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Transcript of +Geografía de la movilidad
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Urban Geography, 2012, 33, 8, pp. 12491251. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.33.8.1249
Copyright 2012 by Bellwether Publishing, Ltd. All rights reserved.
BOOK REVIEW
The Geography of Mobilities: Practices, Spaces, Subjects. Tim Creswell and
Peter Merriman, editors. Ashgate, London, UK, 2010. 288 pps., illustrations,
index. $99.95, hardback (ISBN: 978-0-7546-7316-3).
Reviewed by Daniel Newman, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK
Across the humanities and social sciences, there is an increasing interest in the topic
of mobilities. Previously, this was perhaps best captured by the work of the sociologist,
Professor John Urry, his Centre for Mobilities Research at Lancaster University, and
their academic journal, Mobilities. However, with this edited collection, Tim Cresswell
(University of London) and Peter Merriman (Aberystwyth University) have staked a
worthy claim to develop the subject within the field of human geography. Here Cresswell
and Merriman attempt to revitalize a geography of mobilities that was previously hidden
and little articulated. This objective is pursued by means of three broad, interlinkedsections: mobile practices, mobile spaces, and mobile subjects.
In the first section, the notion of mobile practice is invoked in order to conceptualize
mobility as something that is done, i.e., mobility as experience or performance. In each
chapter, a different author tackles an alternative mode of mobile practice: walking,
running, dancing, driving, and flying. The activity of mobility can be enacted across a
plethora of technologies and infrastructures, allowing individuals to experience mobility
either simply and directly with their own bodies or less tangibly through increasingly
sophisticated and complex machineries. The difference between moving oneself (e.g.,
walking) and being carried in a vehicle (e.g., piloting a plane) sets up a distinction between
the active and the passive. This raises notions of control and embodiment, challenging theveracity of comparing such apparently diverse types of feeling. However, such oppositions
are collapsed by the relatedness of chapters such as those of Haydn Lorimerin which
walking is explored as both artistic and philosophical practiceand Dydia DeLyserfor
whom piloting a plane presents itself as a socio-cultural statement. With such practice,
narratives are able to be written and rewritten regardless of the levels or varieties of psychic
activity that are expected.
The second section examines mobile spaces as the locations for mobilitythe settings
and scene that frame mobility. The chapters consider an array of such mobile spaces:
roads, bridges, airports, immigration stations, and cities. These locales are not abstract
contextthey are not relegated to the sphere of mere background. Rather, sites are brought
to life, activated though the practice of movement and, as such, lived and (re)constituted.
Here, spaces are processional and constantly evolving, even mutating, to take on multiple
identitiesover both time and space, as can be noted with bridges. It would be a mistake
to consider these as fixed, static, and locked into a photograph or painting. Bridges do not
simply allow individuals to move from one side of a river to the other, they are mines of
experience borne of their varying relationships. A glimpse of the secret life of the bridge
is offered in Ulf Strohmayers chapter, which moves beyond conceiving the bridge as
a tool for vehicular and animal movement. In contrast, there is recognition of the role
bridges have played in carnivals, protests, and trade. Particular bridges can also hold great
symbolic value and enrich the lives of users and observers that stretches them far beyond
mere function.
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1250 BOOK REVIEW
The third and final section focuses upon mobile subjects as representations of particular
mobility positionsthe caricatures or stereotypes that abound in mobility stories. There
are a range of these mobile subjects outlined across assorted authors and their chapters;
commuter, tourist, migrant worker, vagabond, and refugee. These are visible and well-
known figures, made ubiquitous through popular media sources from newspapers and
books to television and film. As such, they are characters that most everyone understands
or at least, they are characters that most everyone thinks they understand. The truth is more
likely that there will always exist some gap between perception and reality with all such
types, as is clearly the case with migrantsgenerally represented in the tabloid press as
some amorphous mass of poor, uneducated, non-white drain on resources. In contrast,
migrants betray a bewildering array of alternative and competing narrativesmany
of which have become consolidated and subsumed within the folk cultures and social
histories of the communities to which they traveled (and settled). Neat examples of the
inherent differences that aboundand operate alongside concomitant similaritieswithin
this category are drawn out in the chapter of Elizabeth Lee and Geraldine Pratt. The life
of a Mexican immigrant to the United States is considered alongside that of a Filipino
immigrant to Canada and provides an evocative account of their experienceswhich act to
provide a sharp contrast to the privileged tourist encountered in the chapter of Mike Crang.
Overall, there is a fascinating array of perspectives on offer in this volume and it really
does meet the remit of contributing toward a new paradigm of mobilities. Despite this
achievement, though, there remain some human geographiccentered conceptual issues that
have yet to be explored. A notable example is the ideas organized around psychogeography
(spearheaded by the revolutionary Marxism of Situationist International). In this book, this
conceptual frame is mentioned only once (by Pinder). Though omission is troublesome,
Situationist ideas can provide a valuable alternative insight into the study of mobilities.
In brief, the Situationists found town and city architecture to be physically and
ideologically restrictive, rendering residents simply reactive and complicit in existing ways
of being. In order that such ordinary citizens be enabled to express their true selves and
exert individuality, the Situationists called on new designs of urban space which allowed
better opportunities to experiment through mundane expression. Crucial to the prospect
of realizing this potential was the role played by mobilities. The Situationist ideas on
mobility are best articulated by their most notable figure, Guy Debord, who offered the
Situationist Theses on Traffic (1959). The central tenet of the Situationist position was that
the private automobile had been given an undue level of regard by urban planners, who
have thereby acted to alienate individuals from their environment. The detrimental effects
caused by the car can largely be attributed to its role in encouraging the view that travel is
an adjunct to work. In contrast, Debord forwards the understanding that travel should be
a pleasure, with individuals free and able to enjoy their interactions with the environment
that surrounds them. There will be a gradual end to unitary urbanism and the division
of such binary juxtapositions as work/leisure and private/public as individual residences
cease to be separated from places of employment. These aims were largely to be achieved
by bringing an end to work in its current form, thereby destroying the economic capitalismsystem it served. The Situationists envisaged a radical new social structure that can only
be attained by recognizing the supposed flaws in current patterns of mobility and the shift
toward alternative practices, spaces, and structures of mobility.
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BOOK REVIEW 1251
In the future, I hope that such insights can be incorporated into discussions of mobility
in human geography. They have value across humanities and the social sciences. To these
ends, the Situationist emphasis on pleasure and enjoyment underscores a fundamentalfinding as to what orients individuals to particular modes of transport. Mobility is not
simply about function but, also, fun.
The frivolous joy of mobility is all too easy to forget in serious academic analyses.
Indeed, in the collection offered by Cresswell and Merriman, this is sometimes downplayed.
Using alternative theories such as those offered by the Situationists can help to appreciate
features that are missing. This is not a criticism of the workit has an impressive breadth
of contributions, all of which provide valuable additions to the literature. Rather, I think
it important to see this work as a significant starting point, laying down a marker which
should inspire new generations of human geographers (and beyond) to explore mobility.
Such an effort would entail bringing all manner of theoretical positions and empiricalknowledge together in an increasingly systematic and complimentary manner.
REFERENCES
Debord, G., 1959, Positions situationnistes sur la circulation [Situationist theses on traf-
fic].Internationale Situationniste, No. 3, Paris, France, November.