misunderstandings ofothers’ perspectives. In the culture of the American school, parents are expected toapproach the school with concerns about their children’s education. Teachers tend tonegatively judge parents who do not conform to their ideal of engaged parents. Ifparents do not come to school, teachers think they do not care about their children. Ifparents do not learn English, teachers think they do not support their children’seducation (Suarez-Orozco, Suarez-Orozco, and Todorova 2008).

Yet, schools frequently do not offer information to parents in their own languages,or provide interpreters for parents at school meetings. Harry (2008), in a review ofexisting studies, found that barriers to collaboration between schools and families ofculturally and linguistically diverse children with disabilities occurred most oftenbecause of a deficit view of these families, cross-cultural misunderstandings, differentperspectives on goal setting for their children, and culturally based differences in theroles of parents.

A cultural divide may also affect children in school. The American school isrooted in the culture of the middle class and embodies ‘best practices’ in a universalpedagogy that is supposed to fit everyone (Bailey and Pransky 2007). However, thediversity of American schools is increasing, and children who are culturally andlinguistically diverse require that schools fit their needs too. Recognizing homeknowledge and skills and connecting these to school experiences can create motiva-tion and promote learning for teachers and students (Gonzales, Moll, and Amanti1995). This issue not only affects pedagogy, but also relationships among stakehold-ers such as teachers, administrators, and family members. The following sectionwill address the specific case of Micronesia, its people, and its history related toeducation.

Education in colonial and post-colonial Micronesia

Micronesia is a vast area of ocean dotted by small islands and atolls across an arealarger than the United States, and consisting of a land mass that, when coalesced, issmaller than the state of Rhode Island. The islands have been passed from one impe-rial power to the next over the past 400 years, including Spain, Germany, Japan, andmost recently, the United States. Early missionaries converted the islanders toChristianity and started missionary schools that persist today as the only privateschools in the islands. Public schooling began under the Japanese administration afterWorld War I, but was primarily aimed at acculturating Micronesians to the Japaneselanguage and way of life (Hezel 1995).

Under United States control

Although Americans took control of the islands under the Trust Territories of theUnited Nations after World War II, funding for education was practically nonexistentunder the ‘slow growth’ policies. It was not until the early 1960s that Kennedy doubledthe administrative budget and opened up the islands to business and tourist travel inan attempt to provide more resources for the islands. He appropriated money toupgrade education and cinderblock schools were built to replace the existing tin andthatch buildings (Hezel 1995). American teachers and Peace Corps volunteers were


236 K.T. Ratliffe

recruited to work alongside local teachers. The new schools, the centralized pay andrelatively high salaries for local teachers gave education a prominence it had not hadbefore. Teachers and other school employees were now the highest paid workers inthe villages. By the end of the 1960s, ‘education had become the biggest industry inMicronesia’ (Hezel 1995, 315). Teachers were still woefully underprepared, especiallyat the village level, but they were held in high esteem.

Independence for Pacific Island nations

In 1986 the first Compacts of Free Association (COFA) with the United States wereapproved by the FSM and RMI, with Palau following a few years later. FSM, RMI,and Palau were redefined as Freely Associated States (FAS), meaning that they wereindependent nations allowing US military access in exchange for financial and othersupport. In addition to continuing free ingress and egress to the United States foreducational purposes, the COFA specifically permitted immigrants to live and workin the United States, thus opening opportunities for employment and education to FAScitizens (United States Government and Federated States of Micronesia 2003). Therenewal of the COFA in 2003 continued to allow employment and education for FASimmigrants, however it decreased financial support to FAS countries over the 20 yearsof the compact.

Micronesian immigration

In the three Freely Associated States, at least 12 distinct languages plus many regionaldialects are spoken. For example, the FSM consists of four island states, Kosrae,Pohnpei, Chuuk, and Yap, each including many islands and atolls. Some states haveas many as three local languages as well as regional dialects. In addition to locallanguages, English is the language of education, government and commerce in all enti-ties, and many old timers speak and understand Japanese, a remnant of the Japaneseoccupation prior to World War II.

The population of the three countries totals approximately 193,000 people. Palauhas a population of approximately 21,000, the Federated States of Micronesia approx-imately 107,000, and the Republic of the Marshall Islands 60,000 (Central Intelli-gence Agency 2010). People live in the town centers of commerce and shipping onthe main islands of each group, in rural areas, and on outer islands that are only acces-sible by ship. Cultures and languages vary between main islands and outer islands,between island groups, and between countries. It is estimated that an additional onethird of the population, more than 60,000 people, lives outside of Micronesia (Hezel2006).

Graham (2008) predicts that Micronesian migration, with current levels of approx-imately 1.3 and 2% of the population in FSM and RMI emigrating each year, will staysteady over the immediate future. At this level, approximately 2400 people willcontinue to depart each year, usually for Guam, Hawai‘i, or continental US.

Push and pull factors

In his 2008 presentation on the Determinants and Dynamics of Micronesian Emigra-tion, Graham summarized the factors pushing emigrants as ‘hardship, unemployment,low wages, limited education and health services, general lack of security, and



boredom’ (2008, 48). The current downturn in the global economy and concurrentincreases in costs for fuel and other necessities is felt more keenly in developing coun-tries, like those in Micronesia where people live more closely to their means (WorldBank Group 2009). Tightening of financial grants from the United States, increasingcosts for fuel and food, and a poor outlook for future improvements in the Micronesianeconomies are some of the reasons that have propelled people to leave home and findbetter circumstances for their families (Graham 2008).

The Republic of the Marshall Islands involuntarily provided testing grounds foratomic and nuclear bombs on Bikini and Enewetak atolls from the mid-1940s to thelate 1950s leading to unique US responsibilities to the population affected. Althoughpeople were moved off the islands that were bombed, fallout from the tests blew overother populated islands. Young and old continue to suffer very high rates of thyroiddisorders and cancer as a result of exposure to radiation. Over 83 million dollars inhealth claims from almost 2000 affected people resulting from radiation exposure, andmillions more in property claims have been paid by the United States (Republic of theMarshall Islands n.d.). Having lost their ancestral land, this group illustrates another‘push’ factor, involuntary immigration.

Factors within the United States also entice Micronesians to migrate. Graham(2008) identified ‘plentiful jobs, better wages, education opportunities, healthservices, growing pool of friends and relatives, prospects of improved living stan-dards, economic security, citizenship, and more US and other employers directlyhiring from Micronesia’ (48) as factors pulling Micronesians away from their islands.Other authors have identified the three primary reasons for Micronesian emigration asemployment leading to greater economic opportunities, improved health care, andbetter education for themselves and their children (Heine 2002; Hezel 2006; Ratliffe2010).

Immigrant life in the United States

Of the 60,000 people from RMI, FSM, and Palau estimated to live in the United Statesin 2006, approximately 20,000 were in Hawai‘i, and 6000 to 8000 Marshallese werein Springdale, Arkansas (A New Island 2006; Chutaro 2007; Hezel 2006; Vorsino2007). Other groups from a few hundred to several thousand people have settled instates such as Iowa, Missouri, Oregon, Florida, Texas, and California (Hezel 2006).Attributes such as poverty, low-income jobs and many cultural practices are similaracross groups, however they have a rich diversity of language and specific manifesta-tions of cultural practices. For example, the Pohnpeian sakau ceremony, Yapese stickdancing, and the wood carving of the Kapingamarangi, are all examples of diversecultural practices.

New immigrant families from Micronesia tend to work in unskilled jobs, live incrowded conditions, and work for low wages (Pobusky et al. 2005; Republic of theMarshall Islands Embassy 2002; US Census Bureau 2008). They face many of thesame barriers as other immigrant groups including language, culture, health,economic, and educational disparities (Hernandez, Denton, and Macartney 2007).

Uniqueness of Micronesian immigrants

Micronesian populations in the United States are unique in several ways. Because theCompacts of Free Association with the US government allowing travel, employment


238 K.T. Ratliffe

and education were initiated in the mid-1980s, most immigrants are the first genera-tion to live in the United States. Micronesian immigrant populations are expandingquickly due to easy access to the United States and the ability to work legally. Thedistinctive cultures and ways of life that characterize these groups of people are bornfrom an island-based subsistence lifestyle.

Purpose of study

The purpose of this study was to explore the social and historical contexts of educationfor immigrant Micronesian children and their effects on children’s acculturation to USschools. This study contributes to the literature in several ways; it (a) explores theeffects of the history of colonialism on Micronesian immigrants, (b) reports on issuesrelated to the diversity of Micronesian cultures and children’s educational experi-ences, (c) discusses implications for children immigrating from these remote areas,and (d) presents specific suggestions for educators working with Micronesian childrenand their families.

Method

Participants

As part of a larger study on the culture and immigration of Micronesians, I interviewed26 adults from FSM, RMI, and Palau about their experiences and beliefs aroundeducation. Participants were from a sample of convenience, and were identified prima-rily through personal contacts, mutual friends and acquaintances. Participants werefrom all of the targeted Micronesian jurisdictions and had a variety of educationallevels.

All participants were adults over 20 years of age, self-identified as Micronesian,and grew up in Micronesia. All participants spoke English, and were between 23 and55 years of age with a mean age of almost 42. Ten men and 16 women participated.Five participants preferred to be assisted by an interpreter. In those cases, mutualfriends who were bilingual agreed to interpret as needed. Some individuals received a$40 stipend for their participation. I gave all participants information about thepurpose of the study and their rights in written and verbal forms. Participation wasvoluntary and all subjects gave written informed consent.

Participants represented a range of education levels from sixth grade to acompleted MA degree. Five participants did not graduate from high school, eight hadcompleted their BA degree, and one had an MA. Twelve had a high school or commu-nity college diploma. Eleven participants lived in Micronesia while fifteen lived in theUnited States.

Interviews

After participants agreed to take part, we scheduled a meeting at a mutually agreeabletime and place. Most participants were interviewed in Hawai‘i, however nine wereinterviewed in Micronesia while I was traveling there on one occasion to participatein an educational conference, and on another occasion to teach courses at a localcommunity college. Most participants were interviewed individually although sevenparticipated in family groups of two or three. Some interviews occurred at my office,



others at the home of the participant, in a classroom, or in another convenient location.If an interpreter was needed, the person who introduced the participant usually actedin that role. Written consent was obtained after the purpose of the interview wasexplained.

I used a set of questions as a guide in a semi-structured interview format. Interviewquestions were designed to elicit respondents’ own life experiences around education,and probes encouraged participants to reflect more deeply about events and perspectivesthey expressed. Open-ended questions permitted respondents to answer naturally andin their own voices (Goetz and LeCompte 1984). Interviews lasted between 30–90minutes and were audio recorded with field notes taken to supplement the recordings.

Demographic data obtained included age, ethnicity, nationality, years of school-ing, occupation, marital status, reasons for immigrating to Hawai‘i (if applicable),length of time living in the United States (if any), number of children, and number ofchildren in school.

Focus groups

Once the initial analysis was completed, I invited two women from Micronesia toparticipate in a focus group to reflect on the preliminary results. The women wereidentified out of convenience; both worked at the university where I was employed.They represented several different cultural groups. One woman grew up on the Islandof Pohnpei, but her mother was from another island culture where the family spent alot of time. The second woman also grew up on Pohnpei, but her family was also fromanother island culture where she spent a part of her childhood. I believed that becauseof their excellent English, their understanding of several cultures in the Pacific, andtheir understanding of the American culture (one women was half American), theywould be excellent cultural interpreters. The purpose of the focus group was to verifymy analysis of the data, to provide a check on my interpretation, and to deepen myunderstanding of the results. Subsequently I presented this research to two audiencesof educators from Micronesia at the Pacific Education Conference in Honolulu,Hawai‘i in July, 2007. Question-and-answer sessions after each presentation, as wellas individual conversations with some participants helped to clarify my understandingof the results.

Author positionality

I traveled and worked extensively in Micronesia since 1990, spending up to fourmonths of each year on various islands from 2000 through 2005, and I continue to takeannual trips to the islands. I was the principal investigator for two Department-of-Education-sponsored projects to teach special education teachers to work with chil-dren with severe disabilities in the US affiliated islands, and for three projects fundedby the FSM government to provide additional training to those teachers. The projectsincluded students from RMI, every state in the FSM, Saipan and Palau. I hadcolleagues and former students living in most island groups.

Data analysis

All interviews were transcribed. I used a qualitative-data-analysis software program(NVIVO7) to assist with coding and content analysis. I identified and coded initial


240 K.T. Ratliffe

themes that were then modified as new or different relationships emerged from thedata (Bernard 1994; Ely et al. 1991; Miles and Huberman 1994). I coded field notesand comments and grouped them with interview responses. Inferences were drawnbased on patterns of responses across categories and themes. Focus-group data weretranscribed and coded, and the results were considered along with the interviews.

Results

Participants’ comments illustrated two major themes around education. These included,(a) the underdevelopment of Pacific Islands and education, and (b) cultural conflictrelated to education, especially as expressed in parent conflict with schools.

Education, cultural change and the underdevelopment of Micronesian nations

Education has come in a variety of forms to Micronesians: missionary-based schools,Japanese indoctrination programs, and American school systems, to name a few.Education has had a certain utility different than that in Western cultures, whichchanged based on the colonial power and the needs of the people. Its perceived valueacross the islands was affected by a person’s location and exposure to education.Subthemes in this category include (a) the utility of education, (b) differences inurban and rural needs for education, and (c) underdevelopment of Micronesianschools.

The utility of education in the Pacific

Traditional learning has long roots, and mostly oral traditions. Elders taught theyounger generation through modeling and storytelling; in that way their culture wasperpetuated. Wally described traditional education in Yap,

Traditional school is learning about your ancestral background, how to plant taro, whatboundary your taro patch is, what boundary your land is, fishing, building a canoe,fixing a community house or a man’s house, building platforms, knowing how to makea garden, weave a lei, weave a basket, knowing the traditional dance … It happens[from] parents, it happens from uncles [teaching] their nephew or nieces … I’ve seenkids struggle in Western school, [but when] they go to a village, they can put up asturdy Yapese local house, where if a wind [is] coming in at 80 miles per hour, thathouse will be standing.

Learning these and other skills has always been important in Micronesiancultures. Besides sustaining the culture, the skills are necessary for survival onthese low coral atolls. School, while relating to values of the administering author-ity, also had utility. For example, missionary schools were related to learningabout a new religion, thus allowing people to participate more fully in the church.Learning Japanese language and culture was important to co-existing with theJapanese, and perhaps to obtaining work under the Japanese administration. Underthe Americans, schooling also qualified a person for certain jobs. Education, then,has had a certain usefulness that may not have extended to the innate value ofknowledge.

Many participants lamented the slippage of traditional knowledge in their homecommunities. With the availability of televisions, videos, and the Internet, respondents



reported that many people no longer put in the time to maintain their land. With theease of buying rice and canned meat, villagers no longer relied as much on their taropatches and mountain farms. Just as traditional ways of teaching transmitted knowl-edge essential to negotiating life in the village, school is becoming more important asa way to learn and negotiate changes in ways of life that are being affected by global-ization. However, not everyone is equally affected by globalization.

Urban versus rural schooling

Many Micronesians see the value of formal education, but not necessarily for every-one. Wally said, ‘I grew up in town and … a lot of people … that moved into townare the people that valued Western [education] … because they … all work in offices.So they … know that their kids need to have Western education’. Yet, Clarenceechoed other respondents when he said,

Back home in Pohnpei, everything is free. So if you are not in school … you can surviveall through life without going to school or working in an office … You can just work athome [planting taro and fishing] and get some small money.

For generations islanders had been left alone to live as they wished by occupyingpowers. Now, respondents report that they have a choice, to embrace the traditionalways and rely on customary skills for survival, or to embrace new ways and learn newskills to survive.

Many families saw the utility of having at least one money earner in the family.Shanna’s father, from a rural outer island, thought that education could be a path forone of his children to get a job and earn money to benefit the entire family. Schoolwas not necessary for more than one person in the family.

Shanna and the other respondents implied in their stories that for most people,especially those in rural areas, education was a means to get money and goods, andnot valued for the learning itself. After she completed high school, Shanna’s fatherwanted her to return home. A high school education was adequate for becoming ateacher on her home island, and her father believed that more school would not beuseful. Where the land could sustain, and where contact with outsiders was lessfrequent, there was less imperative for formal education. The slow spread of a casheconomy from urban to rural areas is reflective of the policies of slow growth thecolonial powers held for the islands and can help to explain differences betweenvalues of outer island dwellers and those who live in commercial centers.

Underdevelopment of Micronesian schools

The interviewees had a total of 43 children in school. Eleven were in Hawaiian schools,and 32 children were in Micronesian schools. Some respondents continued to live ontheir home islands sending their children to public or private schools. Others sent theirchildren to Hawai‘i to live with relatives and attend school. Others came to Hawai‘ifor medical care and left their children home. Still others emigrated with their familiesso their children could attend Hawaiian schools. Most complained about the quality ofthe school system at home, and agreed that Micronesian schools did not meet the samestandards as Hawaiian schools. Many respondents who lived in Micronesia sent theirchildren to private schools and all complained about the public system.


242 K.T. Ratliffe

Sophie, an educator, sent her son to a private school on another island. Shereported that her son did not want to attend public school at home because, ‘He knowswhat’s going on there – most of the time the teachers are not in school … They’rehaving problems with not enough teachers, not enough staff’. Karen, also an educator,said, ‘Where I work, [the teachers] don’t really care about what the kids think, theyjust care about the paycheck, [and they] let the day pass by … not care[ing] if the kidslearn anything’. Shanna talked about the difficulty she had transferring from her outerisland public school to a private school on the main island in ninth grade. ‘Thestandard of education where I came from … from that small island, it’s like a ladderskipping so many steps’. Even in the current generation, qualified teachers are few inthe outer islands.

Economic influences on schools. The heyday of education occurred in the 1960swhen the Kennedy administration infused money and personnel into schools acrossMicronesia. This support did not last. American legislators, concerned about theamounts of money flowing into the FAS nations, and in efforts to stimulate localentrepreneurship and attempt to force the islands into greater independence, createdCompacts of Free Association that not only limited US funding, but decreased fundingover the life of the agreements. Teacher salaries decreased, and schools have not beenmaintained.

Delvin, an educator/administrator from Pohnpei, explained the difficulty thatschools had in his home state in terms of challenges to the economy and resultant lowmorale. Budgets were cut and teachers’ salaries were decreasing as a result ofdiminishing Compact funds. He believed that the morale of teachers and the qualityof education in his state had declined significantly since the 70s and 80s. He alsoreported that the quality of teacher education was much lower in most areas ofMicronesia than in the United States.

The policy of slow development under US control provided a weak foundation onwhich to base current efforts to bolster education. Not only did the last generation ofstudents underachieve due to the low expectations of those policies; those graduatesare the teachers for the current generation.

Cultural conflict and education

When living on small islands, family and community are valued because they are thepeople who can help you survive. Communal needs take precedence over individualdesires. These values can conflict with Western cultural values of independence andself-reliance. When family needs conflict with school expectations, children may missout on their education. These problems can be especially difficult for immigrants whoare unaware of the law mandating school attendance for children, and the conse-quences for noncompliance. Participants related personal stories that illustrated theirexperiences of cultural conflict around education. Subthemes include (a) interactionsbetween cultural obligations and school, (b) immigration and conflict in school, and(c) participants’ suggestions for educators to promote collaboration with families.

Culture and education

Respondents recalled that although education was compulsory on their home islands,school attendance was not enforced, nor even encouraged in many families. Family ties



often trumped other responsibilities, and school attendance could not be enforced whenthe police officer or the principal was the truant’s brother or uncle. Reasons for keepingchildren home frequently related to family necessities of harvesting food, watchingyounger siblings or maintaining cultural obligations such as funeral attendance.

Gender roles and education. Shanna described the limits in how far she could go withher education. ‘My parents didn’t want me to go to school anymore [after highschool]. They thought, “That’s enough for you, especially a woman coming from[outer island]”. You know, we’re supposed to stay home’. Yet she wanted to continue.She ended up disobeying her father and causing a substantial rift in the family in orderto complete college in Hawai‘i. Returning home for a summer after spending threeyears away, the relationship with her father was strained. Only after an Australian seacaptain stopped on the island to replenish supplies for his yacht, when Shanna wasable to negotiate far more in trade than her father would have obtained, did herecognize the value of her education, and forgive her for disobeying him.

Sophie, Julie, and Neileen, all from different island cultures, reported that theirmothers opposed their leaving to attend private high schools on other islands.Although they all finally did break away, two were forced to leave school beforegraduating to care for their ailing mothers. Sophie said,

[My mother] knows that if I go to school, like college, I won’t be staying at home andworking in the taro patch and garden … It’s very much against the culture for women towork somewhere else.

Although the Japanese and the Americans made school available to all children,families frequently held back girls so that they could fulfill their cultural obligationsof caring for the home and family. These gender expectations follow girls even afteremigration. Girls are expected, more than boys, to fulfill their duties at home of care-taking, housekeeping, and maintaining the home. Girls are also expected to stay homemore than boys. The reputation of the family is at risk if a girl should get pregnant,whereas this is not true of boys who impregnate a girl.

Gender role obligations did not only affect girls; male respondents were some-times kept out of school to help harvest food. Delvin, Clarence, and others describedstaying home from school as children to work on the farm.

Cultural obligations and education. For others respondents whose families valuedhigher education, doing well in school was important. If people did well in school,their family and village gained prestige from their accomplishments. Four participantshad parents who were teachers or principals and they were expected to do well inschool. Three interviewees remembered that their parents gave them umbrellas whenthey had to walk to school in the rain, whereas other parents simply kept their childrenhome when the weather was bad. Others reported being helped with their schoolworkat home and being spanked when they did not go to school. All of these respondentswere from relatively urban areas, where the connection between education and jobswas clear. Linda described how the interdependence of family members supported herwhile she went to a private school.

Families are very important in Chuukese culture and everybody is very interdependenton each other … Those who don’t have an education help out in so many ways. Like


244 K.T. Ratliffe

when I go to school, my parents go to work … Those who don’t go to school and don’tgo to work, they help out at home … they’re the ones who really put the stress off of us,and they do the house chores.

Even when people were successful in obtaining an education, some faced conflict.Delvin explained that demands from his work as an educator and his cultural obliga-tions constantly forced him to choose between them. Many cultural demands were tiedup with the church.

How can you be culturally correct when you are trying to be an educator at the sametime? Certain obligations need to be fulfilled. [My teacher] used the term ‘marginalman’. Half modern, half Pohnpeian, half American, that kind of thing … You draw aman and half of it [wears a] lava lava [traditional Micronesian clothing] and the other[wears] a suit and a tie … I find myself kind of latch[ing] onto one side at some times,and then sometimes I’m on the other side … jumping back and forth.

He expressed how difficult it was for his mother to understand his choices. ‘It’smost difficult with my mother. It’s just difficult for her to understand. [She says,]“Everybody was there, you weren’t there”’. Delvin’s story points to the constanttension between cultural obligations and the demands of a Western conception of‘success’.

Immigration and conflict in school

Stresses on parents were significant after immigration. In addition to having one ortwo jobs, most respondents were living in homes with extended family members.Most respondents were very involved in their local churches, the centers of social lifefor the immigrant community. Issues related to children in school came after homeand church in priority. This is congruent with the importance of group over individualneeds in the culture.

Conflict between schools and parents. Families encountered school rules and educa-tion laws with which they were unfamiliar when they immigrated to Hawai‘i.Although the Freely Associated States are bound by US educational laws, because ofcultural and practical differences, those laws are implemented dissimilarly in Micro-nesia, and many features were unfamiliar to immigrants. Parents needed to learn tonegotiate American schools.

Esther, who had worked in the schools in her home of Palau and also in Hawai‘i,expressed concern about the lack of parental knowledge of expectations from USschools such as daily attendance and parent participation. She found that these expec-tations were difficult for Micronesian parents to meet. Ellie, who moved her family toHawai‘i because of her son’s heart condition, explained how she got into trouble whenshe kept her son home from school.

They told me that if [he] have more tardies and more absence and they gonna send me apaper to tell me that I’m gonna have a class … Or if I never do that, they gonna send meanother paper to show me that I’m gonna go to court, or the police will come and arrestme … But back home, not like that … That’s why it’s easy for us to say [there’s] no needto go to school. Let’s go to the farm, or let’s go to the party. Just like that at home.

Ellie had been keeping her son home because of her perception that he was sick.Children with disabilities rarely attended school in Micronesia because the schools



and the teachers were not equipped to serve them. Many were served in home-basedprograms. As a result of the warnings Ellie and her husband were now sending theirson to school more regularly. Ellie defended their 17-year-old daughters’ lack ofschool attendance. Since their daughter did not speak English, they felt it was a wasteof time to send her to school, especially since they needed her to care for their young-est child while they worked.

Ellie’s situation illustrates the confusion that many parents feel when trying tooperate in an unfamiliar system. It points out differences between the US andMicronesian school expectations of the roles of parents in their children’s educationand in the provision of services for children with disabilities. In addition, her situationhighlights differences in the priority of family needs over individual needs or rights ofchildren.

Shanna worked as a teacher aide in a Hawaiian school, and as a liaison betweenthe school and parents from her home state. She reported that Micronesian parents didnot understand that their children needed to be in school daily. She shared her percep-tions of Micronesian students at her school.

Most of the [Micronesian] students have lots of absences. Like some have up to 20s, andabsences and tardies. So, a lot of these parents will get letters from the principal … . It’sgoing to be hard to educate them on [why school is important], because it’s a culturalway, it’s a way of living, and it takes time to [change].

A college graduate, Shanna worked hard to succeed in education and became self-reliant in the process. Having grown up on a small island, she understood theseparents’ perspectives, yet expressed frustration about them. Her sister, who emigratedto Hawai‘i for health reasons, did not consistently send her children to school, andShanna tried hard to be patient while trying to change her sister’s behaviors.

Another problem that educators expressed was the lack of trust parents have in theschool. Esther, who had taught in both US and Palau schools, said,

They say, ‘The reason why I don’t go to [parent teacher] conference, [the school] didn’texplain to me what … the parent teacher conference means. I thought the parent teacherconference is only a place where you go and they tell you how bad your kids are’.

She explained that it was intimidating for parents to enter the school where thelanguage, the culture, and the expectations are largely unknown.

Linda elaborated further, explaining that parents may not be involved because theyfeel they are not qualified to help with homework or to go to meetings.

They’re like, ‘Oh, I have nothing to say. I don’t know what to say. My English is bad. Ican’t go because of what are they going to say … They’re going to think I’m dumbbecause I have nothing to say’. It’s that kind of attitude, and just because they don’t seemto be involved doesn’t mean … they don’t care.

US schools frequently put the burden of school participation on parents withoutproviding them the supports to be successful. When parents fail, teachers blame themand accuse them of not caring about their children or their education.

Migration is temporary. All respondents who were immigrants believed that theirmigration was temporary. They expected to return home after a period of time, perhaps


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when they completed their degrees or when their children completed their education,or when their parents needed them to return home. Linda reinforced this point whenshe discussed cultural conflict for children in school.

It’s not like other minority groups where they know and they come and they want to beAmericanized. No, that’s not the way [our kids] are. They want to learn, they want to besuccessful, but they’re also really connected to their culture and if [there is] a familyobligation, they’ll leave school to do that cause it’s just a cultural thing.

Clarence also discussed the Micronesian immigrant wrestling with these issues.‘That’s what makes some of the Micronesian families and children get into problemsmost of the time … They were thinking that what they used to do back home, they canapply over here … They need to adopt the culture here’. He felt that although familiesimmigrated voluntarily, their adherence to their culture held them apart. When peoplebelieve that their visit is temporary, it is more difficult to make changes in behavior.Micronesians are in a different situation than many other immigrant groups who,because of illegal immigration or delays in receiving green cards, do not have thechoice to return home.

Suggestions for educators

Many of the respondents had suggestions for educators who teach Micronesian chil-dren. These suggestions fall into four general categories: (a) treat each child andfamily individually, (b) provide appropriate information to parents and guardiansabout the expectations of the school, (c) demonstrate respect for the child and family,and (d) give children the educational support they need. These suggestions apply toAmerican teachers of Micronesian students in Hawai‘i, on continental US, and inMicronesia.

Treat each child and family individually. The rich diversity of cultures in the Pacificmeans that not all families require the same types of interventions. Not only do differentcultures have different perspectives; even within the same state or country there aresignificant variations. For instance, children from outer islands in each state frequentlyspeak a different language and have different customs from those living on the mainisland. Educational opportunities are also different between urban and rural areas andmain and outer islands. The quality of schools varies considerably from island to island.So children from different places may have completely different languages, culturalcustoms, and experiences of school from one another. Neileen called Micronesia a‘soup’, suggesting that educators need to question children and families about theircultures, and not assume that all children are the same. In an example, Wally describedan incident around eye contact with an American high school teacher in Yap. Directeye contact with an authority figure was considered disrespectful and aggressive. Whenthe teacher made eye contact with a teen when scolding him, that student thought theteacher was ‘calling him out’. The situation had to be diffused by other students. Lindagave examples of speaking up in class and asking questions, neither of which wasappropriate in Micronesian schools, and both are expected in American schools.

Provide appropriate information to parents. Respondents agreed that parents werefrequently unfamiliar with US schools and their expectations, and that appropriateinformation must be provided in a way that they could understand. Clarence, a



graduate student in Hawai‘i, thought that parents should be specifically taught aboutthe expectations of the schools.

Esther advocated for a newcomer program for students and families so that teach-ers could learn about the specific needs of the children as well as the children andfamilies learn about the American education system prior to placing students in theschools. She also strongly advocated for explaining the expectations of the school toparents, and how to meet them. She described a series of videotapes in Micronesianlanguages that she helped to create outlining what parents need to know to send theirchild to Hawaiian schools. She felt this was a good start, but emphasized that parentsneed additional accessible information. She also recommended a transition programin Micronesia providing information to families who plan to migrate.

Esther also suggested that Micronesian parents be taught how to volunteer in theirchildren’s classes, and assist in their children’s education. They may never haveparticipated on a field trip, helped in a classroom, or helped with homework.

Respect children and families. Respecting others who are deserving of it is an impor-tant feature of Micronesian cultures. Esther cautioned teachers to demonstrate respectin order to connect with families.

Disrespect in the form of discrimination against Micronesian families wasmentioned by a number of respondents. Shanna described the prejudice she encoun-tered on her first day as a teacher aide in a Hawaiian high school. ‘I came into theclassroom, this is the first thing – the teacher turned around and said, “Oh, by the way… that’s my good student, and that’s my bad student”’. The teacher refered to aChuukese student who was new to Hawai‘i as the ‘bad student’. When Shanna askedthe boy about this episode in Chuukese, he told her that although he could not speakEnglish he understood what the teacher said, and it made him feel bad.

Knowing about the system of social status in the different cultures is importantwhether one is teaching students in the United States or in Micronesia. Wallyexplained that in Yap,

If [there are] two kids … and one of them [has] high [status] and the other [has] low[status] … and you ask the low [status] kid to stand up and say what the group was think-ing, there’s going to be … not that much [said].

Yap is the only state where one’s social status stems from the village one is from,and where it is openly acknowledged. This is leftover from clan and village wars whenthe vanquished had lower status. Outer islanders also have lower status than peoplefrom the main island.

In other jurisdictions social status is related to traditional village and clan leader-ship, as well as political and church leadership positions, and is more covert. Althoughit is not an openly acknowledged system, everyone knows who has higher status. InPohnpei a particular handshake is used when shaking the hand of someone youconsider higher than yourself. Even after immigration when these hierarchical struc-tures break down somewhat, most children know the names of families with highersocial status from their islands, and adults continue to be respectful to those people.Knowing the status families hold can be especially important when teachers andadministrators interact with groups of people. People from low-status families maynot speak out or ask questions if members of high-status families are in the samegroup, especially among new immigrants. Young immigrants may even reject the


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hierarchical systems on their home islands, making it even harder to go home again.Since hierarchical social status is different in each place, it is important to ask peopleabout this aspect of their culture.

When asked what teachers can do to help children, Henry said, ‘Just respect. Likeif you have a male [and] female relative in the same class, you wouldn’t want to do alesson on the human anatomy, you know, to consider things like that’. It is very disre-spectful for related males and females to be in the same room while anatomy, sex, orpersonal hygiene are discussed. This is an important issue and needs to be consideredwhen planning curriculum for groups that include children who may be related. Inaddition, related people sometimes express their respect to each other in prescribedways. For instance, on the outer islands of Chuuk and Yap men must stand beforerelated women can enter the room, and women must sit lower than men.

Give children the educational support they need at school. Micronesian childrenneed to have culturally relevant curricular materials, orientation to US culture, andappropriate educational support so they can be successful. Five respondents worriedabout the academic gap between Micronesian and American students, and expressedconcern that academic differences might be hidden under language difficulty. Karensuggested that children should get extra tutoring, and that family members should betaught how to help children learn at home.

Wally also suggested that special tutoring programs be set up at school.

Teachers should … encourage Micronesian students to stay after school, and do studying[there] … I feel that … some of these kids … when they go home … they stop being astudent and they immediately start being a daughter or a cousin or a son.

He related this to individuals’ strong sense of family and commitment to familyroles. Students may be willing to embrace the culture of the school while at school,but once back home, the culture and values of the home prevail.

Discussion

Problems related to educating immigrant Micronesian students in American schools canbe attributed to the underpreparation of students in their home countries as well as culturalconflicts between schools and students and parents. Underlying cultural challenges resultin part from changes related to globalization, immigration and acculturation. For exam-ple, the tension between subsistence and cash economies continues in the islands. Thosewho stay in Micronesia still have a choice about how much to participate in the economyof money; the sea and farm are there if one fails to earn a living. However, for those whomigrate, the choice to return to a subsistence lifestyle no longer exists.

Immigration strains other cultural practices such as traditional gender roles andhierarchical relationships between people. New leaders emerge with different skillsthan those necessary for leadership at home but important for leaders in immigrantcommunities such as knowledge of social services or connections to business andjobs. Values about education vary between generations, and between people withdifferent exposure to Western education and culture. People also face conflict betweentheir home culture and the culture of school.

Researchers have addressed the difficulty of navigating the two cultures of homeand school for minority students. Henze and Vanett (1998) challenged the stereotype



of ‘walking in two worlds’, suggesting that Alaskan Native students created a thirdculture that was not wholly one nor wholly the other, where they could move freelybetween their worlds. Bhabha (1994) suggested an in-between space where individu-als could renegotiate their own identity without losing one or the other of theseemingly conflicting worlds around them.

Respondents’ comments suggest that Micronesians, at least initially, experienceconflict between their two worlds. When families are stressed trying to survive in anew world, children must move between home and school, and home responsibilitiesmay take precedence over those of the school.

Micronesian immigrants continue to be tied to their islands through kinship, andconnection to their land and culture. They maintain relationships through remittancesand gifts that are sent home, and by visits home for important cultural occasions suchas funerals or celebrations. These relationships also help them maintain their ties andtitle to their land. When people die abroad, relatives send their bodies home to beburied. As Hezel (2001) stated, Micronesian immigrants

are not dropouts or permanent exiles … They remain tied to their peoples and cultureseven at a distance. Emigrants are the most distant members of their nation, which hascome to embrace more than the single political jurisdiction in which they were born. (154)

Implications for teachers

Ngo (2008) suggested that we could only see the complexity of peoples’ lives andexperiences if we move away from a dichotomy of cultural perspectives (good–bad,traditional–modern, American-Micronesian, school–home). He and others describeculture as dynamic and fluid, responsive to environmental changes, and rich in itscomplexity (Ngo 2008; Rogoff 2003). Ngo’s concept of a culture that is formedthrough discourse implies that educators have a part in assisting students to navigatethe changes in their perceptions of their own cultures, and their own identities.Through being more educated about the home cultures of their students, teacherscould assist them in traversing their multiple worlds. American teachers need to beaware of their preconceived ideas about students, and openly participate as studentsdialogue about who they are and constantly renegotiate their identity through interac-tions with others and their environments. In this way teachers could help students findBhaba’s (1994) in-between space so that students do not have to lose one world or theother.

Negotiating different cultures is also challenging for immigrant parents. They aretrying to fulfill their cultural obligations as well as meet new responsibilities expectedby their new communities and their children’s schools. Parents in this study gavemany practical suggestions for facilitating family involvement including developingprograms to teach parents how to assist their children, and respecting cultural factorssuch as gender issues and communication styles. In addition, participants suggestedthat educating parents about the culture of the schools and the expectations for parentinvolvement would assist families’ comfort levels in becoming involved in theirchildren’s education. As Chrispeels and Gonzales (2004) found in a Latino commu-nity, programs that help parents reinterpret their roles through culturally sensitiveeducational programs can be effective.

Epstein (2001) has done significant work looking at parents’ difficulties in fulfill-ing expectations of the schools. Contrary to the perceptions of many teachers, she


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found that parents almost universally report they want their children to be successfulin school, and that they want to be involved in their children’s education. She alsofound that the amount of time the families reported being involved in school was mosthighly correlated with the number and types of specific programs schools imple-mented to include them. Parents’ educational level, poverty status, and marital statuswere weaker contributory factors in parent involvement than the availability ofappropriate school programs.

Limitations

Although the wide range of respondents is a strength of this study, it is also a limita-tion. Micronesia consists of multiple cultures. Because the respondents are from allmajor island groups and multiple age groups, combining their responses tends to mini-mize differences. However, because responses were similar across groups, the overallpicture may be accurate. Other limitations include the personal relationships betweenmyself, as investigator, and some respondents. From a positive perspective, these rela-tionships certainly contributed to identifying new participants, and may have allowedrespondents to be more open in their discussions of the questions because of an exist-ing level of trust. In addition, these participants were able to act as cultural brokers forparticipants I did not know. However, the relationships may also have skewed theresponses if participants were aware of my biases and answered what they thought Iwanted to hear.

Future research needs

This study is only a preliminary step in trying to understand more fully the experienceof Micronesian immigrants moving to the United States and the education of theirchildren. Future studies are needed to look at perceptions of teachers and administra-tors about the education of these students. Studies are also needed to evaluateprograms that assist students from Micronesia, and their educational outcomes. Otherdirections for study could include how poverty, English language skills, previouslevels of education, demands on families, obligations of students to their families, andgoals that students hold for their own educations influence educational effectivenessof schools and programs.

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Micronesia Voces. La Cultura y Los Conflictos Escolares

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