Revista 13 - artigo 2

8/2/2019 Revista 13 - artigo 2

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Etnoarqueologia do aldeamento de

Purifcao, em Irar (BA)

Ethnoarchaeology o the aboriginal settlement in Purifcao village, in Irar (Bahia)

JUCLIA BISPO DOS SANTOS

M m e nc afcn p unv F BPf t scc Fc Nb F snn

Master in Ethnic and African Studies for the Federal University of Bahia Professor of Sociological Theories at Nobre College in Feira de Santana

Resumo Esta produo destaca as dinmicas intertnicas que foram articuladas no alde -amento da Puricao, em Irar (BA), uma regio que foi alcanada, a partir da segundametade do sculo 17, por frentes desbravadoras, que tinham como objetivo expandir oprojeto da colonizao atravs da extenso da pecuria no serto baiano. Neste contexto,a regio investigada tornou-se palco de disputas, choques de interesses e ideologias di-vergentes, que promoveram um projeto de frico intertnica dos nativos. Nesta tramaaparece a histria dos jesutas, dos ndios paiais e dos negros fugidos que residiamnum mesmo espao. Assim, este trabalho aborda as trajetrias de diversos atores queforam responsveis pela estruturao deste espao que tinha a Igreja como a principalresponsvel administrativa.

PalavRas-chave Colonizao, ndios, negros.

aBstRact This dynamic production highlights the relations that have been articulatedin the resort of purication, Irar-Bahia, a region that has been achieved since the sec-ond half of the 17th century, by exploring fronts, which had to expand the project ofcolonization by extending Bahian livestock in the hinterland. In this context, the regioninvestigated became the scene of disputes, conicts, divergent interests and ideologies,which initiated a native interethnic friction. In this scenary, Jesuit history appears, Paiaisaborigines and runaway African descents, all of whom lived in the same space. Thus, thispaper discusses the tracks of various personalities who were responsible for structuringthis area that had the Church as the main culprit.

Key-woRds Colonization, Indians, blacks.


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Juclia Bispo dos Santos

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Introduo

A colonizao do municpio de Irar teve incio na se-gunda metade do sculo 17 com as entradas de Antnio Guedesde Brito, mestre da Casa da Ponte. Mas antes da chegada dacolonizao ao serto, a regio de Irar j era habitada pelos

indgenas paiais, pertencentes ao grupo dos quiriris da grandenao dos tapuias. Nessa poca, os ndios eram vistos comouma populao indesejvel que deveria ser expulsa das terraspara o melhor aproveitamento das potencialidades da colnia.Por outro lado, os indgenas tambm eram vistos como umreservatrio de mo de obra a excitar a cobia portuguesa. Umadas estratgias utilizadas para amansar os indgenas foi acriao de aldeamentos. Com isso, os jesutas adentraram essaregio com o objetivo de catequizar os nativos paiais por meiode uma perspectiva crist, a qual estava vinculada ao projeto

de ocidentalizao do mundo. Assim, os jesutas trabalhavamcom mtodos que conguravam a evangelizao e o controledos ndios, tentando mant-los longe dos colonos. E havia,ainda, os responsveis pela administrao local, os legisladores,a justia, a polcia, cada qual reagindo a seu modo ao contatointertnico.

O aldeamento da Puricao, atual Irar, foi criado nasegunda metade do sculo 17, com a expectativa de controlar apopulao nativa. Um dos marcos da presena dos jesutas naregio de Irar procede da construo de um colgio em guaFria, em 1562.1 As vilas, isto , as cidades que emergiram dasesmaria de gua Fria, (dentre elas, a antiga Vila da Puricao,atual Irar) so todas provenientes dos aldeamentos jesuticosque foram instalados na regio nesse perodo. Portanto, cidadescomo o distrito sede do municpio de Irar t iveram como stiohistrico as antigas vilas formadas pelos jesutas na segundametade do sculo 17.

Vale salientar que atualmente encontram-se marcas arque-olgicas desse aldeamento na Serra de Irar, que se localiza a

noroeste deste municpio, distante seis quilmetros do distrito-sede. Nos dias atuais, o stio arqueolgico do antigo aldeamentoda Puricao recebe variadas denominaes, e dividido pelasseguintes comunidades rurais: Aougue Velho, Tapera, Olhos

1 SENA, Consuelo Pond de. in m cmn abn:Itapicuru, 1830-1892. Salvador: Fundao Cultural do Estado da Bahia,1979. 242 p.: il. (Coleo Cabrlia, v. 8). Publicao da Fundao Cultural doEstado da Bahia.

Introduction

The colonization of Irar town began in thesecond half of the seventeenth century with theentrances of Antonio Guedes Brito, master of theHouse of The Bridge. But, before the colonizationreached the hinterland, the region of Irar had al-

ready been inhabited by Paiais aboriginals whobelonged to Quiriris group of the great nation ofthe Tapuias. At that time, the aborigines were seenas an undesirable population that would have to bebanished from their lands in order to have a betterexploitation of the potentialities of the colony. Theaborigines were also seen as a reservoir of manspower which excited the Portugueses envy . Oneof the strategies which was used to tame the abo-rigines were the creation of aborigines settlements.

Thus, the Jesuits reach this region aiming to colonizethe natives Paiais through a Christian perspective,

which was tied with the project of westernization ofthe world. Thus, the Jesuits worked with methodsthat congured the evangelization and control ofthe aborigines, by trying to keep them far from thecolonists. Besides, there were those responsible onesfor the local administration, the legislators, justicerepresentatives, the police, each one reacting its own

way against the interethnic contact.

The aborigines settlement named Puricationthen, known today as Irar town, was founded inthe second half of seventeenth century, with theexpectation to control the native population. One

of landmarks of the presence of the Jesuits in Irarregion dates from the construction of an Elemen-tary and Secondary School in gua Fria, in 15621.

The villages, the cities that had emerged from guaFria, ( the old village of the Puricao, currentIrar, was among them) are all derived from the

Jesuitsindian settlements that had been installedin the region in that period. Therefore, towns likethe district headquarter of Irar had the old villagesformed by the Jesuits as historical sitios in the sec-ond half of seventeenth century.

It is important to point out that, currently, ar-

chaeological marks of that aboriginals settlementare found in Irar Mountain which is located in thenorthwest of Irar and six kilometers far from the

1 SENA, Consuelo Pond de. Introduction to the study ofa community of Bahian Westland: Itapicuru, 1830/1892.Salvador: Fundao Cultural do Estado da Bahia, 1979. 242P.: il. (Cabrlia Collection, v.8). Publication of FundaoCultural do Estado da Bahia.


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Etnoarqueologia em Purifcao

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Dgua, Olaria, Caroba, Ingazeira, Brotas, Mangueira, SerinoLargo, Quebra Fogo, Jurema dos Milagres, Cerca de PedrasMurici, Crioulo, Cardoso, Serra do Cruzeiro, Urubu, Periquito Fazenda Flor. Tais localidades zeram parte das ltimas terrada reserva indgena, que fora demarcada na segunda metade

do sculo 17.A capela de Nossa Senhora da Conceio foi construdem 1726, na atual Vila de Bento Simes, que fazia parte domorgado2 de Bento Simes, portugus de nascimento, originrio de So Cosme do Vale, Portugal.

Bento Simes faleceu e deixou de herana para o padrJos Simes, seu irmo, as terras que hoje abrangem a regioda Vila de Nossa Senhora da Conceio. O corpo do padrJos Simes, falecido em 1763,3 encontra-se enterrado naquelcapela. Alm desse tmulo, encontram-se outros nesta capela

Maria Dilphina da Costa Pinto, condessa de Sergimirim, falecida em 1846; major Francisco Antnio da Costa Pinto, falecido em 1863; Antnio da Costa Pinto, conde de Sergimirimfalecido em 1880, dentre outros. As paredes dessa capela foramconstrudas com pedras e leo de baleia. Seu forro cobertode elaboradas pinturas. O altar (dourado) possui imagens dosculo 18. O seu interior foi modicado e, a partir do sculo20, uma reforma externa restaurou o prdio. O altar de madeiraem estilo colonial, mostra imagens da transio do barrocopara o rococ, em que eram tpicas principalmente pinturas dperspectiva ilusionista.4 Esta capela foi tombada pelo Institutodo Patrimnio Histrico da Bahia em 1929.

A capela de Nossa Senhora do Livramento foi construdem 1756, no atual povoado de Caroba. O templo apresenta capela, o retbulo, o altar-mor e o arco central decoradocom talhas douradas. Um belssimo nicho no centro do altaguarda a imagem de Nossa Senhora do Livramento. H painipintados e talhas com dourao no forro da nave e em toda aparede, onde esto o arco cruzeiro e os altares colaterais. Um

dos painis ressalta uma grande gura de Nossa Senhora do

2 MORGADO, do latim mc, que signica o primognito, herdeiro dobens ou propriedades vinculadas, o que signica que essas terras no poderiamser divididas. HOLANDA, Aurlio Buarque de. Novo Dicionrio, Ed. 2, p1.160.3 hc Bn sm. Secretaria Municipal de Irar, 1990.4 OLIVEIRA, Mrio Mendona de.a cp Cnc Bn sm. Revistde Cultura da Bahia. Salvador: SEC, 7-13, jan/dez, 1972.

district headquarter. Nowadays, the archaeologicalsitio of old Puricao aboriginal settlement re-ceives several denominations, and it is divided bythe following agricultural communities: Aougue

Velho, Tapera, Olhos dgua, Olaria, Caroba, In-gazeira, Brotas, Mangueira, Serino, Largo, QuebraFogo, Jurema dos Milagres, Cerca de Pedras, Mu-rici, Crioulo, Cardoso, Crioulo, Serra do Cruzeiro,Urubu, Periquito e Fazenda Flor. Such localitieshad been parts of the last lands of the aboriginalprotected reserve that were demarcated, in the sec-ond half of seventeenth century.

The chapel of Nossa Senhora da Conceio wasconstructed in 1726, in the current Village of BentoSimes, which was part of the main land (MOR-GaDO2) of Bento Simes, Portuguese by birth,from So Cosme do Valley, in Portugal.

Bento Simes died and let his inheritance to

the Priest named Jos Simes, his brother. Thatinheritance included the lands that today enclosethe region of the Village of Nossa Senhora daConceio. The corpse of the Priest Jos Simesis buried in that chapel (he died in 17633). Besidesthis tomb, there are others in that chapel whichbelong to the following people: Maria Dilphina daCosta Pinto (Condess de Sergimirim, she died in1846); Major Francisco Antnio da Costa Pinto(he died in 1863); Antnio da Costa Pinto (Countde Sergimirim, deceased in 1880), among others.

The walls of that chapel had been constructed with

rocks and whale oil. Its lining is covered of elabo-rated paintings. The altar (golden) has images ofthe century XVIII. Its interior was modied and,in the beginning of the twentieth century. An ex-ternal reform was done to restore the building. The

wooden altar in colonial style shows images of thetransition of the baroque style to the rococo one,

where paintings of illusionist4 perspective were verytypical then. This chapel was overthrown by theInstitute of Historic Proporties of Bahia in 1929.

The chapel named Nossa Senhora do Livramento

was constructed in 1756, in the current town of Car-

2 FIRST-BORN SON, of Latin maioricatu, that he meansthe rst-born, heir of the goods or tied properties, what itmeans that these lands could not be divided.3 HOLLANDA, Aurlio Buarque de. New Dictionary, Ed.2, p. 1160. Description of Bento Simes. City departmentof Irar, 1990.4 OLIVEIRA, Mrio Mendona de. The chapel of Concei-o de Bento Simes. Magazine of Culture of the Bahia.Salvador: SEC, 7-13, jan/ten, 1972.


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Livramento, ladeada de anjos, carregando uma pomba em umade suas mos, o smbolo do Esprito Santo. As paredes estorevestidas com painis de azulejos decorados com tinta azul.

A Capela de Nossa Senhora da Puricao dos Camposcava onde hoje se encontra a atual Praa da Puricao, em

Irar. Ela foi demolida na dcada de 30 do sculo 20, quandoElsio Santana era prefeito da cidade.

Na poca em que os jesutas residiam em Irar, essas ca-pelas desenvolviam e coordenavam a administrao das capelase das aldeias. Esses espaos eram habitados pelos administra-dores que eram ligados a misses jesuticas, voltadas aos ndiose aos negros fugidos. Assim, eles davam apoio s autoridadescivis na administrao das terras distantes dos grandes centrosprodutivos. Desta forma, a cristianizao foi utilizada para ga-rantir a coercitividade dos temidos sertes.

Para os missionrios que ocuparam a regio de Irar,esses empreendimentos tinham como objetivo principal atransformao dos nativos, os indgenas paiais, que seriamcatequizados e tidos por civilizados, saindo do estado da ditabarbrie em que se encontravam. Ou seja, seriam transforma-dos em cristos, verdadeiros homens bons. Com a expulsodos jesutas, ocorreu a criao de vilas e a incorporao doscontingentes indgenas populao colonial, que no s di-cultavam a manuteno das terras designadas, como pareciam

dar suporte s declaraes acerca da inexistncia de indgenaspuros. Enm, esta estrutura administrativa dos colonizadorespromoveu, segundo Roberto Cardoso de Oliveira, a noo defrico intertnica atravs da dominao da sociedade complexados brancos sobre as sociedades indgenas.6

Em torno das capelas os jesutas organizaram as roas, queeram utilizadas para amansar os indgenas, pois o trabalho eravisto como uma estratgia de disciplinao.7 Assim, os jesutasdesenvolviam dois objetivos bem denidos: o de ensinar a reli-gio e o de explorar o territrio. Portanto, a misso desenvolvia

GALVO. Mons. Renato de Andrade. o pv F snn.Manuscritos do Livro de memria da regio de Feira de Santana. Museu Casado Serto. Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana.6 OLIVEIRA, Roberto Cardoso de (1964, pp. 127-133; tambm em amc l-n, ano V, n 3, 1962, pp. 85-90), sob o patrocnio do Centro Latino-Americanode pesquisas em Cincias Sociais e do Museu Nacional.7ALMEIDA, Maria Celestino de. Mmf nn: n c n cn r Jn. Rio de Janeiro: Arquivo Nacional, 2003.

oba. The temple presents the chapel, the decoratedaltar-mor and the central arc with golden cuts. Agorgeous niche in the center of the altar keeps the im-age of Nossa Senhora do Livramento. It has paintedpanels and cuts with golden details in the lining andall of the wall, where the cruise arc and lateral altarsare located. One of the panels shows a great gureof Nossa Senhora do Livramento, with angels allaround her, carrying a dove in one of her hands, thesymbol of the Holy Spirit. The walls are covered withtile panels decorated with blue paint. The Chapelof Nossa Senhora da Puricao dos Campos was

where today the current Puricao Plasza is, in Irar.It was demolished in the 30s of the twentieth century,

when Elsio Santana was the mayor of the town. Atthe time that the Jesuits lived in Irar, those chapelsdeveloped and coordinated the administration of theother small chapels and the villages. Those spaces

were inhabited by the administrators who were onthe Jesuit missions to the indians and the (run awayAfrican Brazilians) . Thus, they gave support to thecivil authorities, in the administration of distant landsof the great productive centers. In such a way, evan-gelization was used to guarantee the coercion of thefeared hinterlands.

For the missionaries who established in the re-gion of Irar, those enterprises had as main objec-tive the transformation of the natives, Paiais who,

would be evangelized, in other words, they wouldbe considered civilized ones, leaving behind their

state of barbarity in which they had been found,according to their colonizers point of view. That isto say, they would be transformed into Christians,true good men. With the expulsion of the Jesuits,the creation of villages occurred and the incorpora-tion of the aboriginal contingents to the colonialpopulation, that not only made it difcult for themaintenance of assigned lands, as they seemed togive support to the declarations concerning the in-existence of pure aborigines. At last, this admin-istrative structure of the colonizers promoted whatRobert Cardoso de Oliveira, with the interethnic... frictional notion, through the domination of thecomplex society of the whites on the aboriginalsocieties severe colonization. Around the chap-els, the Jesuits had organized small crops, which

GALVO. Mons. Renato de Andrade. The settlers of theregion of Feira de Santana. Manuscripts of the Book ofmemory of the region of Feira of Santana. Museum Marriesof the Hinterland. State University of Feira de Santana.


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a formao de uma reserva de mo de obra para o crescimentoda colnia. Dessa forma, os aldeamentos funcionavam levandoem conta que neles se cruzavam os interesses das autoridadelocais, dos administradores coloniais, da burocracia provincialdos seus diretores civis, das populaes brancas que viviam em

seu entorno, dos padres jesutas e dos ndios.8

Portanto, esseespaos abrigaram uma produo agrcola num estilo de trabalho caracterstico da categoria de roceiros.9 A partir do expostopretende-se pesquisar a histria do aldeamento da Puricao das dinmicas intertnicas que foram articuladas neste espaodiante das justicativas que se seguem.

1. Consideraes Terico-Metodolgicas

O objetivo deste trabalho est centrado no estudo etnoarqueolgico do aldeamento da Puricao. Assim, pretende-sapontar o contexto em que se conguraram a etnicidade dopovos que habitaram esta regio ao longo dos anos: indgenascaboclos e quilombolas. Para tal, tomaremos por base umreviso bibliogrca das pesquisas que tratam da identidadtnica, do espao e arqueologia em relao temtica das misses. Como ponto de partida, utilizaremos as produes bibliogrcas sobre as redues jesuticas brasileiras, conhecidaat o presente momento, tendo em vista que este ainda umassunto pouco conhecido, principalmente, devido disperso

das fontes.Uma das problemticas que perduraram no andamentodas pesquisas arqueolgicas sobre as populaes indgenas foa de demonstrar uma diferena entre essas e aquelas que povoaram grande parte do litoral brasileiro. Para fundamentar aespecicidade dos aldeamentos jesuticos, vrios especialistarecorreram a fontes histricas e etnogrcas, valendo-se danalogia para demonstrar aspectos da cultura material, caractersticos somente a este grupo. Como consequncia, a interpretao destas fontes priorizou-se por levantar apenas aquele

aspectos unicadores da cultura material, sem se dar conta deelementos singulares que no poderiam ser generalizados todos os grupos indgenas.

8 FREIRE, Jos R. o amn inn r Jn. UERJ/DEPEXTSR-3. Rio de Janeiro. 1997.9 DIAS, Marcelo Henrique.a n cnmc mn jc n cpn i.Comunicao apresentada ao XVII Ciclo de Estudos HistricosUESC, 2004.

they used as a strategy to tame the aboriginals,therefore the work were seen as a disciplinary6 one.

Thus, Jesuits developed two well denite objectives:to teach the religion and to explore the territory;therefore, the mission developed the formation ofa reserve of powerful men for the growth of thecolony. By doing so, the Indian settlings functionedby taking into account that in them some interestshad to be crossed and those were like: of the lo-cal authorities, of the colonial administrators, theprovincial bureaucracy, its civil directors, the whitepopulations who lived in its sarroundings, of the

Jesuit priests and the aborigines7. Therefore, thesespaces had sheltered an agricultural production, ina style that can be characterized as a work done bythe category of farm labors8. From what has beendiscussed so far, it is intended to investigate thehistory of the aboriginal settlement in Puricao

and the dynamic interethnic relations that had beenarticulated in that space according to the followingjustication.

1. Theoretical Considerations

The objective of this work is centered in theEthnoarchaeological study of the aboriginal settle-ment in Puricao. Thus, it is intended to pointout the context where the ethnicity of the peoples

who had inhabited that region had been cong-ureted, throughout the years: aboriginals, caboclosand Quilombolas. To do so, we will base our workon a review of research that deals with the ethnicidentity, the space and archaeology in relation tothe missionary themes. As a starting point, we willuse the bibliographical productions on the Brazil-ian Jesuits reductions, known up to now, since thisis still a subject which is scarcely known, mainly,due to dispersion of their the sources. One of theproblematic issues that lasted in the course of the ar-

6 ALMEIDA, Celestino Maria de. Aboriginal metamor-phoses: identity and culture in the colonial villages of Rio

de Janeiro. Rio de Janeiro: National archive, 2003.7 FREIRE, Jose R. The Aldeamentos Aboriginal of Riode Janeiro. UERJ/DEPEXT/SR-3. Rio de Janeiro. 1997.DAYS, Marcelo Enrique. The economic insertion of thejesuticos aldeamentos in the captainship of Ilhus. Com-munication presented to XVII the Cycle of HistoricalStudies: UESC, 2004.8 DIAS, Marcelo Henrique. The economic insertion ofthe jesuticos aldeamentos in the captainship of Ilhus.Communication presented to the XVII Cycle of HistoricalStudies: UESC, 2004


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Na contemporaneidade, diferentes pesquisas tm pos-sibilitado pensar em novas problemticas para a temtica dosaldeamentos jesuticos. De tal forma, que um novo dilogo en-tre as disciplinas de Antropologia, Histria e Arqueologia podepromover outras interpretaes sobre o passado e o presente

dessas populaes. neste caminho que se procura trilhar aosugerir uma Etnoarqueologia do aldeamento da Puricao,visto que a Etnoarqueologia caracteriza-se por propor umaforma de estudo interdisciplinar em que a compreenso devestgios materiais do passado pode ser feita como um teste-munho dos comportamentos humanos pelo intercruzamentode dados de diferentes naturezas.

Sabe-se que a histria da pesquisa arqueolgica, de ummodo geral, marcada por seu constante dilogo com disci-plinas ans, como a Histria e a Antropologia. Na Etnoarque-

ologia esta compreenso se efetiva, portanto, por meio de ummtodo analgico, comparando fatos materiais consequentes decomportamentos observados no tempo presente. Ou seja, asfontes documentais so analisadas juntamente com os testemu-nhos arqueolgicos. Desta forma, est se pensando aqui numaEtnoarqueologia que contribua no s para interpretarmos opassado por meio do presente, mas tambm o presente comuma perspectiva histrica, contemplando o passado.

Uma das formas de se fazer a histria dos povos indge-nas no Nordeste recebe uma abordagem que trata do contatodesses povos com os civilizados. Acredita-se que alguns dospovos indgenas nordestinos tiveram seus costumes e traostnico-raciais modicados pela concentrao de etnias diversas.Outra perspectiva historiogrca destaca os aspectos econ-micos, polticos e conitivos das relaes intertnicas. Nestaltima abordagem o conceito de frico intertnica toma aquesto indgena como motivao para se pensar a sociedadenacional, atravs da presena de algum modo incmoda dosgrupos tribais (OLIVEIRA, 1976). Neste aspecto, o ndio

era um indicador sociolgico para aqueles que estudavam asociedade nacional, seu processo expansionista e sua luta parao desenvolvimento.

O estudo do contato intertnico constituiu uma contri-buio mais original da Antropologia feita no pas. A transfor-mao dessa preocupao em tema genuinamente acadmicoocorreu nas dcadas de 1950 e 1960 com os estudos de DarcyRibeiro, que centrou seu objeto na direo do indigenismo que

chaeological research on the aboriginal populationswas to demonstrate the difference between thesepopulations and those that had populated great partof the Brazilian coast. To substantiate the specicityof the Jesuits settlings, several specialists had ap-pealed to the historical and ethnographic sources,by using the analogy to simply show aspects of thematerial culture which was a characteristic relatedto this group. As a consequence, the interpretationof these sources was prioritized for considering onlythose unifying aspects of the material culture, with-out giving account of singular elements that couldnot be generalized to all the aboriginal groups. Inthe contemporaneous context, different research hasmade possible to think about new problematic forthe Jesuits Indian settlings issues. That has beendone in such a way that a new dialogue among an-thropology, history and archaeology can promote

other interpretations about the past and the presentof these populations. It is in this way that one looksforward to carrying on a research by suggestingan Ethnoarchaeology of the indian settling in Pu-ricao village. Since the Ethnoarchaeology ischaracterized for considering an interdisciplinarystudy form, in which the understanding of materialtraces of the past can be made as a certication ofthe human behaviors through the intercrossing ofdata of different natures.

It is known that the history of the archaeologicalresearch, in a general way, is marked by its con-

stant dialogue with similar discipline as History aswell as the Anthropology. In the Ethnoarchaeol-ogy this understanding becomes effective throughan analogical method, by comparing consequentmaterial facts of behaviors observed in the presenttime. That is, the documentary sources are analyzedtogether with the archaeological certications. Insuch a way, the thinking about Ethnoarchaeology isnot only a contribution to interpret the past throughthe present, but also a possibility to interpret thepresent with a historical perspective, by contem-plating the past.

So, Ethnoarchaeology is one of the forms tomake history of the aboriginal peoples from thenortheastern segments of Brazil an approach thatdeals with the contact of those peoples as civilizedones. It is believed that the northeastern aborigi-nal peoples had their customs and ethno-racialtraces modied by the concentration of diverseethnicities. Another historiographic perspectiveemphasizes the ... economic and political aspects,


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mais tarde recebeu uma espcie de polimento terico de Roberto Cardoso de Oliveira com a noo de frico intertnicaHoje, os trabalhos que tratam da trajetria dos povos indgenas no Nordeste tm continuidade nos estudos realizados poPacheco de Oliveira sobre territorializao. Antnio Carlos de

Souza trata do indigenismo como conjunto de ideais relativo insero de povos indgenas em estado nacional.

No caso desta proposta de pesquisa, pretende-se investigar os processos de frices intertnicas dos paiais aldeados na Aldeia da Puricao, em Irar, por meio de umanlise etnoarqueolgica. Desta forma, far-se- uma anlisdos testemunhos arqueolgicos por meio da apreciao dopassado, sobretudo da segunda metade do sculo 17, quandodepois da expulso dos holandeses, os paiais entram emconito com os colonizadores. Assim, ser pesquisado como

se deram as primeiras entradas dos sertanistas nesta regio como eles dominaram os povos indgenas,10 neste caso, os jcitados paiais.11 Segundo, Luiz Henrique Tavares, Irar foinicialmente desbravada em 1553, quando Dom Joo III dooua Antnio Guedes de Brito12 terras que abrangiam grandparte do serto da Bahia. Nesse perodo, o maior interesse dCoroa Portuguesa era a expanso territorial de seus domnioe a necessidade de domesticar e realizar alianas com oindgenas, visando quase sempre aos objetivos militares. Aentradas de Antnio Guedes de Brito promoveram a conquist

denitiva das terras, uma vez que ele foi invadindo aldeiaindgenas, dizimando ndios, ou fazendo-os fugir para o interior, longe da civilizao.

10 HEMMING, John. o n fn n B cn. In BETHELLLeslie (org.). h amc ln cn.Trad. de Mary Amazonas Leitde Barros e Magda Lopes. So Paulo: Edusp; Braslia, DF: Fundao Alexandrde Gusmo, 1999.11TAVARES, Lus Henrique Dias. h B. Salvador: UFBA, p. 25

1974.12 Esse foi o fundador da Casa da Torre, que adentrou o serto baiano com oobjetivo de obter crescentes lucros atravs da explorao de sesmarias e expanso de seus currais. Esse desbravador trilhou os seguintes caminhos: saindo dItapagipe e passando em seguida por Itapoan estabeleceu-se em Tatuapara, em1560, regio de Mata de So Joo, dali penetrando nos vales do Itapicuru e dRio Real. Os vilas promoveram expedies armadas em toda mesorregio dnordeste da Bahia, onde promoveram guerra contra os ndios e obtiveram emrecompensa, grandes sesmarias, nas quais se expandiriam tambm os seus rebanhos. TAVARES, Lus Henrique Dias. h B. Salvador: UFBA, 1974

and conicting interethnic relations. In that last ap-proach the interethnic frictional concept takes intoconsideration the aboriginal issue as motivation tothink the national society, through the presence insome bothering way of the tribal groups (RobertCardoso de Oliveira). In this aspect, the aborigine

was a sociological indicator for those who studiedthe national society, its expansionist process and itsght for the development.

The study of interethnic contact constituted amore original contribution of anthropology madein the country. The transformation of this concernin a genuinely academic subject occurred in the dec-ades of 1950 and 1960 with the studies of DarcyRibeiro, who centered his object in the directionof the aboriginal which later received a form ofa special theoretical review by Robert Cardoso deOliveira with the interethnic frictional notion. To-

day, the works that deal with the trajectory of thenorth-eastern aboriginal peoples have continuity inthe studies carried through by Pacheco de Oliveiraon territorialization. Antonio Carlos de Souza deals

with the aboriginal affairs as set of related ideasconcerned to the insertion of aboriginal peoples innational State.

In the case of the proposal for this research,it is intended to investigate the processes of theinterethnic friction of the settled Paiais in Puri-cao village, in Irar so that an ethnoarchaeologicalanalysis could be done. Thus, an analysis of the ar-

chaeological certications will be done through theappreciation of the past, all over the second half ofthe seventeenth, when the Dutch were banned, ThePaiais got into conicts with the colonizers. Thus,it will be investigated how the rst hinterlandersentered that region and how they dominated thenative Paiais9. According to Luiz Enrique Tavares,Irar initially was tamed in 1553, when D. Joo IIIdonated to Antonio Guedes de Brito some landsthat enclosed great part of the hinterland of Bahia.In this period, the biggest interest of the Portuguesecrown was the territorial expansion of its domina-tion and the necessity to domesticate and to makealliances with the aboriginals, aiming at the mili-tary objectives. The entrances of Antonio Guedes

9 HEMMING, John. The indians and the border incolonial Brazil. In BETHELL, Leslie (org.). History ofcolonial Latin America. Trad. of Mary Amazon Leite deBarros and Magda Lopes. So Paulo: Edusp; Braslia, DF:Fundao Alexandre de Gusmo, 1999.


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2. O Projeto da Colonizao em Irar

Conforme documentos do perodo, o bandeirantismoteve espao na regio de Irar e promoveu a reduo do nmerode habitantes indgenas nas reas desbravadas. De tal modo, oprocesso de povoamento foi caracterizado por grandes vazios

demogrcos, sobretudo devido ao extermnio de indgenas.13

Os bandeirantes legitimaram seus domnios mediante o pro-cesso de extermnio dos povos indgenas e os sertanistas pe-netraram o serto com a misso de amansar o gentio.14 Para aexplorao colonial avanar, foi preciso expulsar os seus antigosmoradores para instalar vilas, currais e fazendas. Durante asdcadas de 50, 60 e 70 do sculo 17, foram organizadas circu-laes de pessoas para o serto, visando ao combate aos povosindgenas. Nesse perodo, a ideia de desbravamento construiu adenio do espao que no era conhecido pelos colonizadores

como serto.1Entre os sculos 17 e 18 ocorreram os deslocamentos

da criao de gado do litoral para o interior. Esta ao nasceugraas s presses exercidas em torno da organizao da co -lnia como um todo. O governador Tom de Sousa props aseparao das duas maiores atividades econmicas da colnia:a produo da cana-de-acar e a pecuria. Assim, ele proibiaa criao de gado a menos de 10 lguas do litoral, em 1701. 16A Zona da Mata foi destinada ao plantio da cana-de-acare o serto cou reservado pecuria. Depois desse ajuste, ogado foi deslocado para regies interioranas, distantes daquelasdestinadas ao cultivo da cana. Devido a isso, os colonizadoresforam em busca da conquista das terras do serto, terras quej eram ocupadas por muitas tribos indgenas, dentre elas ospaiais, muito comuns na regio de Irar.

Com a expanso da pecuria, a colonizao seguiu ser-to adentro em busca de terras para a instalao de currais degado. Deste modo, novas entradas foram abertas. Depois quea pecuria passou a ser especicamente desenvolvida no serto,

foram concedidas sesmarias para impulsionar a criao de gado.13ANDRADE, Maria Celeste Pacheco. on pvmn F snn:m cn/ Dissertao (Mestrado) Universidade Federal daBahia. Salvador: [s.n.], 1990.14 PRADO JR., Caio.Fm B Cnmpn. So Paulo: Brasiliense,2004.1 im.16ABREU, J. Capistrano de. 1930. Cmn n pvmn B. SociedadeCapistrano de Abreu. Rio de Janeiro.

de Brito10 promoted the denitive conquest of thelands, by invading the aboriginal villages, killingindians, or making them run away to the interior,far from the civilization.

2. The Project of the Settling in Irar:

According to documents of the period, theexploring fronts called pnnhad space in theregion of Irar and promoted the reduction of thenumber of aboriginal inhabitants in the conqueredareas. In such way, the inhabiting process was char-acterized by great areas of demographic emptiness.

There were several episodes of native killings11 allover the State. The explorers legitimized domainsthrough the process of extermination of the abo-riginal peoples; the hinterlanders had penetratedthe hinterland with the mission to tame the aborigi-nals12. In order to advance the colonial exploration

in the hinterland, it was necessary to banish the oldinhabitants and to install: villages, cow pens andfarms. During the 50s, 60s and 70s of the seven-teenth century, group of colonizers were organizedand sent to the hinterland, aiming at the dominationof the aboriginal peoples. In this period, the ideaof dominating them led to the colonizers construc-tion of the term, hinterland, as the denition of thespaces occupied by the aboriginal peoples that hadnot been previously discovered.

Between seventeenth and eighteenth centuriescattle raising moved from the coastline to the innerlands. That action was based on pressures derivedfrom the organization of the colony as a whole.

Tom de Souza, the governor, proposed the sepa-

10 This was the founder of the House of the Tower, thatreached the Bahian hinterland with the objective to getincreasing prots through the exploration of sesmariasand expansion of its cattle pens. This explorer reachedthe following ways: Itapagipe, Itapoan and establishedin Tatuapara, in 1560, region of Mata de So Joo, fromthere he went into the valleys of the Itapicuru and the RealRiver. The vilas had promoted armed expeditions in all

northeast mesoregion of Bahia, where they promoted waragainst the aborigines. In exchange they had gotten in re-

wards, great amount of sesmarias, in which they would alsoexpand its ocks. TAVARES, Luis Enrique Dias. Historyof the Bahia. Salvador: UFBA, 1974.11 ANDR ADE, Mar ia Celeste Pacheco. Orig ins of thesesttlement of Feira de Santana: a study of colonial his -tory/Dissertation (Master) - Federal University of Bahia.Salvador: [s.n.], 1990.12 PRADO JR, Caio. Formation of ContemporaneousBrazil. So Paulo: Brasiliense, 2004.


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As sesmarias eram terras com extenses de at quatro lguasEssas terras foram doadas para homens brancos, especialmentos de origem europeia. Das primitivas sesmarias foram aopoucos aparecendo roas, engenhos, currais e moradas. Lentamente, as terras foram ocupadas e as pessoas se radicando

ali, dedicando-se pecuria e agricultura.Com o passar dos anos, Antnio Guedes de Brito, osertanista que desbravou a regio de Irar, havia deixado dpromover a utilizao de grandes reas de seus domnios, bemcomo vrios outros sesmeiros brindados com largas porede terras nos dois primeiros sculos de colonizao, os quaisequer haviam chegado a tocar o solo de suas propriedades.

Conforme Erivaldo Fagundes Neves,17 a famlia Guedede Brito possua uma imensa propriedade de terra que forconcedida pela Coroa, e mais extenses territoriais conse

guidas fora e por dominao servil. Por decorrncia dessprocesso, a propriedade formou o morgado da famlia Guedede Brito, o qual fora institudo por testamento no sculo 17por Antnio de Brito Correa e sua esposa, Maria Guedessendo transmitido ao seu herdeiro Antnio Guedes de BritoNesse contexto, Joo Lobo Mesquita recebeu por cesso doproprietrio da sesmaria Casa da Ponte uma grande rea dterras, povoando-a com gado, escravos e moradias, abrindo estrada de boiadas para o serto. Em 1650, Joo Lobo dMesquita concedeu parte de suas terras situadas entre Jacupe gua Fria a Joo Peixoto Viegas. Essa regio abrangia, dentreoutros o municpio de Irar.

Na carta de concesso da sesmaria, que foi doada a JooPeixoto Viegas, evidenciam-se detalhes sobre os compromissoentre as partes: sesmeiro e doador. Tambm aparecem aspectoa respeito das propriedades, tais como os limites geogrcosa fertilidade das terras, se esto na regio de caatinga, se sohabitadas por brancos ou por gentios (ndios da tribo paiai)como tambm cita as riquezas naturais presentes nessas terras

a exemplo de rios:18

17 NEVES, Erivaldo Fagundes. d sm Mnfn(um estudo de histriregional e local). Salvador: Editora da Universidade Federal da Bahia; Feira dSantana: UniversidadeEstadual de Feira de Santana, 1998.18 BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL (BRASIL). dcmn c [tmb C sm r Jn p Cv B (1573-74) p svC s (1578-79)]/ Biblioteca Nacional.Vol. 1. Rio de Janeiro: FundaBibliotecaNacional, Dep. Nacional do Livro, 1928.

ration of the two bigger economic activities of thecolony as follows: the production of sugar cane andcattle raising. Thus, it was forbidden to raise cattleless than 66.000 meters away from the coast, in170113. The Zona da Mata was chosen for the plan-tation of the sugar and the cattle was supposed tobe raised in the hinterland. After that adjustment,the cattle were moved from the province to distantand inner regions far from those destined for thecultivation of the sugar cane. For that reason, thecolonizers went into the interior lands so that theycould conquor the lands of the hinterland. However,those lands already belonged to many of the abo-riginal tribes, amongst them being the Paiais, who

were very common in the region of Irar.

With the expansion of the cattle raising, theprocess kept going on into the hinterland in thesearch of lands for cattle raising. In this way, new

trails had been opened. Once the cattle raisingstarted to be developed specically in the hinter-land, some blocks of land were granted as m,asystem to stimulate the cattle raising. The m

were lands with extensions as long as up to 26.400meters. Those blocks of land had been donated to

white men, especially of European origin. From theprimitive msome small crops started to becultivated little by little, cow pens and dwellings.Slowly, the lands became very well inhabited andbusy and the people created roots there, workingon the cattle and the agriculture.

Over the years, Guedes de Brito (the hinterlanderwho had explored the region of Irar) had given upencouraging others to use great blocks of land inhis domains, as did other sesmeiros, that is, whiteowners of wide portions of blocks of lands in thetwo rst centuries of the settling. In fact they hadnever come to know and touch their properties.

As Erivaldo Fagundes Neves14, Guedes de Britosfamily had an immense property that had beengranted by the crown. In addition, they had gottenterritorial extensions of land gotten by force and by

servile domination. As a result of this process, theproperty formed the familys rst property, whichwas instituted by will in the seventeenth century by

13 ABREU, J. Capistrano de. 1930. Old ways and settlementof society in Brazil. Capistrano de Abreu. Rio de Janeiro.14 NEVES, Erivaldo Fagundes. From Sesmaria to Minifn-dio (study of a regional and local history). Salvador: Pub -lishing company of Federal University of Bahia; Feira deSantana: State University of Feira de Santana, 1998.


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26 RHAA 13

Joo Peixoto Viegas Senhor Possuidor das terras da Agoa FriaItapororocas Jacuipe Velho que hummas e outras So hereosvizinhas dos Tocos [...] vizinhas das dos Tocos e Pinda em Ra-zo de no Sabermos aonde n 25 da alias Sabermos aondeChego e acabo entre nos as ditas terras temos duvida pare-

cendo a cada qual que nos entrarmos e tomamos hum ao outro.Viemos a Com cordarmo nos e acordamos amigavelmente porConservarmos nossa antiga e boa amizade e evitar o trabalho egasto de demarca das entre nos e nossos herdeiros conviemos eacordamos que a prezente digo que a partir e Sorte das Terrasdos Tocoz e Pinda se me fez a primeiro Seguindo a data 15 dellapela forma que se diz e se marca a Provizo da Sua Sesmaria eSe ponho marcas e Signais que Sero para Sempre de divizocom 20 as terras de Agua fria Itapororocas e Rio Jacuipe velhoque tem a Sismaria de mim Joo Peixoto Viegas porquanto asditas 25 terras de Tocoz e Pinda co ao Norte do dito Rio e

Itapororocas gua Fria [...]19

De acordo com este documento, nota-se que Joo PeixotoViegas recebeu a sua sesmaria, a qual era composta pelas seguin-tes localidades: gua Fria (na qual o municpio de Irar estavainserido na poca) e Itapororocas, (Feira de Santana e Jacupe)que abrange toda a microrregio de Feira de Santana.

A carta de concesso de sesmarias de 3 de julho de 1655faz referncias aos perigos da regio promovidos pela luta comos indgenas. Nessa mensagem destaca-se a ameaa de assaltose morte de escravos no confronto com os indgenas.20 poss-vel observar nas entrelinhas dessas informaes que os donosdos currais no respeitavam as terras dos antigos habitantesda regio, uma vez que podiam deixar o boi solto, e este aca-bava por invadir o espao natural do nativo. Logo, o homembranco invadia o espao cultural dos indgenas. Essa dupla aodeu origem a muitos conitos entre portugueses e indgenas.Quando os nativos atacavam o gado, os vaqueiros reagiam e oconito, muitas vezes, terminava desfavorvel para os antigos

donos do serto. Por causa desse fator, nos sculos 16 e 17, asregies do serto da Bahia foram palcos de grandes conitosenvolvendo ndios e brancos colonizadores.21

19 O texto est no original, sem reviso pela ortograa atual.20 Pv, v m. Rio de Janeiro, Tipograa Monroe, p. 170, 348-349.1930 (Documentos Histricos, srie 16, Biblioteca Nacional. Vol. 18).21 GALVO. Mons. Renato de Andrade. o pv F snn.Manuscritos do Livro de memria da regio de Feira de Santana. Museu Casa

Antonio de Brito Correa and his wife Maria Guedesbeing transmitted to her heir Antonio Guedes deBrito. In this context, Joo Lobo de Mesquita re-ceived by cession of the proprietor of sesmaria Casada Ponte a great land area, populating it with cattle,slaves and housing, opening cattle roads into thehinterland. In 1650, Joo Lobo de Mesquita grantedpart of his lands situated between Jacupe and guaFria and Joo Peixoto Viegas. This region enclosed,amongst others, the city of Irar.

In the letter of concession of the sesmaria thatit was donated to Joo Peixoto Viegas, there is evi-denced of the details relating to the commitmentsbetween the two parts: sesmeiro and donator. Inthat letter some aspects regarding the propertiesis also shown, such as: the geographic limits, thefertility of lands, if the lands are in the region ofcaatinga, if they are inhabited by whites or by na-

tives (indians of Paiais tribe), in addition to, theletter mentions the natural richness in those lands,say, the rivers1:

Joo Peixoto Viegas, Mr. Possessor of the lands ofgua Fria, Itapororocas Jacuipe Velho afrmed thatsome others are neighbors of the neighboring Tocos[...] of the Tocos and Pinda for not knowing the endof them25 where those lands begin and end.So there have been some doubts about their lenth itseems that each one of us entered the others blockof land. We came to have an aggreement in a friendly

way in honor of our old and good friendship and to

prevent the work and expense of demarcating to bewasted. Therefore we agree with this demarcation sothat our heirs may possess them legally. I say at thispresent moment that Sorte das Terras dos Tocoz ePinda have been demarcated on this very date of 15of the current month and that those lands shouldbe marked and signalized up to gua Fria, with 20blocks and Itapororocas and Rio old Jacuipe with 25all of them donated to me by Joo Peixoto Viegas.

Tocoz and Pinda will be located to the North of RioJacupe and Itapororocas and gua Fria]

Based on this document, it is observed that JooPeixoto de Freitas received his sesmaria, which was

1 BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL (BRAZIL). Historical docu-ments [Register of the Letters of Sesmarias of Rio de Janeirogiven by Cristvo de Barros (1573-74) given by SalvadorCorreia de S (1578-79)] / Biblioteca Nacional. Vol. 1. Rio de

Janeiro: Fundao Biblioteca Nacional, Departamento Na-cional do Livro, 1928. Provisions, licenses and sesmarias. Riode Janeiro, Monroe Typography, p. 170, 348-349,1930 (His-torical Documents, series 16, Biblioteca Nacional. Vol. 18).


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Em 20 de maro de 1676 Joo Peixoto Viegas executou uma petio Coroa Portuguesa, solicitando o apoio paracombater os indgenas desta regio.22 Quando Peixoto Viegaadentrou o serto os jesutas j ocupavam este lugar, especicamente a regio de Irar. O padre que comandou esta misso fo

Antnio Pinto. Depois que ocorreu a concesso das sesmariasupracitadas, os jesutas reagiram, uma vez que o governadoTom de Sousa concedeu terras, as quais j eram ocupadas.

Nessa poca, os ndios eram encontrados em abundncia nos sertes, e constituam a mo de obra preferencial dafazendas do lugar. Porm, contrariamente ao que se pensava, populao autctone no gurava como maioria dos trabalhadores, ao menos em certas partes do interior nordestino. A populao nativa passou por intenso processo de mudana de surepresentao social: de donos da terra, os indgenas passaram

a ser considerados invasores, gentios, brbaros e preguiosospara depois se tornarem em vadios, facnoras e vagabundos. Opovos colonizadores tratavam os indgenas genericamente como gentio brbaro. Os indgenas animalizados viviam comoservos, vtimas de toda a sorte de arbitrariedades cometidapelos latifundirios, estes sempre acobertados pela proteodos policiais e polticos. Do mesmo modo, a violncia fsica fonaturalizada, o estigma e o preconceito denegriram a imagemdos nativos e dos seus descendentes perante a sociedade, e aindhoje permanecem como cultura inferior.23

Nesse perodo foram desencadeados conitos entre jesutas e curraleiros, uma vez que foram concedidas sesmarias particulares dentro das quais cavam homens indgenas (vistocomo no civilizados), que no compreendiam a razo poque outros homens invadiam as suas terras e colocavam nelacurrais, dicultando-lhe a prpria subsistncia. No tendo noo de propriedade, muitos grupos indgenas atacavam o gadocriado solto nas fazendas pelo fato de enxergarem como a caaalgo que fazia parte da natureza. Assim, os indgenas exerciam

fortes ameaas para os colonos, uma vez que atacavam as vilasplantaes e fazendas dos moradores.24 Esta prtica causav

do Serto. Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana.22 LEITE, Seram. h Cmpn J n B. 10 tomos, LisboaLiv. Portuglia, Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Nacional do Livro, Liv. CivilizaBrasileira, 1938-1950.23 im.24 GALVO. Mons. Renato de Andrade. o pv F snnManuscritos do Livro de memria da regio de Feira de Santana. Museu Cas

composed by the following localities: gua Fria(where the town of Irar was inserted at the time),Itapororocas (Feira de Santana and Jacupe whichencloses the micron-region of Feira de Santana).

The letter of concession of sesmarias dated July3,1655 makes reference to the dangers of the region

promoted by the ghts with the aboriginals16

. In thismessage it is distinguished threats from assaults anddeath of slaves in the confrontation with the abo-riginals. It is possible to observe between the linesthat the information that the owners of the cowpens did not respect the lands of the old inhabit-ants of the region, since they set the cattle free inthe wild and this destroyed the natives crops, forthe cattle invaded the natural space of the natives.Soon, the white man invaded the cultural space ofthe aborigines. This double action brought manyconicts between the Portuguese and aborigines.

When the natives attacked the cattle, the cattle ten-ders reacted and the conict many times ended upin disadvantages to the old owners of the hinterland.On account of this factor, in sixteenth and seven-teenth centuries, the regions of the hinterland ofBahia were the scenary of great conicts involvingindians and white colonizers17.

March 20, 1676, Joo Peixoto de Freitas executeda petition to the Portuguese Crown, requesting thesupport to ght the aboriginals of that region18.

When Joo Peixoto de Freitas reached the hinter-land the Jesuits had already occupied that place,

specically the region of Irar. The Priest who wasin charge of this mission was P. Antonio Pinto. Af-ter the concession of sesmarias occurred, the Jesuitsreacted, once the governor Tom de Souza, grantedlands which had already been occupied.

At that time, the indians were found in abun-

16 PROVISIONS, licenses and sesmarias. Rio de Janeiro,Monroe Typography, p. 170, 348-349,1930 (Historical Do-cuments, series 16, Biblioteca Nacional. Vol. 18). LIMA,Zlia de Jesus. Lucas Evangelista: Lucas da Feira. Studieson the Enslaved Revolt in Feira de Santana/1807-1849.

Dissertation (Masters). UFBA, Sa lvador, 1990. Correspon-dence of the Council of Feira de Santana for the presidencyof the province. Pile number 1.309; Year 1834 doc. Number04-11/01/1834-aPEbba.17 GALVO. Mons. Renato de Andrade. The settlers ofthe region of Feira de Santana. Manuscripts of the Bookof memory of the region of Feira de Santana. HinterlandHouse Museum. State University of Feira de Santana.18 LEITE, Seram. History of the Company of Jesus inBrazil. 10 volumes, Lisbon: Portuglia, R io de Janeiro: Ins-tituto Nacional do Livro, Civi lizao Brasilei ra, 1938-1950.


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grandes transtornos aos curraleiros, e denncias a este respeitoeram recorrentes na poca. A maior parte da documentaopesquisada faz referncias aos perigos que os indgenas ofe-reciam a essas regies do serto baiano, j que representavamuma assustadora e constante ameaa de ataque.2

O aldeamento da Puricao, atual Irar, era ocialmenteo abrigo dos indgenas e escravos que viviam sob o comandodos padres. No entanto, do sculo 18 at o nal do sculo19, esses espaos tiveram outros ns. Muitos negros e mes-tios livres passaram a utilizar e ocupar as antigas terras quepertenciam aos indgenas. Vrios deles passavam a viver sobo comando das regras dos missionrios catlicos e, em troca,recebiam terras para trabalhar.26 Esses sujeitos no indgenasutilizavam as instalaes dos aldeamentos visando a uma sobre-vivncia mais tranquila que a do cativeiro nas fazendas. Assim,

aproveitavam o mximo que os aldeamentos podiam oferecer:terras, abrigo, ferramentas, armas, alimentos etc.27 Com isso, ondice populacional aumentava nas regies aldeadas.

Em 1786, a freguesia de gua Fria, da qual o aldeamentoda Puricao fazia parte, registrava os seguintes nmeros re-lativos quantidade de habitantes:

Tabela 1 Censo da populao de gua Fria, em 1786

Casais de ndios aldeados 32

Livres 27Escravos 469Pardos livres 289Forros 101ndios 72

Total de sujeitos 1.490

Naquela vila existiam 527 homens livres, 469 escravos,101 forros, 72 ndios aldeados e apenas 4 morando nas fazendas.Esse censo, cujos dados so mais precisos, permite perceber

que grande parte dos pardos livres (ao todo 289) eram lhosde pardos forros. O segundo censo consta que, em gua Fria,

do Serto. Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana.2 im.26 GALVO. Mons. Renato de Andrade. o pv F snn.Manuscritos do Livro de memria da regio de Feira de Santana. Museu Casado Serto. Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana.27 SILVA, Arnold.Jn F N. Feira de Santana, 11 de agosto, 1939.

dance in the hinterland, and they formed a preferen-tial work force for the farms of the area. However,in contrast, the aboriginal population did not seemto be the majority of the workers, at least in certainparts of the northeastern inner lands. The nativepopulation went through an intense process ofchanges in their social representation: from own-ers of the land, the aborigines had changed intothose to be considered as invasors, barbarous andsluggish, and later they became lazy, criminals and

vagabonds. The colonizers treated the aboriginesgenerically as the heathen barbarian. The ani-malized aborigines lived as servants, as victims ofall kinds of arbitrary acts committed by the big farmowners who were always protected by the police-men and politicians. In a similar way, the physical

violence was normalized, the stigma and the pre-conception denigrated the image of the natives and

its descendants before the society, and still todaythey remain as part of an inferior culture19.

In that time, there were several conicts betweenJesuits and cattle farmers, once some sesmariaswhich had been granted to those farmers had al-ready been inhabited by aborigines (seen as not civi-lized), on the other hand, those aboriginals did notunderstand the reason why other men invaded theirlands, and placed them in corrals, making it difcultfor the aborigines` own subsistence. Lack of under-standing made a lot of aboriginal attack the cattle onthe farms just as a natural activity of hunting. Thus,

the aboriginals were seen as threats for the colonists,as they attacked villages, plantations and farms ofthe inhabitants around them. This practice causedgreat upheavals to the cattlemen and denunciationsto this respect were recurrent at that time. Most ofthe searched documentation refers to the dangersthat the aboriginals offered to these regions of theBahian hinterland, since they represented a frightfuland constant threat of attack20.

Puricao settling (current Irar) was ofciallythe shelter of the aboriginals and slaves who livedunder the command of the priests. However, fromeighteenth century until the end of nineteenth, thesespaces had had other destinies. Many free blacks andmestizos had started to use and to occupy the oldlands that had belonged to the aboriginals. Severalof them started to live under the rules of the catholicmissionaries and, in exchange for being tamed and

19 im.20 im.


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a proporo era semelhante, constando de 381 cativos pretosem um total de 469.28

No nal do sculo 18, o aldeamento da Puricaopassou a possuir uma populao numerosa. Muitas vezes, onmero de negros e de aldeados era maior que o da popula

o branca. Por outro lado, alguns sujeitos brancos tambmdisputavam essa regio, visando implantao de currais degado. A partir da, passaram a existir muitas revoltas entros curraleiros e os ndios. Os conitos surgidos a partir doprocesso de colonizao foram resultado direto da escravizao imposta aos indgenas e da expropriao de suas terrapelos agentes coloniais.

Um dos momentos de maior intensidade desses conitodeu-se em 1687, quando diversos povos indgenas formaramaliana e se lanaram em ofensiva contra os colonizadores

Nessas situaes, os indgenas saqueavam e tocavam fogo emfazendas, bem como invadiam as propriedades dos homenbrancos.29 Documentos ociais mostram que nesse perodopassaram a existir muitas comunidades de quilombos em IrarEssas estratgias de resistncia eram montadas pelos negrofugidos que encontravam apoio nas regies prximas das vilae dos aldeamentos.

Os jesutas permaneceram na regio de Irar at 1759A part ir do supracitado ano, foram conscados os bens d

Companhia em toda a colnia, pois o Marqus fez publicauma lei que dava os jesutas como desnaturalizados, proscritos e exterminados em Portugal e nas colnias. Nesta aocontra os religiosos, foram processadas as deportaes dealguns jesutas para os Estados Pontifcios.30 A expulso dojesutas foi decorrente de uma srie de disputas por poderprivilgios e riqueza, entre eles os grandes proprietrios dengenhos, fazendas de cana, habitaes e escravos que representaram uma grande riqueza e proporcionaram um enormpoder poltico.

Com a expulso dos jesutas da colnia, aumentaram abuscas por terras na regio do serto da Bahia. Eram vrioos conquistadores que passaram a ocupar essa regio. Entre

28APEB, Seo Histrica, Cartas ao Governo, mao 242.29 GALVO. Mons. Renato de Andrade. o pv F snnManuscritos do Livro de memria da regio de Feira de Santana. Museu Casdo Serto. Universidade Estadual de Feira de Santana.30 im.

evangelized, they received lands to work21. Thesepeople who were not aboriginal, but free blacks,used the installations of the settling aiming at toa calm survival and very different from what they

were used to as slaves on the farms. Thus, they tookadvantage at the most they could in the settling,they were offered things like: lands, shelter, tools,

weapons, foods, etc22. For this reason, the popula-tion index increased in the settl ing regions. In 1786,the population in gua Fria, of which the settlingof Puricao was a part, registered the followingrelative numbers to the amount of inhabitants:

Table 1 Sense of the Cold Water population, in 1786

Couples of settled Indians 32Free blacks 27Slaves 469Free brownish people 289Forros 101Indians 72

Total of Citizens 1490

In that village, there were 527 free men, 469settled slaves, 101 Forros, 72 indians and only 4 ofthem on the farms. That census, whose data aremore precise, allows us to perceive that great part ofthe free brownish (in al l 289) were children of For-ros descents. The second census in gua Fria, hasa similar ratio, consisting of 381 black captives, in atotal of 469. On this conjuncture, Stuart Schwartz

demonstrated that, between 1778 and 1798, therewere 2844 captives all over the hinterland. Amongstthe African nations that came to the hinterland,the following ones had received greater emphasis:

Angolas, Benguelas and Congos (counting 2163people), followed by the mines, nags and jejes.

At the end of the seventeenth eighteenth, thePuricao settling started to have a numerouspopulation. Many times, the numbers of the blacksand the settled ones were greater than that of the

white population. On the other hand, some whitecitizens also disputed the settlement of this region,

21 GALVO. Mons. Renato de Andrade. The settlers ofthe region of Feira de Santana. Manuscripts of the Bookof memory of the region of Feira de Santana. HinterlandHouse Museum. State University of Feira de Santana.22 SILVA, Arnold. Jornal Folha do Norte. Feira de Santana,

August 11, 1939 APEB, Historical Section, Letters to theGovernment, pile 242. SCHWARTZ, Stuart B. internalSecrets: devices and slaves in the colonial society, 1550- 1853. So Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1988.


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segunda metade do sculo 17 e o incio do sculo 18, os colo-nizadores, que consistiam em um acoplado de guerreiros e queviviam em arraiais, transformaram-se em curraleiros.

Aos poucos, as terras de Irar iam recebendo uma novademarcao. Assim, os fazendeiros foram anexando mais terras

ao seu domnio, sobretudo, as terras que pertenciam Compa-nhia de Jesus, implantando fazendas e currais de gado.31 Com aexpulso dos jesutas, ocorreu a criao de vilas e a incorporaodos contingentes indgenas populao colonial, que no s di-cultavam a manuteno das terras designadas, como pareciamdar suporte s declaraes acerca da inexistncia de indgenaspuros. Ou seja, seria preciso demarcar os indgenas puros,a m de garantir a continuidade de sua estrutura social. Comisso, os negros que viviam nesses espaos tambm passarama ser perseguidos.

As populaes de escravos nos aldeamentos assustavamos colonizadores. O sertanista Joo Peixoto Viegas, em cartasenviadas ao governador da Bahia, destaca a ameaa de assaltose morte de escravos no confronto com os indgenas.32 Pode-seobservar, nas entrelinhas dessas informaes, que os donosdos currais no respeitavam as terras dos antigos habitantes daregio. Dessa forma, possvel concluir que a presena de ne-gros fugidos na regio pesquisada avanou proporcionalmenteao avano da conquista colonial.

Durante os anos de 1839 a meados de 1841 a microrregiode Feira de Santana foi intensamente tomada por movimen-tos de escravos, que circulavam para alm das matas frteis einvadiam o interior das vilas.33 A cmara de Feira de Santanainformou ao presidente da provncia sobre a existncia de es-cravos fugidos reunidos em quilombos: aquelas terras erocomumente frequentadas por escravos fugitivos e quilombolas,que ali vo se refugiar se nutrindo do cio do crime ou no crimeinclusive penetrando nos meios indgenas em suas perpetuasvadiagens, para isolar-se...34

31 im.32 Pv, v m. Rio de Janeiro, Tipograa Monroe, p. 170, 348-349.1930 (Documentos Histricos, srie 16, Biblioteca Nacional. Vol. 18).33 LIMA, Zlia de Jesus de. lc evn: o lc F. e b rb ecv m F snn/1807-1849. Dissertao de Mestrado. UFBA,Salvador, 1990.34 Correspondncia da Cmara de Feira de Santana para a Presidncia da pro-

vncia. Mao nmero 1.309; Ano 1834 doc. Nmero 04-11/01/1834-APEBBA.(Mantida a graa da poca.)

aiming at the implantation of cattle corrals. Fromthen on, many revolts between cattlemen and In-dians started to exist. The conicts emerging fromthe settling process had been the direct results ofthe slavery system imposed to the aborigines andfrom the expropriation of the slaves lands by thecolonizers. The year 1687 was one of the most in-tense moments of that time which generated a lot ofconicts. That was when diverse aboriginal peopleshad formed alliances and launched themselves in anoffensive against the colonizers. In these cases, theaborigines pillaged and touched re to farms, andinvaded the properties of the white men. Ofcialdocuments show that, in this period, many com-munities of quilombos started to appear in Irar.

These strategies of resistance were organized by therun-away blacks that found support in the regionsnext to the villages and the settling.

The Jesuits had remained in the region of Irarup to 1759. From the above-mentioned year, thegoods of the Company in all had been conscatedall over the colony, therefore, the Marquis, passeda law that determined that the Jesuits should beconsidered disnaturalized, prohibited and exter-minated from Portugal and from the colonies. Inthis action against the religious people, the depor-tations of some Jesuits to the Pontical States hadbeen processed. The expulsion of the Jesuits wasdue to a series of disputes for power, privileges and

wealth, among them were the great proprietors of

sugar cane machinery and devices, sugar cane farms,habitations and slaves who had represented a great

wealth and had provided an enormous politicalpower. With the expulsion of the Jesuits of the col-ony, they had increased the searches for lands in theregion of the hinterland in Bahia. There were severalconquerors who had started to occupy this region.Between the second half of seventeenth centuryand the beginning of XVIII one, the colonizers,that consisted of a mixed group of warriors andthose who lived in small vi llages, had been changedinto curraleiros.

Little by little, the lands of Irar went on re-ceiving a new landmark. Thus, the farmers keptconquering and adding more lands to their domain,over all, the lands that belonged to the Company of

Jesus, which implanted farms and corrals of cattle.With the expulsion of the Jesuits, the creation ofvillages occurred as well as the incorporation of theaboriginal contingents to the colonial population.

That not only made it difcult for the maintenance


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Esses homens livres e pobres viam no serto uma espciede fronteira mvel, que estava recoberta por um imaginrio dliberdade. Como sintetiza Walter Fraga:3

O fato de a maior parte dos braos da lavoura aucareira tevivido a experincia da escravido foi decisivo para denir ocontornos das relaes cotidianas que se formaram depois dabolio. As vivncias no cativeiro serviram de parmetros paros libertos denirem o que era justo e aceitvel na relao comos antigos senhores, incluindo estabelecer condies de trabalhque julgavam compatveis com a nova condio.

Dessa forma, os ex-escravos adentraram nos meios rurais e urbanos, buscando rmar sua liberdade e viabil izar seuinteresses pessoais. Os sujeitos que viveram nesse perodoempreenderam uma luta pela sobrevivncia, sobretudo pelsatisfao das necessidades primrias, como a alimentaoOcorreu a elevao dos preos dos produtos de subsistncicomo a farinha.36 Enm, indgenas passaram a dividir oespaos com os negros fugidos, das diversas origens tnicae culturais. Os negros aquilombados encontravam solidariedade e auxlio nos parceiros indgenas. Os foragidos da leencontram nesta mata um refgio seguro, em que as mos dajustia dicilmente os alcanaria. Dessa forma, a relao entrquilombos e comunidades indgenas, na regio pesquisadaexerce certa aproximao.

Na segunda metade do sculo 19, as terras da regio dIrar eram bastante cobiadas por sujeitos negros, mulatos ebrancos. Eles disputavam pelo destino das terras pblicas questiveram na dependncia das provncias durante o Imprio ena dos estados a partir da Repblica. Essas terras pertenciamaos jesutas. Depois que os jesutas saram deste lugar, ocorreuum acelerado crescimento de busca por terras. No sculo 19nos aldeamentos da Bahia, existiam ocialmente as seguinteestatsticas sobre o nmero de habitantes:37

3 FRAGA, Walter Filho.encz lb. Campinas: Editora da Unicamp, 2006.36 im.37 O documento transcrito abaixo um instantneo dos ltimos aldeamentode ndios no Nordeste no sculo 19. Relatrio da repartio dos negcios dagricultura, comrcio e obras pblicas apresentado assembleia geral legislativna primeira sesso da dcima primeira legislatura pelo respectivo ministro secretrio de estado Manuel Felizardo de Souza e Mello. Rio de Janeiro. Typographia Universal de Laemmer Rua dos Invlidos, 61 b, 1861.

of assigned lands, as they seemed to give supportto the declarations concerning the inexistence ofpure aborigines, but also it was necessary to de-marcate the pure aboriginals, in order to guaranteethe continuity of their social structure. By doing so,the blacks who also lived in these spaces started tobe pursued.

The populations of slaves in the settlings scaredthe colonizers. The hinterlander Joo Peixoto deFreitas, in letters sent to the governor of Bahia,stresses the threat of assaults and deaths of slavesin the confrontation with the aborigines. It is noted,between the lines, that the owners of the corralsdid not respect the lands of the old inhabitants ofthe region. So, it may be concluded that the pres-ence of run away blacks in the searched regionadvanced proportionally the development of thecolonial conquest.

During the years of 1839 and mid 1841, themicro-region of Feira de Santana was was over-

whelmed by movements of slaves, who moved andreached lands beyond the fertile forests and invadedthe interior of the villages. The political chamberof Feira of Santana informed the president of theprovince about the existence of run away slaves

who congregated in quilombos: those lands werecommonly visited by fugitive slaves and quilom-bolas, that went there to take refuge, nourishingthemselves of doing nothing, but committing crime.

They also mixed with the aboriginals and perpetu-

ate a lazy and irresponsible way of living, in a waythey ended up isolating themselves These freeand poor men saw in the hinterland a type of mobileborder recovered by an imagination of freedom. As

Walter Fraga synthecizes:

The fact that the most powerful labor workers ofthe sugar farming had lived the experience of theslavery was decisive to dene the contours of thedaily relations that they had formed after the aboli-tion. The experiences in the captivity had served asparameters for the free black men in dening that

it was just and acceptable in the relation with theold white masters, including the establishment ofthe work conditions that they judged compatible

with the new ones.

Thus, former-slaves went on exploring agricul-tural and urban areas, aiming at their freedom andto make it possible to have their personal interestsrealized. The citizens that had lived in this period


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32 RHAA 13

[Abrantes], no municpio do mesmo nome, 230 almas, patri-mnio arrendado pela cmara respectiva; [Massarandupi], nomesmo municpio, 320 almas, 115 fogos, terreno doado pelo[Morgado da Torre], que seus herdeiros vo reavendo; [PedraBranca], no municpio da [Tapera], 235 almas, 78 fogos, da tribodos [Cariris], patrimnio arrendado, mas os rendeiros pouco ou

nada pagam; [Santo Antnio], no municpio de [Nazareth], 172almas, 54 fogos da tribo dos [Sapucaias], terreno arrendado,mas de rendimento diminuto, tendo uma capela; [Prazeres], nomunicpio de [Jequiri], 104 almas, 27 fogos, terreno arrendado,capela arruinada; [Sacco dos Tapuios], no municpio de [Puri-cao], 180 almas, 82 fogos [...].38

Assim, ocorreram vrias lutas entre os sujeitos que pro-jetavam a conquista e ampliao de seus domnios fundirios.A documentao consultada ressalta que a ocupao das co-

munidades quilombolas de Irar se processou pela conquistasde terras pblicas.39 Em 1850, com a criao da nova Lei deTerras, a diviso territorial desse municpio foi alterada. Depoisda vigncia dessa lei, todos os produtores seriam obrigados acercar suas terras. O pequeno produtor familiar e/ou escravista,tambm teria a obrigao de construir cercas. Um dos domniosmais tpicos do serto baiano, as terras de Antnio Guedes deBrito, a Casa da Ponte, apresentava no Tombo de Terras feitoem 1809, nada menos que 110 stios pagadores de renda e 64 sobexplorao direta;40 pois, os altos custos da formao das cercas

impossibilitaram muitos pequenos proprietrios de cercarem suasterras. Os poderosos senhores fazendeiros e criadores de gadoconseguiram, bem ao contrrio do pequeno produtor roceiro.

Consideraes fnais

A regio oeste do municpio de Irar, que foi ocupadapelas misses jesuticas, sofreu fortes impactos com a criaoda nova lei de terras, uma vez que as pessoas que moravamno lugar no possuam documentos de terras, e tambm no

tiveram condies de cerc-las. Com isso, homens de posses,possivelmente fazendeiros, passaram a cercar terras da regio,gerando diversos conitos. O Relatrio da repartio dos ne-

38Vila da Puricao: atual Irar.39ARQUIVO PBLICO DE IRAR.M fn pc cv.40 tmb t C t. Annaes do Archivo Pblico da Bahia. AnnoIII, vols. IV, pp. 56-92. Ver tambm Calmon (1958: 135 e ss); e o testamento deGarcia Dvila citado por Calmon: 222.

had undertaken a ght for the survival, above allfor the satisfaction of the primary necessities suchas eating or feeding. Prices of the subsistence prod-ucts went up, like the price of our, for example.In other words, the aborigines started to share thespaces with the run away blacks, of diverse ethnicand cultural origins. The quilombolas blacks foundsolidarity and aid in the aboriginal partners. Theoutlaw ones found in this forest a safe shelter, wherethe hands of justice would hardly reach them. Thus,the relation between quilombos and aboriginalcommunities, in the searched region, necessitatesa certain approach.

In the last half the nineteenth century, the landsof the region of Irar were sufciently populated byblack citizens, brownish and whites. They foughtfor the destiny of the public lands that had beendependent upon the provinces during Empire in

one of the states from the Republic. These landsbelonged to the Jesuits. Later, after the Jesuits hadleft this place, a remarkable increase for the searchof lands occured. In the nineteenth century, in thesettlements of the Bahia, the following statisticson the number of inhabitants were registered of-cially:

[[Abrantes]], in the town of the same name, 230souls, patrimony leasehold by the respective cham-ber; [[Massarandupi]], in the same town, 320 souls,115 fogos, land donated by [[ MORGADO DA

Torres]], which its heirs may requires later on; [[Pe-dra Branca]], in the town of [[Tapera]], 235 souls, 78fogos, of tribe of [[Cariris]], leasehold patrimony, butthe tenants little or nothing heathen; [[Saint Anto-nio]], in the town of [[Nazareth]], 172 souls, 54 fogosof tribe of [[Sapucaias]], leasehold land, but of mini-mum income, having one chapel; [[Prazeres]], in thetown of [[Jequiri]], 104 souls, 27 fogos, leaseholdland, chapel ruined; [[Sacco dos Tapuios]], in thetown of [[Puricao]], 180 souls, 82 fogos [...]

Thus, there were several ghts between thecitizens and those who projected the conquest and

magnied their agrarian domains. The documenta-tion used in this paper shows that the occupationof the quilombolas communities of Irar occurredthrough the public land conquests. In 1850, with thecreation of the new Land Law, the territorial divi-sion of this town was modied. After the validityof this law, all the producers would be obliged tohave fences around their lands so that they could bedemarcated. The small farmer and/or slave masters,


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gcios da agricultura, comrcio e obras pblicas, apresentadona assembleia geral legislativa na primeira sesso da dcima primeira legislatura pelo respectivo ministro e secretrio de estadoManuel Felizardo de Souza e Mello, Rio de Janeiro, 1861, temas seguintes informaes sobre os aldeamentos de Puricao

atual Irar: o terreno doado pelo [Conde da Ponte], retomadoviolentamente.... Assim, os pastos iam surgindo atravs ddelimitao das cercas, em que por largos trechos, a populaoconsegue impor um regime de terras distinto daquele baseadona apropriao individual e privada da terra, como o sistemsesmarial supunha.

Enm, esta histria caracterizada por relaes de friceintertnicas causou o contato entre etnias, o qual assume umcarter sistmico a partir de certo momento. Ou seja, o sistemintertnico comeou a se constituir a partir do momento em

que se criou certa interdependncia entre os grupos tnicos. sobre este sistema intertnico, enquanto um cpsocioculturaem movimento permanente, que este trabalho pretende destacaa histria do aldeamento de Puricao, em Irar.

would also have to construct fences. One of themost typical domains of Bahian Hinterland, was thelands of Antonio Guedes de Brito, Casa da Ponte,showing in the Land Register, made in 1809, noth-ing less than 110 paying small farms which paidtaxes and 64 were under direct exploration; there-fore, the high costs of the fences had disabled manyminor proprietors to put a landmark in their lands.In spite of the high costs to do it, the powerful

white farmers and cattle owners could afford theirfences easily.

Final considerations

The west region of Irar which was occupiedby the Jesuit missions was strongly impacted withthe creation of the new land law, as the people thatlived in the place did not have any land documents,neither had they conditions to fence their lands.

So, nancial ly powerful men, possibly farmers, hadstarted to fence any lands of the region, generatingdiverse conicts. The report of the distribution ofthe businesses of agriculture, commerce and publicservices presented to the legislative general meetingin the rst session of the tenth rst legislature bythe respective minister and secretary of state ManuelFelizardo de Souza e Mello, Rio De Janeiro of 1861,has the following information on Puricao set-tlings, current Irar: the land donated by [[CountDa Ponte]], retaken violently Thus, the grass-lands went on appearing through the delimitationsurrounding them, in which, huge extensions ofland are managed by the people who get a distinctland regimen of that which was based on the indi-

vidual and private appropriation of the land, as thesesmarial system.

At last, this history is characterized by relationsof interethnic friction caused by the contact betweendifferent ethnicities, which assumes a systematiccharacter from a certain moment. That is, the in-terethnic system started to constitute itself from themoment when it created certain interdependence

among the ethnic groups. It is this interethnic sys-tem, as a cultural corpus in permanent movementthat this work intends to stress, in other words, thehistory of Puricao settlings, in Irar.

en vn: gc snn P([email protected])

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