Excavations in medieval settlements at Volubilis. 2000-2004; Elizabeth Fentress, Hassan Limane.

JUNTA DE ANDALUCÍA. CONSEJERÍA DE CULTURA

Conjunto Arqueológico Madinat al-Zahra

Cuadernos de Madinat al-Zahra es una publicación científica bianual

editada por el Conjunto Arqueológico de Madinat al-Zahra, que inició su

andadura en el año 1987. Recoge trabajos originales que aborden

temáticas referentes a la historia y arqueología de al-Andalus y el mundo

mediterráneo dentro del marco cronológico de la Edad Media. No obstante,

los consejos de redacción y asesor podrán valorar positivamente la

inclusión de estudios que den cabida a otros ámbitos y a una ampliación de

los límites cronológicos especificados, siempre que contribuyan a la mejor

comprensión del periodo. De igual modo, y de forma ocasional, podrán

introducirse secciones monográficas o actas de jornadas o reuniones

científicas.

DDIIRREECCCCIIÓÓNN

AANNTTOONNIIOO VVAALLLLEEJJOO TTRRIIAANNOO

Conjunto Arqueológico de Madinat al-Zahra

CCOONNSSEEJJOO DDEE RREEDDAACCCCIIÓÓNN

(Miembros de la Comisión Técnica de Madinat al-Zahra)

VVooccaalleess:: MMAANNUUEELL AACCIIÉÉNN AALLMMAANNSSAA

Universidad de Málaga

CCAARRMMEENN BBAARRCCEELLÓÓ TTOORRRREESS

Universidad de Valencia

EEDDUUAARRDDOO MMAANNZZAANNOO MMOORREENNOO

Profesor de investigación del CSIC

RRUUBBÍÍ SSAANNZZ GGAAMMOO

Directora del Museo de Albacete

JJUUAANN SSEERRRRAANNOO MMUUÑÑOOZZ

Arquitecto

CCOONNSSEEJJOO AASSEESSOORR

PPAATTRRIICCEE CCRREESSSSIIEERR

CNRS, Lyon

PPIIEERRRREE GGUUIICCHHAARRDD

Universidad de Lyon II

EESSTTEEBBAANN HHEERRNNÁÁNNDDEEZZ BBEERRMMEEJJOO

Universidad de Córdoba

MMªª AANNTTOONNIIAA MMAARRTTÍÍNNEEZZ NNÚÚÑÑEEZZ

Universidad de Málaga

AALLAASSTTAAIIRR NNOORRTTHHEEDDGGEE

Universidad de Paris I

VVÍÍCCTTOORR PPÉÉRREEZZ EESSCCOOLLAANNOO

Universidad de Sevilla

Edita

JUNTA DE ANDALUCÍA. Consejería de Cultura

© de la edición

JUNTA DE ANDALUCÍA. Consejería de Cultura

Diseño y maquetación: Carmen Jiménez

Diseño de portada: Zum Creativos

Imprime: Tecnographic

ISSN: 1139-9996

Depósito Legal: SE-8516/2010

Distribución nacional e internacional: 1000 ejemplares

Publicación bianualNúmero 07 // 2010

05 PRESENTACIÓNPatrice Cressier, Irene Montilla Torres, José Ramón Sánchez Viciana y Antonio Vallejo Triano

06 MARYELLE BERTRAND06 Maryelle Bertrand (1948-2007)

Léon Pressouyre

08 Maryelle Bertrand. Bibliografía 1985-2008

10 LOS SEÑORES DE LA GUERRA13 Las primeras guerras internas de al-Andalus

Eduardo Manzano Moreno

27 Les seigneurs de la Marche (a bu al-ta ri) : les Ban cAmr s et les Ban ††††abri de HuescaPhilippe Sénac

43 Militares en iluminaciones y marfiles: una visión del ejercito califalJuan Zozaya Stabel-Hansen

64 LOS SOPORTES MATERIALES DEL DISCURSO IDEOLÓGICO67 Le chapiteau, acteur ou figurant du discours architectural califal ? Omeyyades d'al-Andalus

et Fatimides d’IfrààààqiyaPatrice Cressier

83 Estela funeraria de cronología califal aparecida en Mengíbar (Jaén)María Antonia Martínez Núñez

95 Nuevas evidencias de cecas africanas en época de al-ööööakam II: al-Man rah/al-Man riyya yal-Ba raAlberto Canto García

102 ESPACIOS DE VIDA105 Excavations in medieval settlements at Volubilis. 2000-2004

Elizabeth Fentress and Hassan Limane

123 Casas y cosas: espacios y funcionalidad en las viviendas emirales del Tolmo de Minateda(Hellín, Albacete)Sonia Gutiérrez Lloret y Víctor Cañavate Castejón

149 La vivienda tradicional en la cuenca del Mediterráneo: del iw n al qb ’, pasando por el bahwSakina Missoum

175 Habitat e utensílios na Mértola almóadaSusana Gómez, Lígia Rafael e Santiago Macias

ua

susus

tuuugahs

MISCELÁNEA DE HISTORIA Y CULTURA MATERIAL DE AL-ANDALUS.HOMENAJE A MARYELLE BERTRAND

(Textos reunidos por P. CRESSIER, I. MONTILLA TORRES, J. R. SÁNCHEZ VICIANA y A. VALLEJO TRIANO)

ÍNDICE

Publicación bianualNúmero 07 // 2010

196 CASTILLOS Y PALACIOS199 La fortaleza de Amergo (Marruecos) ¿Otro ejemplo de influencia hispánica en Marruecos?

Manuel Acién Almansa

219 Los baños de la tropa de la Alcazaba de Almería: resultados preliminares de la intervenciónarqueológicaSophie Gilotte, Ángela Suárez Márquez, Francisca Alcalá Lirio y Francisco Arias de Haro

239 El asentamiento islámico de Giribaile (Jaén). De asentamiento de altura a castillo almohadeJuan Carlos Castillo Armenteros, Luis María Gutiérrez Soler y María Victoria Gutiérrez Calderón

263 Los palacios islámicos de Jaén. El palacio de Santo Domingo y los jardines de los UribeVicente Salvatierra Cuenca, Mercedes Navarro Pérez y Ángela Esteban Marfil

293 Notes sur les forteresses de la ca de Bentomíz (Vélez Málaga)Marie-Christine Delaigue

308 CUEVAS NATURALES, CUEVAS ARTIFICIALES Y OTROS SUBTERRÁNEOS311 La caverne, refuge de « l'ami de Dieu » : une forme particulière de l'érémitisme au temps

des Almoravides et des Almohades (Maghreb extrême, XIe-XIIIe siècles)Jean-Pierre Van Staëvel

327 Le vocabulaire des grottes et des cavernes dans le Maghreb médiéval à la lumière des sourcesarabesMohamed Meouak

343 Las cuevas de Benaxuay. Un grupo de cuevas-ventana andalusíes en el río Chelva (Valencia)Agustí Ribera

369 Antiguos depósitos de agua en la ciudad de Palma: un patrimonio ocultoMaria Antònia Carbonero Gamundí

382 INTERCAMBIOS, HOMBRES Y NATURALEZA385 Contribución a la historia ambiental de la cuenca del Guadiana Menor (Sureste ibérico):

avances y propuestas de investigación desde la arqueologíaJosé Antonio Garrido García

405 Una aproximación a las canteras de piedra calcarenita de Madàààànat al-Zahr ’Antonio Vallejo Triano y Ramón Fernández Barba

421 Comercio mudo / Silent Trade en el IslamPedro Chalmeta Gendrón

429 1287: onomástica femenina en Menorca islámicaGuillem Rosselló Bordoy y Mª Magdalena Riera Frau

434 CRÓNICA DEL CONJUNTO ARQUEOLÓGICO

a

at

5// Nº 07. 2010. P. 5. ISSN: 1139-9996CUADERNOS DE MADINAT AL-ZAHRA’

En noviembre de 2007, la noticia del fallecimiento de Maryelle Bertrand nos dejó, a todos susamigos, golpeados y desamparados. Para la mayoría, además, la sorpresa era brutal: con su habitualpudor, Maryelle había callado, durante aquellos fatídicos meses, la gravedad de su enfermedad. Derepente, se hacía un inmenso vacío. Todos vivimos entonces un sentimiento de amistad irremedia-blemente truncada y nos enfrentamos a la añoranza de la complicidad que nos había unido.

El vacío no era solo personal, íntimo, sino que era también colectivo y científico. Maryelle había lle-vado una carrera en cierta forma atípica, parcialmente al margen de las instituciones, pero había par-ticipado de pleno en la reflexión que, por aquellos momentos, centraba la atención de loshistoriadores, en torno a la percepción y a la definición misma de al-Andalus. Estaba presente tam-bién en los debates de los primeros años ochenta, en los que se intentaba establecer las reglas de unanueva arqueología que fuera a la vez mejor articulada con el cuestionamiento histórico y más acordecon las necesidades de nuestra sociedad. El tiempo ha mostrado la parte de ilusión que conllevabantales proyectos, y como se erosionaron frente a la práctica cotidiana que se fue imponiendo.

Todavía bajo la emoción causada por su desaparición, y quizá tanto para ayudarnos en nuestroduelo como para recuperar parte de la ilusión pasada, a un grupo de sus amigos nos pareció queconvenía rendir un justo tributo a la aportación científica y a la calidez humana de Maryelle.

Vicente Salvatierra nos permitió reaccionar en el acto y acogió enseguida una breve semblanza dela vida de Maryelle y su bibliografía completa en la revista Arqueología y territorio medieval1. A máslargo plazo, concebimos el proyecto de un homenaje de carácter académico y científico que reu-niese contribuciones de los historiadores y arqueólogos de al-Andalus que habían sido los más pró-ximos a Maryelle. Desde el principio, Antonio Vallejo propuso a los Cuadernos de Madànat

al-ZahrÄ’ como soporte editorial de este segundo acto.

El lector tiene entre las manos el resultado de esta empresa colectiva, asumida por todos con tena-cidad y entusiasmo, y a la que –más allá de la diversidad cronológica y de los intereses de cada uno–se ha intentado dar la mayor coherencia temática posible.

D. Léon Pressouyre, catedrático emérito de historia del arte medieval de la universidad de Paris 1– Panthéon Sorbonne, quien dirigió la monumental tesis doctoral de Maryelle y le brindó unapoyo continuado a lo largo de los años, nos aportó, desinteresadamente, su visión personal de latrayectoria profesional y vital de nuestra amiga. Lamentablemente, L. Pressouyre falleció en agostode 2009, antes de que este homenaje a Maryelle Bertrand haya tomado su forma definitiva2. Ambos,profesor y discípula, quedarán asociados en nuestra memoria. A continuación, las distintas contri-buciones vienen agrupadas en apartados sucesivos y complementarios (Los señores de la guerra; Lossoportes materiales del discurso ideológico; Espacios de vida; Castillos y palacios; Cuevas naturales,cuevas artificiales y otros subterráneos; Intercambios, hombres y naturaleza).

Patrice Cressier, Irene Montilla Torres, José Ramón Sánchez Viciana y Antonio Vallejo Triano

1 “In Memoriam. Maryelle Bertrand (1948-2007)”, Arqueología y territorio medieval, 15, 2008, pp. 9-12.2 Véase una breve nota necrológica en Bulletin monumental, 2010 (II), pp. 131-132.

PRESENTACIÓN

ES

PA

CIO

SD

E V

IDA

105

Elizabeth Fentress* and Hassan Limane**

*London College. [ [email protected] ] **INSAP, Rabat. [ [email protected] ]

EXCAVATIONS IN MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENTSAT VOLUBILIS. 2000-2004

Resumen

Se presentan los resultados de la excavación del sector meridional de Volubilis. Estos trabajos, queconstituían un programa de cooperación INSAP - UCL, se llevaron a cabo de 2000 a 2005 y fuerondirigidos por los autores de este artículo. Dos zonas se excavaron en extensión. La primera, dentro de laparte del asentamiento defendida por la fortificación del siglo VI, reveló una serie de casas de plantamuy sencilla, atribuables a los siglos VII-IX. Su localizacion, sobre más de dos metros de rellenos dedestrucción, sugiere una fuerte discontinuidad respecto a la ciudad romana. Extra muros, en la vega delwadi Khomane, un asentamiento integramente nuevo consiste en por lo menos cuatro conjuntosorganizados alrededor de patios, de los que uno alberga un ÜammÄm, mientras que otro se componíade dos alas y podría haber constituido un área de recepción. Monedas y cerámicas fechan estosconjuntos desde finales del siglo VIII hasta principios del siglo IX, coetáneos pues de la llegada de Idràs I.Se trataría, por tanto, de la zona de mando y de representación del poder idrisí.

Palabras clave: Idràs I, ÜammÄm, baños, Volubilis, excavaciones.

Abstract

The paper reports on the INSAP - UCL excavations in the medieval sector of Volubilis between 2000and 2005, directed by the authors. Two areas were examined by open-area excavation: the first, withinthe area defended by fortifications of the sixth century, revealed a series of houses of simplified plans,dating from the seventh through the ninth centuries. Their position on top of fully two metres ofdestruction material suggests a strong discontinuity with the Roman town. Outside the walls, on theflood plain of the Oued Khomane, an entirely new settlement consists of at least four interlinkedcourtyard structures, one of which encloses a ÜammÄm, while another, with two wings, suggests areception area. Coins and pottery date this to the late eighth and early ninth century, contemporarywith the arrival of Idràs I. It is suggested that the complex constituted his headquarters.

Keywords: Idràs I, ÜammÄm, baths, Volubilis, excavations.

// 07. 2010. PP. 105-122. ISSN: 1139-9996 // ESPACIOS DE VIDACUADERNOS DE MADINAT AL-ZAHRA’

106 // 07. 2010. PP. 105-122. ISSN: 1139-9996 // ESPACIOS DE VIDACUADERNOS DE MADINAT AL-ZAHRA’

The excavations at Volubilis carried out byUniversity College, London and INSAP, Rabat,since 20001 are intended to throw light on the post-Roman town, and, particularly, on the occupationof the site under Idràs I, who was declared imam atWalàla in AD 789. Using geophysical survey andtraditional excavation techniques we haveinvestigated two main areas, one, site D, inside theRoman town, and one, site B, outside it (fig. 1).The two excavations are in sharp contrast, the onereflecting the housing of the original occupants ofthe site, the other giving us a glimpse of theurbanism of the later settlers. This brief noteshould be considered a preliminary report.However, the main lines of the story are by nowfairly clear.

Very little is known of Volubilis after thedeparture of the Roman administration in AD 285.The evidence has been ably gathered by A.Akkeraz2. African Red Slip continued to arrive,although in decreasing quantities, until the middleof the fifth century. Coins, too, are rare, althoughthere are a few, as well as some fragments of laterRoman metalwork3. It has recently been arguedthat this limited evidence of external trade impliesthat the city was under some form of Byzantinecontrol; however there is no obvious link betweencommercial contact and imperial domination4. Inthe sixth century a small group of tombstoneswritten in Latin shows the existence of a Christiancommunity that still dated its foundation by theyear of the Roman province5. A. Akerraz arguesthat this community lived in the western third ofthe city, defended by a new wall running north-south to link two segments of the earlier Romanwalls. The reason for the concentration ofsettlement in this area may have been theproximity of the Oued Khoumane, whose waterwould have been necessary if the aqueducts hadceased to function. This area has never beenexcavated, partially because the medieval town hasrendered largely inaccessible the Roman buildingsbelow. Two medieval settlements on the valleyfloor immediately outside the Roman walls havebeen excavated since the 1950’s, without, however,giving rise to any significant or, indeed, archivalreports.

The first half of the eighth century yields anabundant crop of coins, known both from a hoardfound just outside the walls and published by D.Eustache6, as well as from the excavations of A.Akerraz to the north-east of the “Maison duCompas”7. For D. Eustache, these indicate thecoinage of Abbasid generals, although it has beenrecently argued that we may be seeing inindividuals, such as the otherwise unknown al-Raåid b. Kadàm, cAbd al-WaÜab and MuÜammad b.

õalifa leaders of an independent city state8. Manyothers simply bear the name of Walàla.

The texts referring to the arrival of Idràs I in 788are, however, categorical. The town was said to bein the control of the AwrÄba tribe, who welcomedthe descendent of cAlà with open arms, anddeclared him imam shortly thereafter9. Withinthree years he had consolidated his hold on muchof the area, founded the first settlement at Fez10,and proceeded to mint coins11. He died in 781,leaving a pregnant AwrÄba wife and his faithfulslave, Raåid, who acted as regent until the majorityof Idràs II. At this point the court departed for Fez,leaving the AwrÄba in control of the town.

1. EXCAVATIONS INSIDE THE ROMAN

WALLS: SITE D12

The first excavation site was selected for a numberof reasons. First, it lay near the tourist circuit ofthe upper town, and we felt that it might providean opportunity to present the later occupation ofVolubilis as part of the regular circuit. Second, itshowed the remains of two relatively intactbuildings. Third, it lay 20 m from the late citywall, near a possible gate. A modern track runsfrom this point down to the wÄdà, and may followan older route to the southwest gate in the Romanwall. However, the site is peripheral to the centerof the late Roman town, which covers 18 ha. Itmay reflect a less dense occupation, and publicbuildings are hardly to be expected.

During the first two seasons domestic buildingswere excavated at either end of the site, revealingunexpected traces of a late-nineteenth century

ELIZABETH FENTRESS AND HASSAN LIMANE

107// 07. 2010. PP. 105-122. ISSN: 1139-9996 // ESPACIOS DE VIDA

occupation. This prompted the use of AcceleratedMass Spectrometry (= AMS) to reinforce datingfrom pottery and coins: all three techniques arestill in use, but the dates should still be regarded asprovisional. Fig. 2 gives a schematic idea of thebuilding sequence.

The earliest, and as yet unexcavated, phase of thesite’s stratigraphy that we have been able toobserve is a massive destruction layer composed offalls of mud brick and stone masonry at least 1,5 mdeep. Within this, later cuts and pits reveal stand-ing walls, but no fuller plans are yet available. Thedate of this destruction remains obscure, althougha calibrated AMS date of 327-412 from the top ofthe destruction sequence seems to support ourview that it took place at the end of the fourthcentury or the beginning of the fifth. Our earliestcalibrated AMS date from the upper occupation isAD 650-879, which suggests that the reoccupationof the site in this area dates to the seventh centu-ry, somewhat later than the construction of thewestern rampart, which A. Akerraz suggests wasbuilt in the sixth century. The idea of an abandon-ment in the fifth century ties in with the lack ofcoin or pottery finds from the second half of the

fifth century. A small sondage showed that thedepth of the destruction of the Roman buildingswas over 1,5 m: while the skeleton of a cat and anamphora crushed in situ suggest that it wassudden. It is not impossible that a major earth-quake could account for the abandonment of thesite.

The destruction of all the buildings on the sitewould have left an irregular surface with abundantclay from the mud bricks, and large blocks ofbuilding material. The first activities visible arethus the creation of flat spaces on which to build,and the digging of pits to recover earth and stonesfor new buildings13. The earliest of these buildingsis found in the lower half of the site, where build-ing I is partially preserved (pl. 1). To the north is along room, F, measuring 3,5 x 9 m and paved witha succession of hard white plaster floors. Thewalls, too, were plastered. There is no certainty asto the position of the door, as the walls have beenpartially eroded away. However, a space to thesouth of the room, room K, may have been partial-ly covered with a lean-to roof. This space may havehoused a stable or, perhaps, a workshop, as thelarge stone vat containing lime and the carefully

EXCAVATIONS IN MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENTS AT VOLUBILIS. 2000-2004

CUADERNOS DE MADINAT AL-ZAHRA’

Plate 1. Site D, building I.


posed stone in the corner seems to suggest. To thenorth of the building were cut large pits filled withash mixed with bone, pottery and a few ceramicwasters. The fills strongly suggest ceramic or glassproduction on the site, although it is unlikely thatthe pits were themselves kilns, as the earth intowhich they were cut does not appear burned.

The stratigraphic links of a second building, II, tobuilding I are not entirely clear, but it may beassumed to be of roughly the same period (pl. 2).

Here, the initial terracing clearly revealed earlierbuildings, for two of the walls were built alongwalls founded much deeper. The other walls wereroughly built, without foundations and reinforcedat intervals with wooden posts. The floor of theroom was cut down slightly into the surroundingclay. Measuring 8,5 x 4,2 m., the plan of thebuilding is relatively clear, although, again, theposition of the door is uncertain: it was probably tothe south. The southern 2/3 of the space wasfloored in beaten-earth, with a hearth and a


Plate 2. Site D, building II.


domestic silo to the west. A dividing wall separatesthis space from a room with a very irregular floor30 cm. below the level of the main room. Tracesof burning are found in one corner, but in generalthis space is so rough as to suggest that it was usedfor storage or animals. A large post-hole occupiesthe center of this space. The general arrangementof the whole building strongly suggests theindividual units studied in the Kabylie by P.Bourdieu14: the posthole would have held the mainroof beam, as well as providing support for a loftabove the stable/work space (fig. 3). The onlynotable difference is the orientation of thebuilding, with the short end facing the southrather than the east. Outside the structure to thewest were three cylindrical silos, while the area tothe east was badly cut by large, irregular pits thatmay have been used to extract earth for theconstruction of the upper walls. A rough wallseems to have separated this property from that ofbuilding I, to the north, although its line is nowonly indicated by a few blocks.

A new structure, building III, was built next tobuilding I in a second phase, again involving theterracing of the hillside (pl. 3). Measuring 10 x 5,2m, its construction is very typical of the Romanwalls of the site, with re-used orthostats markingthe door and regular, coursed stone masonry up toa height of 1 m. Over this we must imagine thatthe upper parts of the walls were built in pisé deterre or mud brick and that the ceiling was ofperishable materials, such as reeds on a woodenframe covered with earth, as there were no stonesor tiles in the destruction material covering thefloor. One door opened onto an empty space tothe east, flanked by the north wall of building I,while another opened onto more irregular terrainuphill to the north. This may have been used forstabling. In a second phase, the large room wasdivided down the middle by an irregular stonewall, and the western room was paved with flatstones, while the eastern room was covered with aplaster of pink earth mixed with a little lime. Wemay suggest that this was a functional division



Plate 3. Site D, building III.


between domestic space and stabling or storage:the former hypothesis is based on the use of pavingstones, which might be assumed to be healthier forthe animals than beaten earth, and easier to clean.

In a subsequent phase all three buildings werereplaced by similar units further up the hill. III wasreplaced by VI, which re-used its east wall,rebuilding in crude masonry based on largespoliated blocks. I was replaced by IV, of roughlythe same size, and also floored with white plaster.The main room, E, was entered from the south, anda hearth was found against its south wall, as well asa domestic silo almost 1,6 m deep in the southeastcorner of the room. Outside we may again suggestthat room H was used for storage or for stabling,while a large cylindrical silo to the southeast mayhave belonged to the same property. Finally, II wasreplaced by V, partially excavated to the east of thesite. To the south of room I the modern track coversa road running downhill, with carefully constructeddrainage channels on either side. From the surfaceof this road a silver dihram of Idràs I suggests apossible date for its construction, while an AMSdate ranging from AD 818 to 902 from its floorgives a general idea of the date of this occupation.

The site thus reveals what seem to be threeindividual properties, each composed of a singlerectangular building, subdivided in two cases into

domestic space and stabling or workrooms. Thecentral property seems to have had an annexe inboth phases, and may have been connected topottery or glass production. There is no trace ofviolence in the abandonment of the threeproperties, but the general lack of tenth centurypottery suggests that by that time the town hadretracted from this more peripheral area.

2. SITE B

Excavation at site B15 was carried out in order tounderstand the surroundings of the small bathcomplex first excavated by B. Rosenberger in the1960’s. This excavation has left no documentation,but sondages in the complex carried out by A. ElKhayari in 1993 recovered three Islamic coins, ofwhich one apparently dates to the reign of Idràs I16.In 2000, a magnetometry survey was carried out byK. Brown, showing a series of regular alignments,particularly intriguing as their orientationcoincided with that of all the early mosques inMorocco17. Excavation began with the cleaning ofthe large site excavated by B. Rosenberger, whichtook an entire season, as flooding and erosion hadleft substantial deposits of earth over the site. Inorder to recover some intact stratigraphy theexcavation was extended to the south, with thesubstantial alluvial overburden removed bymachines. A smaller trench was excavated throughB. Rosenberger’s balk to connect the excavated areato the Roman city wall to the west, with the aimof excavating an undisturbed sequence through thewhole occupation.

The earliest building on the site, with theexception of the rampart and a kiln dating to thefirst century, is the bath complex (fig. 4). Thiscomprises four rooms set at right angles to oneanother. The building consisted, initially, of anundressing area, or “bench room” (maslah ormaslaá, in medieval terminology),18 with a coldplunge bath with three steps leading onto it. In asecond phase, an entry vestibule was added to thecold room, creating a bent entrance to protectbathers from a direct view from outside. At theother end of the bench room a door led to a


Plate 4. Spolia from the Arch of Caracalla reused in the bath.


vestibule or winter changing room (waséÄnà

barrÄnà), where water fed from the cistern to thesouth could be used for preliminary washing, andan opening to a drain might have allowed for itsuse as a latrine. The room was decorated with alarge shield in relief carefully set off by red plaster(pl. 4): this is a block spoliated from the Arch ofCaracalla. At a roughly right angle to this room alow door led to a warm room (waséÄnà ÑuwwÄnà),commonly used for depilation and a hot room(ÑuwwÄnà). The final two rooms were both coveredwith a barrel vault. The hot room was heated by afurnace located at its eastern end, whose heatpassed under the floor through an axial channelwith four smaller ducts at right angles to it (pl. 5).Draught was probably assured by chimneys againstthe walls at the ends of the westernmost channels.The furnace also heated water in a masonry basinplaced on top of it, outside the hot room. Acircular hole in its floor suggests that, as atZenobia and Qasr el Hayr East, the fire was indirect contact with a copper plate, either a circulardisk or a cauldron set inside the basin.19 Water from

this basin was manually fed into the two smalltanks in the hot room through pipes. It does notappear that the steam from the hot water was fedinto the hot room, largely because the space inwhich the furnace and basin were found does notseem to have been sufficiently enclosed.20 To thewest of the baths, towards the wÄdà, no furtherbuildings were recovered, although a stonycompacted surface may indicate a road. This seemsto have been the western limit of the site, as theabsence of any buildings or stratigraphy in a smallsondage carried out to the southwest in 2001confirmed. To the north, lay an irregular building,enclosed between the two wings of the baths andthe rampart, and reached by a gate next to thebaths, flanked by two massive orthostats (fig. 5). Inthe center of the building was a large courtyardwhere a large number of silos was found. At leastten of these were substantial grain silos, cylindricalin form and as much as 2 m in diameter, withdepths of up to 2 m. Only in a few cases was anytreatment of the sides observed, although in onecase a clay coating filled in the spaces between thegravels of the underlying alluvial deposits. Alongthe west side of the baths there were smaller pits,two of which contained human skulls, and one thearticulated body of a dog: no satisfactoryexplanation has been found for these. The largerpits, however, appear to follow relatively regularalignments, parallel to the wings of the building,and in general do not cut each other. This suggeststhat they were roughly contemporary. The easiestexplanation for this grouping is that they formedpart of an agadir, or area of collective grainstorage.21 However, traces of productive activity,such as a large piece of iron slag, are also present,and we may perhaps see the structure as servingboth productive and storage functions.

The area to the south of the baths is very different.Here a series of orthogonal walls delimit at leastthree separate properties, occupied by large build-ings characterized by courtyards. The first of these,building I, was excavated over the period 2001-2003, while the other two were revealed during the2004 season. Building I abuts the bath complex (pl. 6). It comprises two wings, separated by a widecobbled courtyard: over all, it measures 26 x 20 m.



Plate 5. Underfloor heating duct in hot room.


The two wings are both well-built, with walls in amixture of orthostats and coursed rubble mason-ry: their upper sectors were presumably in pisé deterre. The excavated area of the eastern wing com-prises two rooms each partially paved with irregularstone slabs set in a beaten-earth surface. The westernroom opened directly onto a cobbled street to theeast, with another door leading onto the courtyard.Here the paving consisted of a series of plasteredfloors, of which the lowest was a fine pink claymixed with earth and lime. Against the south walla section of this floor about a meter wide was raised20 cm. It is not clear whether this division was theresult of the deliberate creation of a bench, orwhether the presence of cushions or rugs at this endimpeded the wear that took place elsewhere in theroom: in either case this area would have been usedfor seating. On the walls were traces of a fine greylime plaster painted red, similar to the red paint inthe hot room of the baths.

The courtyard was reached by a large door markedby two orthostats at the southeast corner of thebuilding. This door is angled at 45% to the otherwalls of the building, and led in from a large space,as yet unexcavated, that may represent a sort offorecourt, or area in which livestock was kept. Thesouth wall of the courtyard does not present anyvisible doors, so the range of rooms to the south ofit must belong to another property, building II,although there is only a single party wall betweenthem. This building had at least two ranges ofrooms, opening, again, onto a single courtyard.These were 2 m wide, on the north and west sidesof the court. All rooms are paved with beatenearth, and one can be clearly identified as a kitchen.A further property, building VI, apparently distinctfrom the first two, lies in the south-east corner ofthe excavation. A courtyard apparently occupied itsnorthern sector, although nothing is visible of thisapart from a hearth built against the west wall.


Plate 6. Site D. Building I, from the west.


All of these buildings went through considerablechanges in the course of their occupation. In thecase of the first building, the eastern wing wassubdivided at some point, and repaved with asequence of three floors. The courtyard seems tohave undergone a rapid accumulation of earthbetween two phases of cobbling, possibly due toalluvial deposition. At a later stage a one-roomedstructure was built at the north end of thecourtyard, free standing but acting, in effect, as anorthern wing. The southern house wasabandoned and destroyed; its place was takenlater by a new wing along roughly the same plan,with two long, adjoining rooms with doorsopening to the south. A posthole in the center ofone of these suggests that the roof was partiallysustained by posts.

To the north of the baths the collective granarywent out of use, and was replaced by a number ofhouses, apparently composed of one or tworooms. We have a very patchy view of this phase,due to the damage caused by the earlier excava-tions. However, the house excavated near the ram-part gives us a good view of the plan of thesebuildings: again, two substantial rooms are placedend to end, with a door on the north side. In thecase of this building the east wall apparentlyabutted the rampart itself, at this point partiallydestroyed, with its facing removed and only therubble core still standing. This house used partialpaving on its floors, set into the usual pinkishplaster. Outside it lay a horseshoe-shaped basin,lined with hydraulic mortar. Traces of two othersuch basins were found on the site. Their explana-tion is not certain: possibly they were used forwashing, although they might be interpreted aswatering troughs for animals. Some of the smallerpits may belong to this phase, but, in general, thelarger silos are sealed by walls or layers associatedwith the domestic use of the site. Finally, the bathbuilding, too, seem to have been abandoned, aslater walls cross it at two points. A thin layer ofyellow clay seems to separate the use of the bathsfrom the domestic occupation of the site. Thismay have been due to disastrous flooding: in fact,the orthostats of the west wall of the frigidarium,the wall nearest to the Oued Khomane, are

sharply tilted to the north, suggesting the violentthrust caused by the torrent.

The phases of the site both to the north and to thesouth of the baths seem to be relatively consistent,and the broad outlines of the occupation are clear.The earlier structures consist of at least foursubstantial, interlocking courtyard buildings: acollective granary, a bath complex and, to thesouth, three very substantial buildings with largecourtyards and orthogonal plans. That closest tothe baths may have been a public building, as itsdoor, opening directly onto the street, and thehigh quality of its floors and interior walls seemsto suggest. The huge courtyard points in the samedirection. It may indeed be a very impoverishedversion of the dÄr al-imara, or governor’s palace.This would suggest that the mosque, if it existed, isto be found between this building and the rampart,perhaps south of the courtyard of building VI.Building II, with its kitchen and simple rooms,should probably be interpreted as a domesticstructure. In a subsequent phase, separated,perhaps, by a period of alluvial deposition, all ofthese structures were replaced by relatively poorerbuildings, of a domestic nature.

Our knowledge of the chronology of these phasesof settlement remains to be confirmed by thestudy of the pottery and the coins22. Most of thecoins are pre-Idrisid, but their use could have con-tinued well into the ninth century. Those found byA. El Khayari under the baths are still under exam-ination: as this is certainly the earliest building onthe site its date is key for the interpretation of therest. The pottery from the earliest layers associatedwith the courtyard south of the baths is consistentwith a late eighth century date. A radiocarbon datefrom a later hearth north of the baths gives AD763 AD to 829. Our tentative conclusion is thatthe occupation of this site dates from the time ofIdràs I. An interruption, perhaps due to floodingmay have occurred some time in the ninth centu-ry. The site was reoccupied some time later by aseries of houses, which remained in occupationuntil the end of the tenth century. All this is stillvery preliminary, and awaits confirmation fromthe further study of the pottery and coins.




3. DISCUSSION

The two sites are very different, despite theirsimilar chronologies. In the one case we can see aseries of simple houses, built in masonry familiarfrom the Roman buildings on the site, but whoseplans are reduced to one or at most two rooms.Provisions for stabling in two of these suggest thatanimals were a kept within them, while therelatively undefined properties around themsuggest the rural atmosphere of a village more thanthat of a town. That said, at 16 ha the Romano-Berber settlement at Walàla was as substantial asmany better-known towns of the eighth century,while the sixth century town walls certainlysuggest collective organization for defense. Thesingle rooms remind us of many Berber domesticarrangements, in the Kabylie and elsewhere23.There seems little doubt that site D gives us aglimpse of a post-Roman Berber community,whose commerce with the outside world was muchreduced but not entirely absent, as a glazed jugapparently imported from Spain in the ninthcentury seems to show24.

The settlement on the valley floor is of quiteanother type (fig. 6). First, the bath building, ifsmall, is strikingly well executed. The drains andwater adduction, the heating system, the hydraulicmortar of its cold pool, even the construction ofthe vaults, are all strongly reminiscent of Romantechniques25. However, certain aspects of the build-ing seems to refer to more eastern models. Theprovision of benches around the walls of thechanging room is not paralleled in late Romanbath architecture, and the use of holes in the vaultsfor lighting, as we can see in the roof of the warmroom, also predicts the elaborate pierced vaults oflater baths. But it is the system used for heating thebaths that is most clearly relates to Islamic build-ings in Syria and even further east. The room washeated by a fire in the praefurnium, fed from theback of the building in a room with no connectionto the hot room. As we have seen, the use of acopper disk or cauldron above the praefurnium inthe hot water basin pierced for that purpose hasparallels only at Zenobia and Qasr el Hayr East.But even more striking is the use of a main chan-

nel with lateral ducts, rather than a hypocaustfloor, to provide underfloor heating in the hotroom, with some heat provided by the chimneyswhich drew the hot air and smoke upwards in thecorners of the room. The system is not used in theUmayyad baths of Syria, which all have floors sup-ported on pillars in the Roman technique. Indeed,it can only be paralleled in the eleventh centurybaths of Lashkari Bazaar, a Ghaznavid palace inAfghanistan.26 However, a rather similar techniqueappears to have been used at SÄmarrÄ, althoughthere the floor was placed on low arcading ratherthan isolated channels.27 The wide channel run-ning down the center of the floor may be seen as aprecursor of those found in Ottoman baths, wherethe Roman hypocaust was generally abandoned infavour of the new technique.28 In later baths thedistinction between the floor over the main ductand the rest of the floor is made clear by the term‘fire slab’, or bilat al-nar.29

The technique was clearly perceived to be eastern,or Persian, by the tenth century author al-Muqaddisà, whose comment on a ÜammÄm inJerusalem is quoted by Martin Dow “You cannotremain in the inner room of the ÜammÄm (inFaris) because of the heat. I heard some of the ser-vants of my late father say Abë al-FaraÑ al-†àrÄzà

made a mistake in the ÜammÄm which he built bythe gates of al-Asbat because he introduced fireunder some of the inner room. And this was notthe case, but rather he saw that the designs of †amin this respect were different from the designs ofFaris, and made some of the room on the designsof his own land and the rest of it on the designs of†am”.30 The heating system of the ÜammÄm atVolubilis was clearly built “from the designs ofFaris”, as, indeed, the Samarran parallel suggests. Ifthe builders of the baths were almost certainlylocal, technical suggestions were being made bysomeone well-acquainted with the baths ofBaghdad and SÄmarrÄ.

The building is clearly public, opening onto whatwas an open space at the time of its construction.In time, this space seems to have been walled offand devoted to a collective granary, with roomsaround it: again we can still see an evident public



use. The situation is less clear in the case of thebuilding to the south of the baths, but even herethe huge court and formal decoration of the eastwing suggest a public context. Only thesouthernmost courtyard building, with its kitchenand irregular rooms, has a clearly domesticdestination. The whole quarter was clearly laid outaccording to an orthogonal scheme, in contrast tothe haphazard, organic growth apparent in site D.That this layout was aligned on the sameorientation as the majority of the pre-twelfthcentury mosques in Morocco is perhaps not achance, although we still have no clear idea as tothe position of the mosque itself, or even certainlythat it existed. We must see here at least sometraces of an orderly, planned settlement, laid outperhaps by Idràs I or his followers, to serve as aheadquarters.31

After a possibly short interruption marked byalluvial deposition, the lower site was reoccupiedfor a brief period in the later ninth or tenthcentury, although we have no evidence for the truthof the comment of al-Bakrà that there were Rabedison the site at that time.32 This reoccupation on siteB, shows houses arranged with far less order than inthe preceding period. Nor do they fully conform tothe more “Arab” type seen in the first buildings onsite B, in that we have no evidence for courtyardbuildings, and the proportions of the individualbuildings resemble more closely the one and two-roomed houses already present on site D. We seem,then, to be seeing a hybrid type in this period,containing elements of both of the previous typesof house: the single-celled structure has beenmodified by the addition of a courtyard, with thepossibility of building original rooms opening ontothe same space.

4. AN OVERVIEW OF THE POST-ROMAN

SETTLEMENT

One major section of the city has been left out ofthis treatment. This is the extra-mural settlementto the north of site B, enclosed by a second mean-der of the web. Traditionally known at Volubilis asthe “Quartier Arab”, the site served as a mine for

Roman inscriptions, and was serially excavated bya significant number of archaeologists. D.Eustache publishes the only known plan of thearea, which is highly schematic, to say the least33.From it, however, we can reach two conclusions.First, two hoards and one buried gold coin werediscovered here. The hoard studied by D. Eustachecontained coins dating later than AD 742. Thiswould tend to demonstrate that the area was occu-pied in AD 742, and that it was very likelydestroyed near that date. One hoard may be theresult of chance, but the three separate finds seemtoo many for coincidence. A second point is thatat the center of the site is a tower, still visibletoday, in which two bodies were found, one centraland one to the side. The tower is clearly one of theearliest features in the area, as an examination ofthe standing remains show, but its rough construc-tion and heavy use of spolia argue against the inter-pretation of the structure as a Roman mausoleum.We might suggest that it was built as a tower forfunerary or defensive purposes (it lay at the centerof the little settlement, and right outside the gateof the Roman city) and that it was later used, orreused, for burial.

These two points suggest a very tentativehypothesis. First, that the extramural settlement inthis area was of Abbasid date, and came to an endduring one of the Berber revolts of the mid-century.34 Second, the tower might have been usedfor burial at a later date, perhaps that of adistinguished individual.

Be that as it may, the pattern of new Arabsettlement at Walàla is clear. In both cases, the?Abbasid and the ?Idrisid settlements were extra-mural, next to the earlier town but not part of it.This is a pattern already set in the easternMediterranean at sites like Amman35 and Ayla36,and apparently followed by the first Islamicsettlement at Tlemcen/Agadir37. At Tlemcen, thecongregational mosque was built straddling thelate-Roman city wall of the town of Pomaria,acting as the interface between the twocommunities. At Walàla, if we are not yet sure ofthe position of the mosque, the two communitiesare at least coming into sharper focus.





Fig. 1. Plan of Volubilis, with visible medieval remains in black.

Islamic

Roman

Perimeter Wall

Excavations




Fig. 2. Site D, phase plans.

Fig. 3. Site D. Building II, sketch reconstruction (Fernanda Palmieri).



Fig. 4. Site B, plan of the ÜammÄm (Mohammed Alilou, Fernanda Palmieri).




Fig. 5. Plan of site D, eighth century phase.



Fig. 6. The eighth century complex, sketch reconstruction (Fernanda Palmieri).




BIBLIOGRAPHY

AKERRAZ, A. (1996): Le Maroc du Sud deDioclétien aux Idrissides, Unpublished doctoralthesis, Paris.

AKERRAZ, A. (1985): “Note sur l'enceinte tardivede Volubilis”, Bulletin Archéologique du Comitédes Travaux Historiques, 19 B, pp. 429-436.

AKERRAZ, A. (1998): “Recherches sur les niveauxislamique de Volubilis”, in P. CRESSIER and M.GARCÍA-ARENAL (eds.), Genèse de la villeislamique en al-Andalus et au Maghreb occiden-tal, Casa de Velázquez-CSIC, Madrid, pp. 295-304.

AL-BAKR∞ (1965): Description de l’AfriqueSeptentrionale, ed. and tr. M. G. DE SLANE,Paris.

BONINE, M. (1991): “Islamic cities in Morocco”,Muqarnas, 7, pp. 50-72.

BOURDIEU, P. (1990 -reprinted-): “The KabyleHouse or the World Reversed”, in The Logic ofPractice, Paris, pp. 271-283.

BRETT, M. and FENTRESS, E. (1996): The Berbers,Oxford.

BRETT, M. and FENTRESS, E. (2000): “SocialRelations and Domestic Space in theMaghreb”, in A. BAZZANA and É. HUBERT

(eds.), Castrum VI. L'espace domestique dans lemonde méditerranéen au Moyen Âge, Rome-Madrid, pp. 15-26.

CHARPENTIER, G. (1995): “Les petits bains proto-byzantins de la Syrie du Nord”, Topoi, 5, pp. 219-247.

CHIKAOUI, N. (2002): “Savoir-faire technique dansl’architecture de terre au Maroc (Sud, pré-Rif)”, Bulletin d’Archéologie Marocaine, XIX,pp. 393-422.

DAHMANI, S. (1983): “Note sur un exemple depermanence de l’habitat et de l’urbanisme del’époque antique à l’époque Musulmane:Agadir-Tlemcen”, Bulletin Archéologique duComité des Travaux Historiques n.s.,19 B, pp. 437-337.

DOW, M. (1996): The Islamic Baths of Palestine,Oxford.

ÉCOCHARD, M. and LE COEUR, C. (1942): LesBains de Damas, Beirut.

EL-HARRIF, F. Z. (1998): “Monnaies islamiquestrouvées à Volubilis: liberté locale et pouvoirabbaside”, Actes des Ières journées nationalesd'Archéologie et du patrimoine. Rabat 1-4 juillet1998, vol. 3, Rabat, p. 142-159.

EL-KHAYARI, A. (1994): “Les thermes extra murosà Volubilis”, L'Africa Romana, X, Sassari, pp. 301-312.

EUSTACHE, D. (1956): “Monnaies musulmanestrouvées à Volubilis”, Hespéris, XLIII pp. 133-195.

HOLOD-TRETIAK, R. (1970): “The Bath”, in O.GRABAR, City in the Desert, Qasr el Hayr East,Cambridge, Mass, pp. 90-97.

LAUFFRAY, J. (1991): “La palestre et les bains”,Halabiyya-Zenobia, place forte du limes orientalet Haute-Mésopotamie au VIème siècle, t. II, Paris,pp. 113-129.

LENOIR, E. (1983-1984): “Volubilis des Baquates auxRabedis: une histoire sans paroles?”, Bulletind’Archéologie Marocaine, XV, pp. 299-348.

LÉVI-PROVENÇAL, É. (1938): “La fondation deFès”, Annales de l’Instiut d’études orientales, 4,pp. 23-53.

NORTHEDGE, A. (1992): Studies on Roman andIslamic Amman. I: History, Site andArchitecture, Oxford.

PAPI, E. (2002): “Mauretania Tingitana in epocatardo-antica: Great Expectations”, Journal ofRoman Archaeology, 15, pp. 703-706.

PAUTY, E. (1944): “Vu d’ensemble sur les ham-mams de Rabat-Salé”, Revue africaine, 88, pp. 202-226.

REDMAN, Ch. L. (1983): “Comparative Urbanismin the Islamic Far West”, World Archaeology,14, pp. 355-377.

ROSENBERGER, B. (1964-1965): “Une mine d’ar-gent au Moyen Âge marocain”, Hespéris-Tamuda, V-VI, pp. 15-77.

ROSENBERGER, B. (1998): “Les premières villesislamiques du Maroc: géographie et fonc-tions”, in P. CRESSIER, and M. GARCÍA-ARENAL (eds.), Genèse de la ville islamique enal-Andalus et au Maghreb occidental, Madrid,Casa de Velázquez-CSIC, pp. 229-256.

SCHLUMBERGER, D. (1952): “Le Palais Ghaznevidede Lashkari Bazar”, Syria, 29, pp. 251-270.

THÉBERT, Y. (2003): Thermes Romains d’Afriquedu Nord et leur contexte méditerranéen, Rome.

VILLAVERDE VEGA, N. (2001): Tingitana en laAntigüedad Tardia (Siglos III-VIII), Madrid.

WHITCOMB, D. (1994): “The Msir of Ayla:Settlement at al-‘Aqaba in the Early IslamicPeriod”, in G.R.D. and A. CAMERON eds., TheByzantine and early Islamic Near East II,Princeton, pp. 155-170.

Notas

1 The excavations, sponsored by University College Londonand the Institut National des Sciences de l’Archéologie et duPatrimoine, are directed by ourselves, and form part of alarger project that comprises the preparation of a managementplan, under the direction of Gaetano Palumbo of UCL andthe World Monuments Foundation and the conservation ofsignificant buildings. Sponsorship has come from the BritishMuseum, the World Monuments Foundation, the McAslanFoundation, and the Volubilis Foundation, to whose presi-dent, Rita Bennis, we are particularly grateful for her tirelessenergy and support.

2 AKERRAZ 1985; ID. 1996; ID. 1998; see also LENOIR

1983-1984; VILLAVERDE VEGA 2001.

3 VILLAVERDE VEGA 2001, pp. 157-174. There are 29 coins forthe fourth century, and one each in the fith, sixth and seventhcenturies (p. 171). This hardly echoes a vibrant urban economy.

4 VILLAVERDE VEGA 2001; see the review of E. PAPI (2002).

5 VILLAVERDE VEGA 2001, pp. 405-407, with previous bibliography.

6 EUSTACHE 1956.

7 The coins from this excavation are published by F. Z. EL-HARRIF (1998), who is also responsible for the study of ourown coins.

8 IBID.

9 Both EUSTACHE (1956) and B. ROSENBERGER (1998), provideuseful summaries of the evidence.

10 LÉVI-PROVENÇAL 1938.

11 The suggestion is that of B. ROSENBERGER (1964-65 and1998).

12 Excavation at site D was carried out under the supervisionof Ali Ait Kaci.

13 The digging of pits to recover earth is general even today:see N. CHIKAOUI 2002.

14 BOURDIEU 1990.

15 The three main areas of excavation in site B were super-vised by Helen Dawson, Guy Hunt and Tarik Moujoud.

16 EL-KHAYARI 1994.

17 BONINE 1991.

18 R. HOLOD-TRETIAK 1970, p. 95, argues that the medievalterminology is more appropriate than a Roman one fordescribing the standard rooms in a ÜammÄm.

19 The suggestion that the hole held a copper disk is made byCHARPENTIER 1995, p. 231. For the masonry basin at the sixthcentury baths at Halabiyya-Zenobia: LAUFFRAY 1991, p. 125;for Qasr el Hayr East: HOLOD-TRETIAK 1990, pl. 175: thehole is not mentioned in the text, but is clearly visible on thephotograph.

20 This point is made by THÉBERT 2003, p. 422.

21 Such silos were in use in the area until recent times: today,in the nearby village of Ferdassa, an area now used for housingis known to be “the area for silos”.

22 The pottery is being studied by Victoria Amoros Ruiz andAbdallah Fili and the coins by Fatima-Zohra El-Harrif. Thefollowing remarks are based on their preliminary conclusions.

23 On this: BRETT and FENTRESS 1996; FENTRESS 2000.

24 The sherd, a “jarrito tipo pequeño”, was identified byVictoria Amoros Ruiz.

25 The point is made by el EL-KHAYARI 1994.

26 SCHLUMBERGER 1952.

27 A. Northedge, pers. comm.

28 ECOCHARD and LE CŒUR 1942, p. 25-29 and fig. XI on thebaths of Damascus; for Rabat: PAUTY 1944.

29 DOW 1996, p. 3.

30 Ibid. p. 26.

31 Clear differences in the food consumed at the two sites, aswell as in the pottery, will be detailed in the environmentalstudies under the general direction of Dorian Fuller, and thepottery studies carried out by Victoria Amoros-Ruiz andAbdallah Fili. For a similar approach see C.L. Redman (1983).

32 AL-BAKR∞ 1965, p. 295: however, the identification ofVolubilis/Waliali with the Walàli of this passage is not entirelyconvincing, as it occurs in a section on the road between Fezand Kairouan, which is unlikely to unlikely to have run west-wards or through the Zerhoun.

33 EUSTACHE 1956, p. 137.

34 Here we must note the objections of Aomar Akerraz, whobelieves that the extension to the Roman city wall whichencloses this settlement to the north is of the same date asthat of the sixth century wall which forms the easternboundary of the post-Roman settlement. This question wouldhave to be resolved by stratigraphic excavation in the area.

35 NORTHEDGE 1992.

36 WHITCOMB 1994.

37 DAHMANI 1983.



Excavations in medieval settlements at Volubilis. 2000-2004; Elizabeth Fentress, Hassan Limane.

Documents

Transcript of Excavations in medieval settlements at Volubilis. 2000-2004; Elizabeth Fentress, Hassan Limane.