Ildefons Cerdà (1815-1876)

Cerdà was born in the country, at Mas Cerdà,Centelles, some 50 km north of Barcelona. Hewas the third son in an enterprising family whichtraded with the American colonies. From early onhe displayed an open, progressive outlook andgraduated in 1841 as a civil engineer from aninstitution where liberal ideas were predominant:the Escuela de Ingenieros de Caminos, Canales yPuertos in Madrid. Prior to this his friendship withNarcís Monturiol, the inventor of the submarineIctíneo, brought him under the influence ofCabet's ideas, notably the Utopian worlddescribed in his Voyage en Icarie (1840). As amember of the Corps of Engineers, he wasposted to various places before settling inBarcelona (1848), where he married ClotildeBosch. The death of his brothers left him the heirto a sizeable fortune, enabling him to obtain leavefrom the civil service and devote himself, in anindividual capacity, to the study of urban planningand to politics (he was deputy for Barcelona in theSpanish parliament, a Barcelona city councillor,vice-chairman of the Barcelona provincialauthority, etc.). After a life devoted to the creationof a new city, which remains today an outstandingmodel of universal relevance, he died of heartdisease in Caldas de Besaya (Santander) in 1876.

The walled city of Barcelona

The onset of industrialization drew a large influx ofimmigrants which Barcelona, still hemmed in bywalls, was unable to absorb. Growing congestionand worsening living conditions gave rise to aprotest movement which adopted the war cry of¡Abajo las murallas! ('Down with the walls!').Pascual Madoz, the governor, who was a friend ofCerdà and in tune with his ideology, responded byordering the demolition of the walls (1854), adecision hailed enthusiastically by the citizenry.

Density in the old city had soared to astaggering 890 inhabitants per hectare (asagainst 90 in London, 350 in Paris and 380 inMadrid). People were crammed into six-storeytenements that towered above a hive ofmedieval streets a mere 4 metres wide on theaverage. Even Carrer Ample ('Broad Street')

was less than 8 metres across.

The gestation of the projectfor the Eixample("expansion") district

Cerdà was commissioned by theSpanish Ministry of Developmentto draw up a topographic map ofthe broad Barcelona plain wherebuilding had been banned forstrategic reasons. At the sametime, on his own initiative, hewrote a study of the working class(Monografia de la clase obrera,

1856), a painstaking and exhaustivestatistical analysis of living conditions inthe walled city from the social,economic and nutritional point of view.He reached a very precise diagnosis:the city was "miserly" in size andunsuited to "the new civilization"marked by the use of steam to powerindustry and land and sea transport.Cerdà saw "mobility and(tele)communicativity" as the hallmarksof this new civilization (the opticaltelegraph being the other key

invention).

The new paradigm called for a new typeof city and, though no commission wasyet forthcoming, Cerdà began sorting outthe ideas he would set out systematicallymany years later in his great work TeoríaGeneral de la Urbanización (1867). Onemajor feature of his proposals, whichearned him an outstanding place in the

history of urban planning, was his quest forcoherence to reconcile the contradictory needs ofa complex agglomeration. Leaving partial visionsbehind (those aiming at a Utopian, cultural,monumental or rationalistic city, etc.), he set out insearch of the overall city.

The "Proyecto de Reforma yEnsanche" ('project for theremodelling and expansion') ofBarcelona. 1859

The United States Declaration of Independence,the leading theories of the French Revolution,and the various Utopian movements all left theirmark on Cerdà's ideas. The criteria and objectivesof his project for Barcelona –both explicit andimplicit– are totally imbued with humanism, whilehis praxis is founded essentially on equality, liberty(in the sense of privacy) and social cohesion. Inshort, his goal is a (wholly) "egalitarian" city. Healso seeks to strike a balance between the valuesof the city and the advantages of the countryside:"Ruralize the urban, urbanize the rural" is theopening message of his Teoria General.

Cerdà strives in other words, to give the"contents" (the people) priority over the"container" (the stones or gardens). Form is amere tool, albeit a very important one, whereas inmost plans it is veritable obsession and oftenplays an over-decisive and even preponderantrole. Cerdà's magic consists in conceiving a cityon the basis of its dwellings. The privacy of thehome is an overriding consideration, though in anage of large family units (three generations) itmight be considered Utopian to aim at freedomfor each family member. To Cerdà the idealdwelling is the detached house in the countryside.However, the enormous advantages of the citymake it necessary to achieve compactness –theessence of the urban phenomenon– by designinghousing that fits into tall, multi-family buildings.Such housing, moreover, needs a carefullyplanned layout featuring a twofold system ofventilation, from the street and the courtyard inthe centre of the block. And each unit must enjoythe gentle warmth of the sun.

Cerdà's primary classification of land into vies(thoroughfares) and intervies (the blocks or areaslying between them) is his second greatcontribution. The thoroughfares are the publicspaces for mobility and encounter. Utilitydistribution networks (water, sewers, gas, etc.),trees (over 100,000 trees in the streets), lightingand urban furniture are also located there. Theblocks (100x100 m) are the spaces for private life,with two rows of multi-family housing overlookingan inner courtyard from which all (withoutexception) receive sun, daylight, ventilation andjoie de vivre, as the hygienist movementsdemanded.

Circulation is organized on the basis of ahomogeneous, orthogonal street system whichcreates a deliberately egalitarian and functionallyefficient city. Cerdà did not invent the gridironplan, which is the Eixample's identifying trait. Hedid rationalize it, however, in an attempt to preventthe effects of land speculation or the ignorance ofthe settlers. To consider the regular street layoutas his sole or most important contribution is morethan an error: it is an insult. His street systemcreates a cohesive, well articulated, homogeneouscity. It provides a stable framework to a variety ofbuildings of different heights and depths. TheCatalan writer Josep Pla defined the Eixample as"chaos on a chessboard" and it is precisely thisinterface between chaos and order whichgenerates and maintains life (and freedom).

Though this is not the place for a detailed historicalaccount, 34% of the Eixample was to be taken upby streets (forty years before the invention of theautomobile) as against 17% of the walled city. Thestreets of the Eixample were to be at least 20

Original project for the remodelling and expansion of Barcelona (1859) Perspective from the 1863 revised version of the original(1859) project for the expansion of Barcelona

Aerial view of the stretch of theEixample adjoining the Old City

Ideal outline of the "transcendental thoroughfares" which were to link the city to the outsideworld, as shown on Cerdà's original project

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Generalitatde Catalunya

metres wide and the "transcendentalthoroughfares" (Gran Via, Avinguda Diagonal andAvinguda Meridiana) were to link Barcelona to the"worldwide highway system" (140 years before"globalization"). More interesting and surprising isthe fact that the streets are shared equally betweenpedestrians (two pavements 5 m wide) andcarriages (a roadway 10 m wide). To facilitatemanoeuvres at intersections, the road surface isdoubled by spacious "chamfered corners" achievedby bevelling the corners of the square blocks andmaking them octagonal. Nowadays one thousandtwo hundred square-like crossroads permit loadingand unloading without impeding the flow of traffic.

Underground railway tracks reach the city centre,linking the stations to one another and to the port.It was in fact the railway that sparked off the ideaof a large "expansion" district (six times the size ofthe old city) to meet the challenges of growthtriggered by industry and made possible bymechanized transport.

To round off the egalitarian configuration of thecity and the humanistic spirit of the proposals,community services (hospitals, schools, markets,churches, etc.), squares and green spaces wereevenly spread throughout the area. Two greatparks were located at either end and each"district" (10x10 blocks) had a city park.

Cerdà also contributed decisively to the realizationof his project by proposing the legal and financialbases and then personally seeing to theirimplementation. The German technique of re-dividing the land into plots made it possible to fundthe plan, convert properties that were part of analeatory rural layout into urban development sites,and replace ancient pathways by a regular streetnetwork which has remained highly efficient for bothpedestrians and vehicles down to the present day.

From criticism and stumbling blocksto recognition

The first stumbling block arose over a question ofjurisdiction. Since the plan affected five differentboroughs, it could not be approved by theBarcelona city council. Under the legislation thenin force, only the central government could takethe necessary steps. The council reacted to whatit considered political interference and in 1859, thesame year in which Cerdà's plan was initiallyapproved in Madrid, it organized a contest of itsown covering the much smaller area within themunicipal boundaries. The winning project, byAntoni Rovira Tries, was much less ambitious andinnovative in all respects than Cerdà's plan. TheSpanish government, undeterred, reasserted itsposition in 1860 and gave final approval toCerdà's plan, laying down certain guidelineswhich Cerdà himself incorporated into a revisedproject (1863).

But the harshest criticism was aimed at the formand ignored the plan's social and functionalaspects. For many years (and still today) Cerdà'splan was accused of being "monotonous". Hedefended himself by arguing that diversity andform were a matter for the architects, a viewcorroborated by the fact that some of Barcelona'sfinest architecture is in the Eixample. The foremostexamples –built in the heyday of Modernism–include the Pedrera, the Sagrada Família andCasa Batlló by Antoni Gaudí, which are part of theUNESCO World Heritage, the Fundació AntoniTàpies by Domènech i Montaner, and Casa de lesPunxes and Casa Amatller by Puig i Cadafalch.

In this patently hostile atmosphere, the execution ofthe plan proved slow and difficult. The landownersfelt that the space for community services wasover-generous and were reluctant to bear thefinancial burden of developing a previouslyuninhabited area. A battle against their proposedmodifications got underway, with Cerdà in the frontline. Certain changes were achieved more subtly

through municipal bylaws which did not affect theplans themselves. One widespread option was toclose all four sides of the blocks while preservingthe inner courtyard as green space. Later a singlestorey could be built in the courtyard provided the"hollows" inside the blocks (50x50 metres)remained. Today these still constitute 1,200 invisiblesquares providing the dwellings with light andventilation. Slowly but surely, however, in the courseof a century, further debasement was permitted,until the building ratio reached ten times the levelauthorized at the outset.

Recovery

The recovery of the Eixample got underway in the1970s. First the addition of penthouse apartmentswas banned. Then more radical steps were takenunder the Metropolitan General Plan (1976) which isstill in force: the building ratio was cut from ten timesto six times Cerdà's figure, many areas forcommunity facilities were repossessed, and the legallimit on urban density was significantly lowered.

Semiotics teach us that the subliminal signals given outby Cerdà's Eixample were capable of shaping a morecohesive, more egalitarian Catalan society, endowedwith greater vitality to compete with the great capitalsof the world. The 1888 Universal Exposition, the 1929International Exposition, the 1992 summer Olympicsand other events have put Barcelona on the map andled to a growing influx of visitors. Besides admiring thenew achievements, these visitors discover in theEixample a city with fewer contradictions and a betterquality of life than many others which boast morehistoric buildings or greater opulence.

What aspects of the Eixample shouldnot be missed?

It is superfluous to note the square blocks, whichare immediately obvious. However some of theirfeatures do warrant attention, in urban planningterms: the balance between areas for pedestriansand automobiles; the generously tree-linedpavements; the crisscross pattern of the one-waystreets; the broad "transcendental" avenues andpromenades; the chamfered corners to permitloading and unloading without disrupting"continuity of movement" and facilitate visibility;the squares; the parks; the wide array of façadesand balconies; the doors, with their frequentlyextraordinary designs, which are located in themiddle of the buildings, between the ground floorshops; the aerial views from the tops of Montjuïc,the Tibidabo or certain "unusual buildings"(Barcelona has no skyscrapers, in the strict senseof the term, since they would have caused thebuilding ratios to oscillate too sharply). A visit tothe "invisible" squares within the blocks isespecially recommended –those inner courtyards,untroubled by the noise of motorized traffic, whichhave been recovered and are gradually revertingto the community.

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The market of Sant Antoni (1882), by Rovira i Trias, has a characteristic iron structureand occupies an entire block of the Eixample. On Sundays it becomes a market for oldbooks, postcards, records and comics.

An interesting water tower by J.O. Mestres (1897) rises above the gardens of the Torrede les Aigües inside one of the first courtyards of the Eixample which were recovered forpublic use (1985).

Casa Elizalde is a handsome Modernist mansion by Emili Sala (1888) that now houses anactive civic and cultural centre. The spacious and characteristic inner courtyard has alsobeen recovered.

The Cases Cerdà (the name has nothing to do with Ildefons Cerdà) were the first housesbuilt in the Eixample (1862-1864). This one, by master builder Antoni Valls i Galí, hasbeen restored and turned into a hotel.

Casa Terrades, or "Casa de les Punxes" (1905), is a distinctive medieval-lookingModernist building by Puig i Cadafalch. It occupies one of the irregular-shaped blocksformed by Avinguda Diagonal.

The Hospital de Sant Pau, Domènech i Montaner's most important work, comprisesdifferent pavilions, located on the edge of the Eixample. Building began in 1902. Thelayout constitutes a departure from Cerdà's overall plan.

Casa Milà, known as "La Pedrera", is an emblematic building by Gaudí which fullyexploits the possibilities of the chamfered corner. It is now a cultural centre devoted tothe great architect's work.

Passatge Permanyer, lined by single-family dwellings with small front gardens, cutsthrough the middle of one the blocks of the Eixample. This and other similar streets arean infringement of Cerdà's initial project.

The University of Barcelona, designed by Elies Rogent (1863-1869), occupies an areaequivalent to two blocks. The beautiful gardens are now open to the public.

One of the Eixample's chamfered corners (at the intersection of Carrer de València andCarrer de Roger de Llúria) where goods can be loaded and unloaded without obstructingthe traffic.

This block on Passeig de Gràcia, one of the Eixample's liveliest streets, is nicknamed "mançanade la Discòrdia" (block of discord) because of the contrasting buildings by Domènech i Montaner(Casa Lleó Morera), Puig i Cadafalch (Casa Amatller) and Gaudí (Casa Batlló) which stand there.

Aerial view of a demonstration at the spacious intersection between Passeig de Gràcia andAvinguda Diagonal where many thousands of people can gather. Palau Robert –a formermansion (1903) standing amid attractive gardens– houses the Centre d'Informació deCatalunya.

Passeig de Gràcia, one of the Eixample's main avenues, was the road from Barcelona to thetown of Gràcia prior to 1859. Soon after it became the site of the city's foremost recreationfacilities. It is overlooked by the finest works of Catalan Modernist architecture.

Avinguda Diagonal was designed as one of the links between the Old City, the Eixample andwhat at the time were the adjoining villages. It was also to be a spacious promenade and oneof the main urban thoroughfares.

Passeig de Sant Joan, one of the Eixample's most distinctive streets, runs from Parc de laCiutadella and Arc de Triomf to the former town of Gràcia.

Avinguda Gaudí cuts across the gridiron pattern of the Eixample from the Sagrada Família tothe Hospital de Sant Pau.

Avinguda Mistral intersects the square blocks of the Eixample. It was once part of theroad from the Old City to Hostafrancs, around Avinguda Paral·lel and Plaçad'Espanya.

Avinguda de Roma, which branches off Carrer d'Aragó, was built over the open-air railway line that ran through the Eixample until the second half of the 20thcentury.

The unfinished Plaça de les Glòries Catalanes, at the intersection of Avinguda Diagonal,Avinguda Meridiana and Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, was to be the new centre ofBarcelona under Cerdà's plan.

Plaça de Letamendi, at the intersection of Carrer d'Aragó and Carrer d'Enric Granados, is oneof the distinctive squares designed by Cerdà.

Parc de Joan Miró (or Parc de l'Escorxador) contains a large sculpture by Miró.The municipal slaughterhouse ("escorxador") once stood on the four-block site inthe Eixample now occupied by the park.

Avinguda Josep Tarradellas, at one end of the Eixample, runs from PlaçaFrancesc Macià to Plaça dels Països Catalans and the Sants railway station.

The Sagrada Família, a still unfinished expiatory church, is Gaudí's best knownwork and a veritable symbol of Barcelona. It rises between two squares whichoccupy the space of two Eixample blocks.

The Escola Industrial is a former textile mill, the Vapor Batlló, which occupiedtwo blocks of the Eixample. It was converted into a technical college by Rubiói Bellver.

The Hospital Clínic (1904) and the University of Barcelona's Faculty of Medicine,both by Domènech i Estepà, occupy two blocks of the Eixample.

The seminary of the diocese of Barcelona (Seminari Conciliar), designed by EliesRogent (1888), has recently opened its gardens to the public.

The market of La Concepció is the oldest in the Eixample. It has a characteristiciron structure and was totally remodelled in 1998.

The old North Station, built by Pere Andrés (1864) and extensively modified later,closed down in 1972. It is now a bus station. Alongside it are the attractive gardensdesigned by Enric Tous and Josep M. Fargas.

The Montserrat Roig Gardens were laid out in 1992 on the former site of theDamm brewery's bottling and distribution plant.

The Rector Oliveras Gardens are located beside the Gothic church of LaConcepció, which was moved stone by stone from the Old City to the Eixamplewhen the Via Laietana was built.

© Generalitat de CatalunyaTurisme de CatalunyaDepartament de Comerç, Turisme i ConsumPrepared by: Servei d'Informació, Difusió i PublicacionsText: Albert Serratosa, curator of the exhibition "Cerdà. Urbs i territori" Graphic design: Francesc Guitart – EIXPhotographs: Francesc Guitart, Pere Vivas - Triangle Postals,TAVISA, Institut d'Estudis Territorials

We are grateful to Eliana Vieira and the Institut d'EstudisTerritorials (www.ietcat.org - Cerdà) for their efficient collaboration.

Printed in Gràfiques Cuscó, S.A. D.L.: B-51342-2004Printed in EU

BibliographySEVERAL AUTHORS, Cerdà. Urbs i Territori [exhibition catalogue],Editorial Electa España, Madrid 1994. (versions in Catalan,Spanish and English)SERRATOSA, Albert, et alii., Semiòtica de l'Eixample Cerdà.,Editorial Proa, Barcelona 1999.SORIA Y PUIG, Arturo [compiler], Cerdà. Las cinco bases de laTeoría General de la Urbanización, Sociedad Editorial ElectaEspaña, Madrid 1996. (versions in Spanish and English) www.proeixample.com

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