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This volume follows the manuscript order reconstructedfor the Primeros Memoriales by Francisco del Paso yTroncoso in his 1905-190 7 facsimile edition of the collection of Sahaguntine manuscripts he called the Codices

Matr itenses. Published with the assistance of the National Endowment for the Humanities, a federal agency

which supports the study of such fields as history, philosophy, literature, and language, and of the Program forCultural Cooperation Between Spain's Ministry of Culture and United States' Universities.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Sahagun, Bernardino de, d. 1590.[Primeros memoriales. Nahuatl & English]

Primeros memoriales /by Bernardino de Sahagun : paleography of Nahuatl text and English translation by Thelma D. Sullivan : completed and rev.,with additions, by H. B. Nicholson . . . [et al.].

p. cm. — (The civilization of the AmericanIndian series : 200, pt. 2)

Includes index.ISBN 0-8061-2909-3 (alk. paper)1. Aztecs. 2. Paleography. Nahuatl. 3. Nahuatl

language—Texts. I. Sullivan, Thelma D. n. Nicholson, H.B. (Henry B.) III. Title. IV. Series.F1219.73.S2416 1997497'.45211—DC21 96-45377

CIP

Text design by Cathy Carney Imboden. Text typeface isTrump Mediaeval.

Primeios M emoriales: Paleography of Nahuatl Text and English Translation is volume 200, part two, in Th e Civ ilization of the American Indian Series.

The paper in this book meets the guidelines for perma

nence and durability of the Committee on ProductionGuidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on LibraryResources, Inc. 9

Copyright © 1997 by the Un iversity of Oklahoma Press,Norman, Publishing Division of the University. Allrights reserved. Manufactured in the U.S.A.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 S 9 10



C o n t e n t s

List of Figures vii

List of Tables ix

Preface, by H. B. Nicholson xi

Editorial Note, by Arthur J. O. Anderson xv

Introduction, by H. B. Nicholson 3

An Introduction to the Images, Artists, and Physical Featuresof the Primeros Memoriales, by Eloise Quiñones Keber 15

C h a p t e r I: Rituals and Gods 55

C h a p t e r II : The Heavens and the Underworld 153

C h a p t e r III: Rulership 18 5

C h a p t e r IV : Things Relative to Man 251

References Cited 299

List of Collaborators 313

Index 315



C a b l e s

Following Page 37

1. Contents of the Primeros M emoiiales,Chapter I: Rituals and Gods

2. Contents of the Primeros Memoriales, Chapter II: The Heavens and the Underworld

3. Contents of the Primeros Memoriales,Chapter III: Rulership

4. Contents of the Primeros Memoriales, Chapter IV: Things Relative to Man

5. Images of the Primeros M emoriales



P r e f a c e

C^his volume realizes a project that, sad tosay, could not be finished by the scholar whoinitiated it. Fortunately, she was able to finishmost of it, which made it possible for othersto carry it through to completion. The lateThelma D. Sullivan, born and educated inNew York, resided in Mexico for many years(see Sullivan's summary biography, with herbibliography, in Dakin and Heyden 1988).With her interest and training in languages

and literature, she became fascinated by theculture of the final period of pre-HispanicCentral Mexico, usually called Aztec, and especially by its dominant language, the richand expressive Nahuatl. She studied the latter assiduously, mainly under Miguel León-Portilla and Angel M. Garibay K. The latterwas the leading Nahuatl scholar in Mexicountil his death in 1971. He was the author,among many other works, of two classic contributions to this field, Llave de Náhuatl (1940; second, enlarged edition, 1961) and His-toria de la Literatura Náhuatl (1971 [1954-1955]).

In 1963, Thelma's first translation into English of a Classical Nahuatl text appeared inEstudios de Cultura Náhuatl. After a warmpersonal tribute to her mentor, Garibay, shepublished the paleography of the Nahuatltext and English translation of the proverbs,conundrums, and metaphors in the finalchapters (42-43) of the Nahuatl column ofBook 6 of the Florentine Co dex version of Sa-hagún's Historia General (Universal) de las Cosas d e (la) Nueva España. During the nextfew years she published a number of significant articles on aspects of Aztec culture, aswell as translations into both English andSpanish of additional Nahuatl texts. Shesoon earned an international reputation asone of the most accomplished modern "Nahuatlatos," a reputation capped by the 1976

publication, by the Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas of the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, of her Compendio de la Gramática Náhuatl —which in 1988was posthumously published, somewhat modified by Wick Miller and Karen Dakin, in anEnglish version by the University of UtahPress.

Thelma was always particularly interestedin the monumental corpus of Nahuatl texts

compiled, with extensive native assistance,by the greatest of the sixteenth-century Spanish missionary-ethnographers active in NewSpain, Fray Bernardino de Sahagún. Most ofher translations were of Sahaguntine texts,including various paragraphs of the document published in this volume, the Primeros

Mem or iales. By 1967 she had also completeda translation into English of the entire Spanish text of Sahagún's encyclopedic account ofAztec culture contained in the Historia Gen-eral. This translation is still unpublished.

I first met Thelm a in Mexico in 1970.Shortly before, I had written an article onSahagún's Primeros Memoriales that was inpress in volume 13 of The Han dbook o f Mid-dle American Indians (it appeared in 1973).In that article I emphasized that only a limited portion of the Primeros Memoriales hadbeen included by Sahagún in the final version of his Historia. While recognizing thatmost of its paragraphs had been paleograph-ized and translated into Spanish, English, orGerman, I pointed out that these publications had appeared in widely scattered outlets and indicated the obvious desirabilityof a unitary publication of the Primeros Me-moriales, with complete Nahuatl text andtranslation into a modern language. When Idiscovered that Thelma Sullivan had alreadypaleographized the Nahuatl and translatedinto English a considerable portion of the



Primeros M emoriales, working from the rare1905 photoreproduction edited by Franciscodel Paso y Troncoso, I strongly urged her tocomplete the task and seek an outlet for itspublication, offering her my help and support.

After considerable further discussion andcogitation, Thelma, now a full-time researcher with the Centro de InvestigacionesSuperiores of the Instituto Nacional deAntropología e Historia, decided to undertake the project. In 1979 she applied for agrant to the National Endowment for theHumanities (Arthur J. O. Anderson, CharlesE. Dibble, and I wrote letters of support),which she received early the following year.She also contracted with the University ofOklahoma Press to publish the work uponits completion. Thelma devoted most of hertime and energy to this project from thespring of 1980 until shortly before her untimely death from cancer on August 1, 1981.By the onset of her final illness, she had completed much of the paleography and translation and many of the notes, although all of itwas in preliminary form.

Not long after Thelma Sullivan's passing, Icontacted four of her friends and colleaguesin Mexico—Karen Dakin, Doris Heyden, andNicholas Hopkins and Kathryn JosserandHopkins—inquiring whether it might be pos

sible to obtain the manuscript drafts ofThelma's Primeros Memoriales project. It wasmy hope that the project could be completedwith the aid of two of her most esteemedfellow Nahuatlatos and Sahagún scholars,Arthur Anderson and Charles Dibble. Withtheir encouragement and cooperation, andwith the invaluable help of the executrix ofThelma's estate, Rita Wilensky, that September I traveled to Mexico City, accompaniedand aided by Wayne Ruwet of the UCLAPowell Library, and we obtained the neces

sary materials. Anderson and Dibble agreedto review Thelma's paleography and translation and to complete the sections she had

Preface left unfinished. I applied to the National Endowment for the Humanities to assume theprimary responsibility for coordinating the

xii completion of Thelma's project, requesting

allocation of the remaining funds to help defray the expenses, and this was generouslygranted. The University of Oklahoma Presswas also contacted and expressed interest inseeing the project through if it could be satisfactorily completed.

Finally, after many unavoidable delays owing mainly to previous commitments on thepart of the project participants, we presentthe firs t complete paleography of the Nahuatltext and English translation of the Primeros

M em or ia les of Fray Bernardino de Sahagún.As Volume 200, part two, in The Civilization of the American Indian Series, it constitutes the companion volume to Primeros

M em or ia le s by Pray Berna rdino de Sahagún: Facsimile Edition, Volume 200, part one, inthe same series (Sahagún 1993). The completion of Thelma Sullivan's project was verymuch a joint effort. Arthur J. O. Andersonand Charles E. Dibble, the editors and translators of the monumental, thirteen-volumeedition of the profusely illustrated Floren-tine Codex version of Sahagún's Historia General (University of Utah Press, 1950-1982), with their unrivaled knowledge of Sa-haguntine matters and the Classical Nahuatllanguage, played an indispensable role. Anderson assumed the chief responsibility forreviewing and modifying, where necessary,

the paleography and English translation ofthe portion Thelma had finished and forcompleting the portion she had left unfinished. Dibble reviewed these revisions andadditions and suggested various modifications and changes. Anderson also contributed to the linguistic aspect of the notes, thechief overall responsibility for the completion of which I assumed. Art historian EloiseQuiñones Keber, who worked with the original manuscript of the Primeros M emoriales in Madrid in 1986, contributed a description

of its physical aspects and an introduction toits illustrations, discussing their sources,artists, and relationships to the texts. WayneRuwet assisted in various capacities in addition to participating in the initia l retrieval ofSullivan's drafts. He inspected the Madridmanuscripts in 1983, aided in the correspon-



dence; and undertook the lengthy and laborious task of typing onto the computer diskettes, in double-column format, both thepreliminary and final versions of the paleography of the Nahuatl text and English translation. I revised and greatly enlarged thenotes and contributed the general introduction. The latter is intended to provide a cultural and historical context for the Primeros

M em or iales, to place it accurately within thedevelopment of Sahagun's overall long-termethnographic-linguistic project, and to provide a basic notion of its contents. I also hadthe opportunity of working with the originalmanuscript in Madrid on three occasions, in1968 (Academy portion), 1976, and 1986, recording the watermarks and studying in a

preliminary way its structural features.We attempted to complete the project fol

lowing as closely as possible Thelma Sullivan's original intentions, revealed to me innumerous conversations and letters. Shewished to produce an "eminently readable"translation of the Primeros Memoriales. AsAnderson (personal communication) has expressed it, "I think she favored a considerably freer translation of the P.M. than whatCharles and I produced in the Florentine Codex. In revising her work on the P.M. I didnot change her free style except when itseemed to me that there were accidental orperhaps unwarranted omissions, or incorrecttranslations."

If we have succeeded in achieving most ofThelma Sullivan's aims, it is owing to thehelp and cooperation of many persons andinstitutions. Special thanks must be extended to the National Endowment for theHumanities—above all to Susan A. Mango,program officer, Translations Program, Divi

sion of Research Programs—for its originalfinancial support of the project and, particularly, its willingness to reassign it, with theunexpended funds, to the undersigned andto grant the necessary temporal extensions.We appreciate the willingness of the University of Oklahoma Press to honor the originalcontract to publish the work and, particularly, the considerable patience and interestin the project displayed by the editor-in-chief,

John Drayton, throughout the long delay incompleting it. We would also like to expressour sincere appreciation to Karen Dakin,Nicholas Hopkins and Kathryn JosserandHopkins, Doris Heyden, and especially RitaWilensky, who initially made it all possibleby facilitating our acquisition of Sullivan's

Primeros M emoriales manuscript. Particularthanks is owed to the directors and staffmembers of the libraries of the Palacio Real(Patrimonio Nacional) and Real Academia dela Historia in Madrid, who made availablefor our inspections the original manuscriptof the Primeros Memoriales and who grantedpermission for the publication of its colorphotoreproduction as part one of the set ofwhich this book is part two. Finally, we wouldlike to acknowledge our special debt toThelma Sullivan herself, to whose memory,of course, we dedicate this work. Her abilityand her energy in the final period of her tragically truncated life have resulted in the firstunitary publication of one of the most valuable accounts ever compiled concerning theindigenous civilization of Central Mexico atthe time of the Spanish Conquest.

H. B. N i c h o l s o n

University of California—Los Angeles

Preface



P r i m e r o s ( T í e m o r i a l e s

i

PA L E O G R A P H Y O F N A H U AT L T E X T A N D E N G L I S H T RA N S L AT I O N



rINTRODUCTION

H. B. NICHOLSON

/V figure of landmark importance in the conveyance of an exceptionally detailed accountof major aspects of the indigenous culture ofCentral Mexico at the time of the Conquestand in the early colonial period was theSpanish Franciscan, Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, who served as a missionary in New

Spain from 1529 to 1590. He has often beendesignated "the father of modern ethnography." Although his proselytizing motivewas quite distinct from that of the modernethnographer, the aptness of this label derives from his use of a technique for obtaining information about the native culture thatremarkably anticipated what is currently recognized as one of the most effective methodsof recording accurate ethnographic data.This technique involved the collecting fromhis informants, following a structured interrogatory, of extensive texts in Nahuatl, thedominant language of Central Mexico.

Sahagun's vigorous program of compilingthese texts, however, was not just for ethnographic purposes. After mastering Nahuatlhimself, he sought to transmit his knowledgeof this idiom, the principal communicativetool of the conversion program, to his fellowmissionaries as effectively as possible throughthese lengthy texts (plus other aids, such asa grammar and a Spanish-Nahuatl dictio

nary, which he also prepared). Entirely apartfrom its immense ethnographic value, therefore, the Sahaguntine corpus provides an invaluable body of linguistic information concerning the most important and widespread

of the Mesoamerican native languages. AsSahagun (1950-1982, Part I: 47) himself expressed it: "This work is like a dragnet tobring to light all the words of this languagewith their exact and metaphorical meanings,and all their ways of speaking, and most oftheir ancient practices, the good and evil."

S AHAGUN'S ETHNOGR AP HIC - L I N G U I S T I C P R O J E C T

Although Sahagun compiled two substantialNahuatl texts (which became Books 6 [rhetorical orations] and 12 [history of the Conquest]) some years earlier, it was not until1558 that he was officially commissioned bythe Provincial of his order, Fray Francisco deToral, to undertake a systematic investigation of the native culture by compiling in Nahuatl what would be "useful for the indoctrination, the propagation and perpetuationof the Christianization of these natives ofthis New Spain, and as a help to the workersand ministers who indoctrinate them" (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part I: 53). Accompaniedby four Indian assistants—the famous "trilinguals" (Nahuatl-Spanish-Latin)1—whomhe had earlier taught as a member of thefaculty of the Colegio de Santa Cruz inTlatelolco, he moved to the Franciscan con

vent in Tepepolco, about fifty miles northeast of Mexico City. There he assembled agroup of knowledgeable local informants, including the native ruler and ten or twelvecommunity elders. Aided by a "minuta, o

1. Sahagún (1950-1982, Part I: 55) identified them as Antonio Valeriano of Azcapotzalco, Alonso Vegerano and Pedrode San Buenaventura of Cuauhtitlan, and Martín Jacobita of Tlatelolco.



memoria" of all the topics to be investigated,he systematically interrogated these members of the Tepepolcan nobility for nearlytwo years. He described how they suppliedhim with relevant pictorial materials, beneath which the trilingual assistants wrotedown the explanations in Nahuatl. Theselabors resulted in the manuscript whose textand English translation is published in thepresent work and which Francisco del Paso yTroncoso dubbed the Primeros Memoriales.

This first stage of Sahagún's project terminated in 1561, when he and his investigativeteam moved to the Colegio de Santa Cruz inTlatelolco. There he gathered a similar groupof high-born local informants and obtainedfrom them more extensive information cov

ering a substantial number of the same ethnographic categories he had investigated inTepepolco. The results of these investigationsin Tlatelolco are contained in the Manuscri to de Tlatelolco, presently divided, as is themanuscript of the Primeros Memoriales, between the libraries of the Real Academia dela Historia and the Real Palacio in Madrid.

The next significant stage took place inthe convent of San Francisco in Mexico Te-nochtitlan, where Sahagún completed, in1569, the final organization of the Nahuatltext, in twelve books, of his encyclopedicHistoria General (Universal) délas Cosas de (la) Nueva España. During this process,additional informants from Tenochtitlan"amended and added many things to thetwelve books when they made a clear copy"(Sahagún 1950-1982, Part I: 55). This manuscript of 1569, containing all twelve books ofthe Nahuatl text, is apparently lost. Only asmall portion of the information collected inTepepolco was included in this final versionof the Historia, which was later translated,paraphrastically, into Spanish, mostly duringthe period 1575—1577

A massive (1,223 folios), lavishly illus-H. B. trated version of the Historia, with the

Nicholson Nahuatl and Spanish text in double-columnformat, was prepared under Sahagún's supervision apparently during 1578-1580. Sent to

4 Spain, by unknown means it reached Flor

ence, Italy, probably no later than 1588, where,known as the Florentine Codex, it residestoday in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana(ms. 218-220, Col. Palatina). A slightly modified version of the Spanish column, whosedate and exact relation to the Florentine Co-dex are still uncertain, was reported in 1732-1733 in the Franciscan convent of Tolosa innorthern Spain. It is from this version of theHistoria, the "Manuscrito de Tolosa," nowin the library of the Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid (Ms. 9-4812; Colección deMuñoz, vol. 50), that until recently all modern editions, through copies, beginning in1829-1830, have been derived.

TEP EP OLC O

Tepepolco, "Place of the Large Hill," was asizable but not otherwise particularly prominent community near the northeast rim ofthe Basin of Mexico. The choice of this community rather than one of the principal Central Mexican native metropolitan centers forthe initiation of Sahagún's formal ethno-graphic-linguistic project has given rise tosome speculation. The reasons for Sahagún'sassignment at this time to the Tepepolcoconvent—apparently founded about 1530-1533, possibly by another famous Franciscanmissionary-ethnographer-linguist, Fray Andrés de Olmos—are unknown. Dibble (in Sahagún 1950-1982, Part I: 10) speculated thathe might have chosen this place owing to hispossibly having resided there in 154^ whenthe rhetorical orations that later constitutedBook 6 of the final Historia were compiled,at which time he could have established"an earlier working relationship with nativeleaders." Kirchhoff (1959: 81) conjectured thatTepepolco had enjoyed a certain reputationin pre-Hispanic times as a culture center andthat this had influenced Sahagún's choice.Perhaps practical administrative exigenciesof the Franciscan missionary program constituted the real determining factor in Sahagún's assignment to this provincial center.In any case, Tepepolco appears to have beenculturally typical of most of the larger Cen-



tral Mexican native communities and probably served Sahagún's ethnographic-linguisticpurposes about as well as any other comparable town.

A certain amount of archaeological andethnohistorical information is available concerning Tepepolco. Located near major obsidian sources and adjacent to a strategic corridor of communication leading northeast fromthe Basin of Mexico, during the TerminalPreclassic and Classic periods (ca. 200 b . c . -

a . d . 750) the Tepepolco area appears to havebeen a major center for the obsidian toolindustry (Charlton 1978). For the Late Postclassic period, various primary sources, including Tepepolco's 1581 relación geográfica, the Códice Xolotl, and the works of AlvaIxtlilxochitl and Torquemada, describe Tepepolco's founding by valiant "Chichimec"chieftains. These sources permit the reconstruction of a local dynasty of at least foursequent rulers, commencing probably in thetwelfth century, before the imposition in1435 of a steward by Nezahualcoyotl, huey tlatoani of Tetzcoco, capital from 1433-1434onward of the megaprovince of Acolhuacan.Earlier, Tepepolco seems to have been sub ject to various other polities at differenttimes: Coatlinchan (original capital of Acolhuacan), Xaltocan, possibly (historic) Teoti-

huacan, and Azcapotzalco (capital of theTepanec empire of Tezozomoc and Maxtla,ca. 1350-1428). There is also evidence for anearly movement into the area of immigrantsfrom Colhuacan, in the southwest Basin ofMexico, probably during the second halfof the fourteenth century. Colhuacan hadmaintained with particular vigor the Toltecdynastic and cultural tradition, and theseColhuaque settlers probably exerted a strong"civilizing" influence on "Chichimec" Tepepolco and its neighbors.

According to Alva Ixtlilxochitl, in late pre-Hispanic times this whole region, compris

ing a major sector of northern Acolhuacan,was known as "las provincias de la campiña." Various of Tepepolco's neighbors, inaddition to their obligations to Tetzcoco,were also tributary to Mexico Tenochtitlan.Whether this included Tepepolco itself is uncertain. In any case, Mexica influence wasobviously quite strong. It was especially evident in the religious-ritual system, as thedata in the Primeros M emoriales abundantlyindicate.

Nahuatl was clearly dominant in the zone,but Otomi speakers were also present in somenumbers. A possible third language, "Chi-chimeca," is also mentioned in some sources.If this was not just a more rustic dialect ofNahuatl or Otomi, it may have represented asurvival of the tongue spoken by the original"Chichimec" settlers of the area.

At European contact, Tepepolco was a populous and thriving cabecera (chief city) witha large number of dependencies. Its territorybordered the powerful superprovince of Tlax-callan to the southeast, and near this boundary was located one of the xochiyaoyotl, or"flowery war," fields where the young elitewarriors of the Triple Alliance (MexicoTenochtitlan-Tetzcoco-Tlacopan) met periodically to engage in ritualized combat withtheir Tlaxcalteca counterparts. The exten

sive section on elite warrior costumes contained in the Primeros Memoriales mightwell reflect this proximity, for young Tepe-polcan manhood would almost certainlyhave participated in these combats. Moto-linia mentioned the large size of the principal temple of Tepepolco at the time of theConquest, and there can be little doubt—

judging from the extensive data concerning Ireligion in the Primeros Memoriales—thatthe rich, complex religious-ritual system thatplayed such a pervasive role in late pre-His-

panic Central Mexican culture functionedactively and importantly in this community.2

Introduction

2. See Nicholson 1974 for an overview of pre-Hispanic and early colonial Tepepolco, with spec ific citations of allsources mentioned in the preceding paragraphs. ., 5



eluded, after Academy Ms. folio 69r, whichconcludes Chapter IV, Paragraph 8B, devotedto warrior costumes, folios 72r-80r of thesame manuscript, which also contain illustrations of warrior costumes and devices,with brief texts and labels. On the basis ofidentity of subject matter, he also inserted,after folio 69, which contains Chapter iyParagraph 9, devoted to an itemization of diseases and their cures, folio 81, which is written in a distinct, more cursive hand and whichconcludes with a chapter heading that doesnot fit the Primeros Memoriales sequence.

Paso y Troncoso had the photocopy of eachfolio printed on a large, folio-sized page, continuously paginated 1-175, with the specification of the chapter and paragraph (including paragraph subsections with alphabeticaldesignations) and his Spanish titles for them

printed at the top of each page. He had theoriginal manuscript foliation of both thePalace and the Academy portions of the workprinted at the foot of each page. The Mexicanartist Genaro López copied the Primeros Me-moriales illustrations, and Paso y Troncosohad color lithographs of them printed byAlejandro Ruffoni in Florence, grouped ontwenty-seven separate, large, folio-sized pages(Estampas I-XXVII).

These printed pages, constituting Cuadernos 2 and 3 of Volume VI of his projected fif

teen-volume publication of the whole European Sahaguntine corpus, were apparentlystill unbound at the time of Paso y Tron-coso's death in Florence in 1916. Finally obtained, with some difficulty, by the Mexicangovernment, Cuaderno 2 (which also included what Paso y Troncoso labeled "Memoriales con Escolios," prepared under Sa-hagún's direction later in Tlatelolco) wasbound and distributed in the mid-1920s. Thetitle page, dated 1905, featured Paso y Tron-coso's title for the whole series, "HistoriaGeneral de las Cosas de Nueva España de Fr.Bernardino de Sahagún." Part I was entitled"Primeros Memoriales compilado por el autor en cuatro capítulos como fundamentopara escribir la obra general en doce libros ycuatro volúmenes."

A Cuaderno 1, "Descripción de los códices, " was to have been included in this volume, but if written, it was never found andhad to be omitted. Paso y Troncoso's own exposition of the steps he followed in reconstructing the Primeros Memoriales, therefore, is unavailable—although it can be

generally understood from the reconstruction itself and the title s he employed for thechapters and paragraphs.

Cuaderno 3, the twenty-seven plates containing the Genaro López color lithographsof the Primeros Memoriales illustrations,was also bound and distributed at this time.It is often bound with Volume VI, where itbelongs, but sometimes with Volume V, devoted to color lithographs of all of the Flor-entine Codex illustrations.

Paso y Troncoso's great German contem

porary in Mexicanist studies, Eduard Seler,who had earlier, in 1889, worked in Madridwith the Cód ices Matritenses, had also recognized the Tepepolco derivation of what hisMexican colleague was to denominate thePrimeros Memoriales (e.g., Seler 1890). ToPaso y Troncoso, however, belongs the creditof selecting the relevant folios, arrangingthem in proper order, having them photographed, and labeling, in Spanish, the various chapters and paragraphs of the work.Although not really published in his life

time, it was Paso y Troncoso's careful preparatory labors that led to the eventual publication and distribution of the high-qualityphotoreproduction of this priceless sourcesome years after his death. Thus, if Fray Bernardino de Sahagún must be considered thefather of the Primeros M emoriales, this outstanding turn-of-the-century Mexican scholarshould be recognized as its prime resuscita-tor and disseminator.

Before the distribution in the 1920s by theMexican government of Paso y Troncoso's"1905" photoreproduction, only scholars suchas Eduard Seler and Daniel Brinton, who hadhad the opportunity to work with the original manuscript in its Madrid repositories,were able to publish transcriptions andtranslations of parts of the Primeros Memo

Introduction

7



H. B.Nicholson

8

riales. After it became more generally available in major libraries and private collections, other scholars could utilize it, too, andduring the following half century or so, mostof its paragraphs were paleographized andtranslated into German, Spanish, and/orEnglish. In 1973 a concise discussion of the

Primeros M emoriales appeared in volume 13of the Handbook of Middle American Indi-ans as one of the articles in the three-partentry devoted to the ethnographic, linguistic,and evangelical writings of Fray Bernardinode Sahagún (Nicholson 1973). It includedfour tables listing the forty-nine numberedparagraphs of the work, with specification ofall known paleographies and translationsinto modern languages of each. Although thetables revealed that only eleven paragraphshad not been published somewhere in this

form, it was noted that these translations offragments of the Primeros M emoriales weresomewhat uneven in quality and dispersedthroughout widely scattered publications.Additional paleographies and translations ofsections of the Primeros Memoriales thathave appeared since the publication of Tables5-8 in Nicholson 1973 are specified in Nicholson 1988d: 17-19 and in the footnotes inthis volume.

In a 1964 monograph by Manuel Ballesteros-Gaibrois and a group of his students in theSeminario de Estudios Americanistas of theFacultad de Filosofía y Letras of the University of Madrid devoted to a study of the C ó-dices Matritenses, the approximately 445individual illustrations contained in the Pri-meros Memoriales manuscript were listed,with their later Florentine Co dex equivalentsindicated (1964, I: 304-326). In volume 2 ofthis work, color photographs of the illustratedpages of the Primeros Memoriales, much reduced in scale from the originals, were systematically published for the first time.

THE P R I M E R O S M E M O R I A L E S M A N U S C R I P T

The physical description of the Primeros M em or ia les manuscript, including consider

ation of its watermarks and gatherings, is undertaken by Eloise Quiñones Keber in the article that follows this introduction. Otherrelevant topics, such as indigenous sources,artists, possible European models for its overall structure, and the relationship betweenimages and texts, are also discussed there.

THE P R I M E R O S M E M O R I A L E S: CO N T E N T S

A concise specification, chapter by chapterand paragraph by paragraph, of the contentsof the Primeros M emoriales was included inNicholson 1973. In the four tables in that article, I used Paso y Troncoso's Spanish titles,derived, where available, from Sahagún'sown Nahuatl headings. In the next article,Eloise Quiñones Keber, in Tables 1-4, also

systematically lists the paragraphs of thePrimeros M emoriales, labeled with descriptive titles in English.

Chapter I

Owing to the loss of its first paragraph,Chapter I lacks its original title, but "R itualsand Gods," following Paso y Troncoso's"Ritos, Dioses," seems apt. Its thirteen paragraphs cover a wide range of aspects of theindigenous ritual-religious system, includingthe major ceremonies geared to the eighteenveintenas (twenty-day periods), plus five, ofthe 365-day vague tropical year, togetherwith an important ceremony held only everyeight years,- a large number of basic ritualpractices; types of priests; the insignia andcostumes of the principal deities and somedata concerning their supernatural jurisdictions,- temple structures,- supplications andoaths; and twenty of the sacred chants sungin honor of the gods.

As Eduard Seler was the first major Mexi-canist scholar to recognize, the contents ofChapter I of the Primeros Memoriales conveysome of the most valuable information extant on the religion of Central Mexico at thetime of the Conquest. Seler took particularadvantage of Paragraph 5A, featuring forty-



one illustrations of deities or deity impersonators, each of which is identified byname(s) and is accompanied by a detailedspecification of the Nahuatl terms for itemsof the figure's costume and insignia. Thesedata provided the pioneer German scholarwith invaluable keys to deity and insigniaidentifications in his commentaries on various of the pre-Hispanic and early colonialritual-divinatory pictorials, particularly members of the Codex Borgia group (see Nicholson 1988b).

Also of great value for the Nahuatl nomenclature for a wide range of ritual acts, paraphernalia, and structures are Paragraphs3(A-E), 6, 11, and 12. Paragraph 1, which features a diagram of a temple precinct, alongwith the Nahuatl terms for the structuresand images within it, is one of most frequently illustrated scenes in the Primeros

Memoriales. Its community location is notindicated, but it is usually identified withthe Templo Mayor of Mexico Tenochtitlan,perhaps only the "inner precinct" of theHuitzilopochtli-Tlaloc temple and associatedstructures. Since it is included in a manuscript compiled in Tepepolco, however, thepossibility that it represents all or a portionof the temple precinct of this communitymust also be entertained.

Paragraph 2A, illustrating and describingthe principal rituals and the deities propitiated during the eighteen annual veintena ceremonies, provides one of the most valuable accounts of this most important of allMesoamerican ritual cycles as it was performed in Central Mexico at contact. A muchmore detailed account of these eighteen ceremonies was subsequently collected by Sa-hagûn in Tlatelolco; it was included, withscattered, more Europeanized illustrations,in Book 2 of the Florentine Codex. The briefer

Tepepolco version, however, is of specialvalue because it is the most comprehensiveone extant deriving from a provincial center.The account and illustration of the Atamal-cualiztli ceremony, celebrated only everyeight years, in Paragraph 2B is unique to the

Primeros Memoriales.Paragraphs 4 and 9 provide significant lists

of priestly titles and, in Paragraph 4, specifications of their duties that are the most detailed extant accounts of this type. Althoughthese data have been utilized by some students of the native priesthood (e.g., AcostaSaignes 1946), they clearly require additionalanalysis if we are to understand more satisfactorily how these religious functionarieswere organized and operated within the overall sacerdotal structure.

Paragraph 10's itemization of "things attributed to the gods" is of considerable interestin relation to the pantheonic system. Most ofthe "things" listed appear to be congruentwith the generally accepted natures and supernatural jurisdictions of the deities thatare included. Paragraph 13 describes the"eating of earth" to confirm the truth of anoath or as a means of supplicating divine aid,a well-known ritual pattern also described inother sources.

The twenty sacred chants contained in Paragraph 14 constitute a small but virtuallyunique surviving remnant of a rich, lost corpus of pre-Hispanic Nahuatl religious songs.Composed in a difficult and often archaicidiom, they have posed a formidable challenge to Nahuatlatos since Daniel Brinton

(1890) somewhat prematurely attempted anEnglish translation. Seler, writing in German(1902-1923, II: 961-1107), and Garibay, writing in Spanish (1958), were considerablymore successful in extracting the basicmeanings of the strophes. The English translations of Thelma Sullivan in this volumeand of Anderson and Dibble both in theirFlorentine Codex (Sahagún 1981: 221-247)version and here were heavily influenced bytheir work. Thelma Sullivan was activelystudying the dialectology of these songs,

leaning toward the view that some seemedto reflect certain linguistic features of thenortheast Nahua dialects, in the direction ofthe Huaxteca. Her promising research in thisarea was unfortunately cut short by her earlydeath.

I

Introduction



í

H. B.Nicholson

10

Chapter II

This chapter, "The Heavens and the Underworld," covers, in seven paragraphs, the celestial bodies, meteorological phenomena,the 365-day vague year, the 260-day divina-tory cycle, auguries, dreams, and aspects ofthe underworld. Paragraph 1 is best knownfor its five diagrams of constellations, labeled in Nahuatl, which have given rise tomodern investigators' differing identifications of the constellations with commonlyrecognized aster isms. An unusual feature ofthe 260-day divinatory cycle, or tonalpo hualli, presented in its entirety both pictori-ally and textually in Paragraph 4, is that itcommences not with 1 Cipactli (CrocodilianMonster), its normal beginning, but with 1Itzcuintli (Dog). Quite important are theconcise texts that accompany each trecena (thirteen-day period) of the tonalpohualli, summarizing the divinatory significance—favorable, unfavorable, or indifferent— ofeach. They can be compared with the considerably longer equivalent texts collectedlater by Sahagún in Tlatelolco, which wereincluded in Book 4 of the Florentine Codex, and with others contained in the Cod ex Bor bonicus, in the Codices Telleriano Remensis/Vaticanus A, and in the book dedicated to

the indigenous calendar, finished in 1579,that constitutes the second part of the His-toria de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas de la Tierra Firme of Sahagún's contemporary missionary-ethnographer, the Dominican Fray Diego Durán (1967 1994).

The only two dates in the Christian calendar found in the Primeros Memoriales, whichare highly relevant to the date of the composition of the manuscript, are contained inParagraphs 3 and 4 of Chapter II. The first, ina Spanish annotation to the year 2 Acatl,

identifies it with "este año de 1560." Thesecond, in a Nahuatl annotation, identifiesthe day 9 Ehecatl with September 25, 1560,which differs considerably from what itwould be in the widely accepted Caso correlation of the Christian and Mexica calendars(day 4 Calli; Caso 1967: 41-73).

The listing of auguries in Paragraph 5A isof considerable interest and can be comparedto a similar but somewhat longer itemization gathered by Sahagun in Tlatelolco, towhich Book 5 of the Florentine Codex is devoted. The list of dream interpretations inParagraph 5B is unique to the Primeros Me moriales. According to the final statement,these interpretations were made by the samediviners, the tonalpouhque, who interpretedthe auguries of the 260-day cycle, consultingthe same source, the "book of the day signs,"or tonalamatl. Some of the scenes in thesebooks, particularly certain members of theCodex Borgia group, therefore, could relateto dream interpretation—and students interested in these pre-Hispanic ritual-divinatorypictorials might well be advised to furtherinvestigate this possibility.

The last two numbered paragraphs ofChapter II, 6 and 1, provide a vivid picture ofthe horrors of the afterworld, Mictlan, thelast resting place of the majority of mankind.And in a final, unnumbered paragraph, unfortunately incomplete, a poetic, hauntingvision of the special afterworld, Tlalocan,presided over by the Rain God, is conveyed inthe course of a narrative about the visit tothis place by the spirit of Quetzalpetlatl,a royal lady of Tlatelolco who died ten

or twelve years before the arrival of theSpaniards.

Chapter III

This chapter, "Rulership ," the longest in thePrimeros Memoriales, includes, in seventeenparagraphs, the dynasties of Mexico Tenoch-titlan, Tetzcoco, and Huexotla,- considerableinformation concerning the lives of the native rulers and the nobility, including theirduties, adornments, amusements, food anddrink, residences, their admonishments to

their subjects, and reasons for their angerand compassion; names and techniques ofsorcerers and evil men and women; the education of youths of both sexes; and a short account of the origin of certain of the principalCentral Mexican groups from Chicomoztoc,the "Seven Caves."



The pictorial and textual dynastic listingsof Paragraph 1 (A-C) generally agree in nameand sequence with listings from othersources, but there are some discrepancies.The reign lengths, particularly for the earlierrulers, are often quite divergent (no dates inthe native calendar are provided). Sahagúnincluded these dynastic lists, slightly modified, adding that of Tlatelolco and new versions of the illustrations, in Book 8 of theFlorentine Codex. Paragraphs 2-10 providevaluable information concerning the lifestyles and responsibilities of the rulers, noblemen, and noblewomen. Many of thesetopics are also covered from Tlatelolcandata, often in greater detail, in Book 8 of theFlorentine Codex.

Paragraphs 11 and 12 provide some of themost valuable data extant on indigenous

shamanism and sorcery, which have beenmuch tapped by modern students. Theseparagraphs also contain lists of vituperativeterms for both sexes, reflecting a rich Nahuatlvocabulary in this area. Useful informationconcerning the education of both sexes iscovered in Paragraph 13, but characteristically, Sahagún preferred his Tlatelolcan datafor the Florentine Codex (Book 3, Appendix,Chapters 4-8).

Paragraph 14 provides the only significanthistorical data in the Primeros Memoriales,

apart from the dynastic lists of Paragraphl(A-C). It is rather stylized, however, beginning with the creation by Topiltzin Quetzal-coatl and the departure from their legendaryhomeland, Chicomoztoc, of seven majorgroups, the Acolhuaque, Colhuaque, Otomi,Mexica, Cuexteca (Huaxtec), "Tenime Chi-chimeca," and Totonaca. Interesting is theomission of the Tepaneca, although the laterportion of the paragraph is largely concernedwith the glory, power, and wealth, gainedthrough conquest and tribute (itemized in

great detail), of the final political order ofCentral Mexico, the Triple Alliance of theMexica (Mexico Tenochtitlan), Acolhuaque(Tetzcoco), and Tepaneca (Tlacopan). Thisparagraph constitutes one of the most eloquent expressions in any primary source of

the rationale and justification for the privileges of the Triple Alliance ruling class.

Paragraph 15 is dedicated to a long series ofadmonishments by the judges to the assembled people, lecturing them on correct behavior, describing punishments and rewards,respectively, for improper conduct and virtuous living, and specifying the appropriatetimes for judging to be undertaken. Thereare many resemblances here to the well-known huehuetlatolli, "discourses of theelders," to which Book 6 of the Florentine Codex was largely dedicated—discourses thatDibble has suggested might have been collected earlier in Tepepolco itself. This paragraph constitutes one of the most importantextant statements of the indigenous moraland ethical codes. The final two paragraphs,16 and 17, express, also in a style resembling

that of the huehuetlatolli , aspects of theresponsibilities of rulership, describing thereasons for the ruler's anger and displeasure,his compassion for his people, and his dejection during troubled times.

Chapter IV

"Things Relative to Man," with eleven paragraphs, is concerned with kinship terms,male and female personal names, humanphysiological terminology, nomenclature of

the nobility, warrior costumes and insignia,diseases and cures, and terms of addressamong both nobles and commoners. Some ofthese topics, but not all, were also covered,utilizing Tlatelolcan data, in the Florentine Codex, mostly in Book 10. Sociocultural anthropologists interested in late pre-HispanicCentral Mexican civilization will encounterconsiderable relevant data in this chapter,particularly in Paragraphs 1-4, 7, and 10-11.Those interested in medicine and physiologyhave tapped Paragraphs 5-6 and 9 to good ad

vantage. Paragraphs 10 and 11 provide wordsand phrases of courteous and disputatiousspeech for nobles and commoners, respectively, that relate them, as in the cases ofParagraphs 15-17 of Chapter III, to the moreelegant idiom of the huehuetlatolli.

I

Introduction

11



LINGUIS TIC AND LITER ARY ASPECTS OF THE

P R I M E R O S M E M O R I A L E S

The style of the Nahuatl of the Primeros M e-moriales is quite close to that of the textscollected by Sahagún in Tlatelolco and Tenochtitlan. His informants in Tepepolcowere local, and this community belonged tothe province of Acolhuacan, of which thecapital from 1431 onward was Tetzcoco. TheTepepolcan speech patterns, therefore, couldhave reflected dialectical features that mighthave characterized the reputedly elegant Nahuatl of Tetzcoco. If so, these characteristicsare not particularly evident in the Primeros

Mem oriales . It must also be kept in mind thatthe manuscript available to us was copied by

Sahagún's native scribes, usually consideredto have been his four trilinguals, who hailedfrom other communities in the Basin ofMexico (Tlatelolco, Cuauhtitlan, Azcapot-zalco). If so, the text would have passedthrough the screen of their own speech patterns, which might have filtered out the putative idiosyncratic aspects of the Tepepolco(= Tetzcoco?) dialect. In any case, further research on the language and style of the Pri-meros Memoriales would be desirable andmight reveal localisms not immediately apparent to the students who have worked withit up to this point.

As to the literary values of the Nahuatltext of the Primeros Mem oriales, it is noteworthy that much of it consists of word listsand abbreviated captions and labels. Someportions, however, such as the aforementioned Paragraphs 15-17 of Chapter III, Paragraphs 10-11 of Chapter iy and the tale ofthe visit to Tlalocan of the spirit of the noblelady of Tlatelolco added to paragraph 7 ofChapter II, do display certain literary qualities that link them to the huehuetlatolli. Thelma Sullivan was always interested in

conveying as fully as possible in her translations what she considered the literary excellence of Classical Nahuatl at its best. Shewas obviously very much guided by this approach throughout her Primeros M emoriales translation. Arthur Anderson and CharlesDibble have tried to preserve as much of herstyle as possible, commensurate with basicaccuracy of meaning and expression.

THE RELATION OF THE P R I M E R O S M E M O R I A L E S TO THE LATER STAGES OF THE

H I S T O R I A P R O J E C T

As I emphasized in my 1973 article concerning the Primeros Memoriales, remarkablylittle of the ethnographic information col

lected by Sahagun and his trilingual assistants in Tepepolco passed into the twelvebooks of the final Historia: only five fullparagraphs and parts of two others.6 And onlytwenty of the deity representations (Book 1)and the ruler images of the Huexotla andTetzcoco dynasties (Book 8) in the Florentine Codex were directly derived from illustrations in the Primeros M emoriales.7 After hehad gathered much more copious ethnographic data from informants in Tlatelolcoand Tenochtitlan, Sahagun consistently preferred them to the information he had earlierobtained from his Tepepolco informants.The Primeros Mem oriales, therefore, generally stands apart from the later Historia asa fundamentally separate document. It describes the cultural patterns of a major community of Acolhuaque, rather than Mexica,affiliation.

It was this fact, together with the highlyscattered and uneven quality of the previouspaleographies and translations of sections ofthe Primeros Memoriales, that led me tostate in my 1973 article: "Certainly the publication of paleographies of all its texts and

Introduction6. Specification in Nicholson 1973: Tables 5,7.7. See Quiñones Keber 1988b for a discussion of the relationship between the illustrations of the Primeros Memoriales

and those of the Florentine Codex. 13



H. B.Nicholson

14

their translation into a current major language, as a unit, with all other normal apparatus of modern critical scholarship, wouldseem to be one of the most obvious needs ofSahaguntine studies. . . . It is hoped that thistask will be taken up by Sahagun scholars inthe not too distant future."

Thelma Sullivan did take up this task andnearly finished it before her untimely death.

Now that her labors have been completed bytwo of her good friends and colleagues, thecurrent leading Sahagun scholars, Arthur J.O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble, we present this volume, dedicated to her memory,hoping it will be received as another significant contribution to the publication of theremarkable research of the "father of modernethnography."8

8. See Anderson 1994 for a concise, useful comparison of the data contained in the extant numbered paragraphs ofthe Primeros Memoriales with those included in the twelve books and appendices of the Florentine Codex version ofthe final Historia.



7 V n i n t r o d u c t i o n t o t h e IMAGES, ARTISTS, AND PHYSICAL FEATURES OF

THE P R I M ER O S M E M O R I A L E S

ELOISE QUINONES KEBER

What the ancients said most vividly they expressed notwith words but by signs; they did not tell, they showed.

J . J . R O U S S E A U ,

Essai sur l’origine d es langues

In 1993 the University of Oklahoma Presspublished the first color facsimile of the Pri mexos Memoriales, a sixteenth-century Mexican manuscript (Sahagun 1993). The presentvolume, which presents the late Thelma Sullivan's paleography and English translationof its Nahuatl texts, as well as contributionsby other Sahagun scholars, was envisioned asthe companion volume for this facsimile edition. Its publication now completes the trans

lation project begun by Thelma Sullivan andbrought to completion, in an expanded form,by H. B. Nicholson.

Publication of the color facsimile of a manuscript as rare and visually striking as thePrimeros M emoriales would be a major eventin any case. But the importance of this edition was enhanced by the fact that it was thegreat missionary-ethnographer Bernardino deSahagun and his indigenous collaboratorswho compiled the manuscript, that it represents the "first stage" or "primeros memoriales" of his monumental Historia project,

that it contains an invaluable ethnographic,linguistic, and pictorial record of late pre-Hispanic Central Mexico, and that togetherwith the appearance in 1979 of the color facsimile of the Florentine Cod ex it made available the surviving treasury of Sahaguntineimages. Moreover, since the manuscript isnow divided between two repositories located in different sections of Madrid, the facsimile has once again made it possible for a

reader to view the manuscript as an integrated whole.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OFTHE IMAGES OF

THE PRI M EROS MEM ORI ALES

Despite Paso y Troncoso's astute recognitionof the critical chronological position of thePrimeros Memoriales in Sahagun's Historia project, study of the manuscript's imagesand texts has not been commensurate withits importance.1 As the first stage (ca. 1559-

1. I first undertook research on Mexican manuscripts in Madrid repositories in 1981 with the support of a fellowship from the Kress Foundation. In 1986, grants from the American Philosophical Society and the National Endowment for the Human ities enabled me to focus on the Primeros M emoriales in the libraries of the Real Palacio and RealAcademia de la Historia.



EUROPEAN ASPECTS OFTHE PRIMEROS MEMORIALES

As a collaborative effort between a Spanishmissionary, his indigenous but acculturatedassistants, who stemmed from different centers in the Basin of Mexico, and indigenousresidents of the town of Tepepolco, the Pri-meros Memoriales is a hybrid work that displays both native and European features. Thefeatures of the manuscript provide evidenceof its having been a cooperative undertaking,for the distinctive hands of several scribesand artists are clearly recognizable. Althoughits contents focus on pre-Hispanic cultureas it existed in Central Mexico at about thetime of European contact, the overall appearance of the Primeros Memoriales reveals acolonial document produced in the mannerof European manuscripts and early printedbooks.

Rather than the traditional extended panelof native bark paper or treated animal skin,the Primeros Memoriales consists of foldedsheets of European paper that produce bifolios approximately 32 centimeters long by 22centimeters wide. Following European practice, ruling lines drawn lightly in pale brownink or impressed with a stylus delimited the

working area of the folios, usually doublecolumns. The Indian artists and scribes usedEuropean inks and pens to copy the texts andoutline the images. The combining of an alphabetic text with visual images representeda departure from the practice of using solelypictorial constituents in native painted manuscripts in Central Mexico. The Nahuatl textwas arranged in chapters and paragraphs andemployed the Latin alphabet and Gothic andcursive European scripts to transcribe whathad formerly been preserved in pictorialform or oral tradition. Finally, the completedfolios were gathered and bound on one sideas a codex, a manuscript form unknown inpre-Conquest Mexico but standard in Europe.

European models also offered a convenientscheme for systematically organizing theabundant data gathered by Sahagun and histeam of indigenous aides. The hierarchicalarrangement of subjects in the Primeros Me moriales and later stages of the Historia, proceeding from divine to human to inanimate,has suggested to several scholars that Sahagun structured it after well-known classical and medieval encyclopedias. Angel M.Garibay (1971, II: 68-71), for example, proposed Pliny's Historia Naturalis as a prototype, while Donald Robertson (1959: 169-172; 1966) suggested the thirteenth-centuryDe Proprietatibus Rerum of BartholomaeusAnglicus, "modified by both Renaissancelearning and native culture."

Whether the medieval encyclopedia provided an immediate or merely a remote organizational model for Sahagun is problematical.The encyclopedia plan, with its disciplinedpartition of reality into subjects and chapters,might have supplied Sahagun with an overallframework for organizing his data; on theother hand, his use of these divisions maymerely indicate the adoption of traditionaltaxonomies common to educated people ofhis time. It seems significant that many categories included by Bartholomaeus Anglicus

do not appear in the Primeros Memoriales, although some that relate to the natural worldwere later incorporated into the Florentine Codex.2 Furthermore, certain subjects included in the Historia fell outside the scopeof the proposed European prototypes, someof them because of their novelty as exotictopics (e.g., gods and rituals), but others forother reasons. Bartholomaeus Anglicus, forexample, did not treat social or political organization, whereas the subject of rulershipis one of the four chapters of the Primeros

Memoriales. The departures of the Primeros M em or iales (and later stages of the Historia) from the encyclopedia model underscoreSahagun's selective use of its plan.

2. Robertson's chart (1959: 170-12) comparing the two works accentuates their resemblances because it does not listthe numerous categories included by Bartholomaeus Anglicus but omitted by Sahagun.

Images,Artists,and PhysicalFeatures

17



EloiseQuiñonesKeber

The necessity of ordering a mass of data,including abundant pictorial material thatdid not fall within the usual parameters ofthe medieval encyclopedia, highlights theoriginality of Sahagun's structure for the Pri-meros Memoriales. Very likely he was aidedin this task by his indigenous collaborators,

the trilingual ex-students variously calledcollegians, grammarians, and Latinists, whomhe credits in the prologue to Book 2 of theFlorentine Codex with helping him to gatherthe information and then explicate, amend,and copy it (Sahagun 1950-1982, introductory volume: 54-55). A more immediate influence may have been the extensive ethnographic work compiled earlier by Sahagun'sFranciscan colleague Andrés de Olmos,which another Franciscan friar, Gerônimo deMendieta (1971: 75-76), reports was similarly

based on indigenous paintings (i.e., paintedmanuscripts) and interviews with Nahua elders.3 Unfortunately, since the work of Olmos survives only in fragments incorporatedin other sources, a direct comparison betweenthe Olmos and Sahaguntine materials cannot be made.

IN D IG EN O U S A S P EC TS O F THE P R I M E R O S M E M O R I A L E S

In the prologue to Book 2 of the Florentine

Codex, Sahagun relates that during his twoyears in Tepepolco the elders gave him "allthe matters we discussed in pictures, " whichthe grammarians then explained directly byadding Nahuatl annotations (Sahagûn 1950-1982, introductory volume: 54; also Book 10:583). Th is frequently quoted statement offersa rare insight into Sahagun's innovative methodology in compiling the Primeros Memo-riales. It highlights, however, only one procedure that must have been exploited forgathering data, that derived from the conven

tionalized figures and symbols (commonlyif incorrectly called "glyphs") painted in

pre-Hispanic manuscripts. To be fully understood, these manuscript images were intended to be accompanied by verbal commentaries provided by trained interpreters.Painted chronicles, for example, would haveserved as a kind of pictorial outline for fulleroral recitations of a community's past events

and achievements. Presumably, the explanations given by the grammarians drew uponthis collective oral tradition, although howmuch specialized lore was still available tothem or was contributed by the Tepepolcoelders is hard to determine.

Aside from these reciprocal sources, othermore discursive statements and set pieces,not necessarily tied to visual images, werealso utilized. These included orations, narratives, sayings, songs, and poetry that existedin an independent verbal form that was com

mitted to memory and recited on appropriate occasions. A visual stimulus for someof the discursive sections of the Primeros

M em oriales is not precluded, but related pictorial material did not exist for many suchsections.

It thus would not have been possible toamass by pictorial means alone informationon all the subjects that appear in the Pri-meros Mem oriales, contrary to the implication of Sahagún's reference to the annotatedpaintings. In fact, the contents of the Pri-

meros Memoriales belong to different categories: some dominated by images, some bywords, and others by various combinationsof images and texts (see Tables 1 -4 at the endof this chapter).

COMBINING IMAGES AND TEXTS

As reconstructed by Paso y Troncoso fromthe voluminous Sahaguntine materials inMadrid—the so-called Códices Matritenses—the Primeros Memoriales consists of four

chapters, the first two in the library of theRoyal Palace and the last two in the library

3. See Lopez Austin 1974 and Baudot 1983: 129-245 for a discussion of the relationship between the works of18 and Sahagun.



of the Royal Academy of History. These arefurther subdivided into 49 paragraphs. Ofits 176 "pages" (88 folios), 99 display illustrations.

The contents of the folios are not disposedin a single format. When both images and

texts occupy a folio, the figures generallyappear in the right-hand column, with therelated texts (words, phrases, or longer statements) in the left-hand column. In paragraphs without images, texts are variouslydisposed. In some cases words or phrases appear at the far left with their explanations ordescriptions extending across one or bothcolumns. In other sections blocks of text occupy one or both columns. The arrangementof image and text thus depends mostly onthe content of the chapter or paragraph, thatis, on the kind of information that was beingrecorded.

The relationship of the images and texts totheir native sources also varies. For example,in Chapter I, Paragraph 5A, "How Each ofthe Gods Was Arrayed," the deity figureswere adapted from traditional figural typeslike those found in a few surviving pre-Conquest (non-Aztec) manuscripts and inAztec colonial copies. The Primeros Memo-riales representations, however, differ from

the native models. In the native tonalamatl (book of days), a painted handbook consultedby diviners, deities do not appear as isolatedfigures, as they do in Paragraph 5A, but ascomponents of more intricate pictorial arrangements. Indeed, in the Primeros Memo-riales the focus of attention is not on thedeities themselves but on their attire and insignia, which the accompanying text itemizes like an extended gloss. In this case, asSahagún related in his prologue, the methodical listing of insignia probably derived directly from the image at hand.

The way some word lists may have deriveddirectly from images may actually be seen inthe first three paragraphs of Chapter III,"Rulership." There, Nahuatl glosses identifyitems of apparel worn by the rulers depicted.The accompanying text, however, which provides additional information about the ruler's

reign, derives not from the images but fromoral tradition.

Chapter II, Paragraph 4, "T he Day Count,"exemplifies another type of relationship between pictorial and oral sources. There, thenames of the days that made up the 260-day

cycle, or tonalpohualli (count of days), wereexcerpted, as were the deity images of Chapter I, from a tonalamatl. In the Primeros

M em or iale s the right-hand column of thefolio displays the day signs while the textto the left names the days, giving a verbalequivalent of the visual representation. Butthe auguries provided for the 13-day periodsinto which the 260-day cycle was dividedwere not recorded in the tonalamatl. Instead, they derived from oral lore, in thiscase from the calculations and interpretations made by the diviner during the auguralritual.

In a few paragraphs, an intimate connection between the image and accompanyingtext is lacking. For example, the seated maleand female figures in Paragraph 15 of Chapter III, "How They Admonished the People,"do not provide the source for the text, nor dothey explicate i t. Although adapted from traditional images, they are used here in a European manner to adorn and enliven the text.

The most direct method for eliciting information for nonpictorial sections must havebeen oral communication (see Dibble 1982:12-13), but the information obtained wasrecorded in different ways in different sections of the manuscript. Some sections consist of a series of words or phrases formingwhat is essentially a vocabulary list. This isseen, for example, in the lineage terms ofChapter iy Paragraph 1, and in the itemization of ceremonial objects in Chapter I, Paragraph 6. In other paragraphs, such as 3C, 3D,and 3E of Chapter I, which discuss rituals, adescription or statement accompanies theword or phrase. Possibly the skeletal wordlists represent a preliminary step in the information gathering process, when the termspertinent to a subject were first collected,whereas the annotated lists exemplify a second, more advanced stage. In any case, the


19



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Keber

20

verbal rather than pictorial origin of theselists demonstrates another method used togather information, one that underscores Sahagun's linguistic concerns in compiling theHistoiia.

Other sections of the Primeros Memo riales contain neither images nor lists ofwords but rather discursive texts in paragraph form. These passages do not appear tohave derived from either pictorial materialor anterior word lists. Some of these extended texts, such as Chapter HI, Paragraph15, "How They Admonished the People,"Paragraph 16, "How the Ruler Became Angry," and Paragraph 17, "How the Ruler FeltCompassion for the People," also includenarrative features and patterned phrases. Another, the unfinished story of the journey ofMoquihuixtzin's daughter-in-law in the afterworld (Tlalocan) in Chapter n, Paragraph6, is an oral narrative that would have beenrecited or possibly enacted in pre-Hispanictimes. Like the "Songs of the Gods" in Paragraph 14 of Chapter I, as well as the huehuet latolli (sayings of the ancients; see Sullivan1974), these set pieces undoubtedly existedas coherent units in Nahua oral tradition.Independent of any pictorial reference, theywould also have been elicited through oral

interviews with knowledgeable Nahua elders.

THE MAKING OF THE MANUS C R IP T

Despite Sahagun's comments regarding hisactivity in Tepepolco, many questions surround the way in which the Primeros Memo riales was actually produced. Both parts ofthe now divided manuscript are today in faircondition, although spotted folios, frayededges, and an occasional effaced word aresigns of unavoidable age and wear. The manuscript also reveals signs of alteration at the

time of composition, such as glued-in leaves,cut sheets, words deleted by white overpainting, marginal and intertextual notations, and inserted Spanish chapter titles inSahagun's own handwriting. Despite somefading, the colors of the inks and pigments

still appear remarkably vivid.The watermarks of sixteenth-century Euro

pean paper provide clues not only to the general dating of a manuscript but also to thecorrect ordering of folios and aspects of themanuscript's planning and execution. Sincethe Primeros Memoriales watermarks corroborate a dating that is already rather welldetermined, their most useful contributionlies in helping to reconstruct the manuscript's original form. The paper of thePalace manuscript displays six types of watermarks, three of which are repeated in theAcademy manuscript (Figures 1 and 2). Thesix are variants of two designs widely dispersed in Europe and New Spain during thesixteenth century: the pilgrim in a circle,and the open hand (or glove) with a flower atits fingertip.4

When watermarks are considered in con junction with the gatherings (the sequentialgroups of folios that constitute the manuscript), further information may be gleaned

about the manuscript's original structure.Unfortunately, identifying the gatherings ofthe Primeros Memoriales is hampered bytight modern bindings, incorrectly bound folios, the addition of some leaves, and the lossof others. On the other hand, some of thestrings used to bind each gathering at thecenter can s till be located, and both halves ofmany folded sheets can still be discerned.Some tentative observations can therefore beoffered regarding the original organization ofthe manuscript.

Chapters I and II of the Palace manuscriptcontain four gatherings with an uneven number of sheets (Figure 3). Chapter I has two

4. See Briquet 1985, 11:7584-7607 111:10731-10772; Mena 1926; and Vais i Subira 1980 for general information on thewatermarks of sixteenth-century manuscripts. See Ballesteros-Gaibrois 1964,1: 329-342 and Dibble 1982 for information specifically on watermarks in Sahaguntine manuscripts; Ballesteros, however, identifies only four watermarks inthe Piimews Memoriales.



Chapter I Gathering 1

* *250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 - 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267

Gathering 2

268 269 270 X 271 272 273 -274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281I I_____I I

X = cut folio

Chapter II Gathering 3, present manuscript* * * *

282 283 284 285 286 287 288 - 289 290 291 292 293 294

Gathering 3, corrected

282 283 284 285 286 287 288 297 298-299 300 289 290 291 292 293 294

+

Gathering 4, present manuscript* * * *

295 296 297 298-299 300 301 302 303

Gathering 4, corrected* *

295 296-3 01 302 303 85 84L

Watermark i

Figure 3.Gatherings in the Palace manuscript.



; ; Chapter IIIGathering 5

* * * * * * * * *51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 - 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 X 67

J

X = cut folio

- - Gathering 5-bis

82 83 84 - 85 86 87 : ; . V .. -. , ■ -' ' 1 ' ---- —J I 1 - . ■■ - '•; - | I --------- ? ---------- 1 | -- -

. — ... .. i----------------- ?----------------- 1 - _

Chapter IV Gathering 6, present manuscript

* * * * * * *

68 69 70 71 72 73 74 - 75 76 77 78 79 80 81r1-

Gathering 6, corrected* * * * * * * * *

82 83 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 - 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 86 87i i i i i i i

* Watermark

Figure 4. Gatherings in the Academy manuscript.

folio 52 cut. Gathering 6 has seven foldedsheets (fols. 68-81). Inserted incorrectly between gatherings 5 and 6 (here called 5-bis)are folios 82-87 bound so tightly that it is

difficult to ascertain whether folios 82 and87 and 83 and 86 are, respectively, parts ofone sheet. Again, folios 84-85 should bebound (as 85-84) in the Palace manuscript.The two sheets with folios 82-87 and 83-86belong in gathering 6, 82-83 preceding it and

86-87 (blank) at the end. Paso y Troncoso's insertion of folios 72-80 (illustrating militaryinsignia) after the text relating to this subjecton folio 68 produced a rupture in the text,

which continues briefly on folio 69r. The insignia illustrations should follow folio 71, asthey are now bound.

Despite its present binding irregularities,it appears that the Primeros Memoriales manuscript originally comprised six gather-

Images,

Artists,and PhysicalFeatures

23



gods (see Table 5). They are among the mostfrequently reproduced and discussed of thePrimeros Memoriales images because theyand their accompanying texts provide enlightening, sometimes unique, informationabout this vital aspect of native culture.9 Ascan be seen in the facsimile (Sahagun 1993),

Paragraph 2A, the opening section of themanuscript, features illustrations of eighteenfeasts corresponding to the eighteen twenty-day periods (veintenas), plus five extra days,into which the vague solar year was divided.The descriptive texts to the left provide useful summaries of these elaborate public ceremonies, which propitiated different deitiesin order to gain religious, social, and agricultural benefits.

In contrast to the majority of the manuscript's images, which display single figures,

these veintena representations teem withpeople and activities. Arranged vertically, twoor three scenes occupy each folio. Within ared-framed rectangular field, most scenes depict multiple episodes of the type GeorgeKubler and Charles Gibson (1951:39) called"simultaneous illustration." Included inthese busy scenes are idols, deity impersonators, costumed participants, ritual paraphernalia and activities (especially processions,offerings, and human sacrifices), sacredimages, and temples and other religiousstructures.

The first image, which depicts the feast ofCuahuitl ehua (fol. 250r), in honor of the raingods (Tlalocs), is typical of the kinds of visual and verbal data recorded in Paragraph2A. The illustration shows a temple in profile (upper left); a second structure (lowerleft) with a banner conspicuously displayedin front of it; a procession, indicated by footprints, led by two priests clad in blue mantles and bearing incense bags, followed bytwo others who wear white mantles and bear

similar large banners; and a culminatingmountaintop sacrificial scene showing a victim and three small images of the Tlalocs(upper right). The closely related text describes the sacrifice of children on moun-taintops, the display of paper banners onhouses, and the conveying of "sacrificial papers" by commoners, noblemen, and lords,led by Tlaloc's priests, to the "temple of thedevil" on the summit.

Although competently drawn in generalaccord with indigenous stylistic and iconographie conventions and exhibiting only minor deviations, the figures nevertheless lackthe linear dexterity typical of the mostaccomplished pre-Hispanic painting. Clarityand "readability," rather than realistic representation, were the artist's priority. With images and space characteristically conceived

in two rather than three dimensions, pictorial components were distributed somewhatevenly about the picture plane without attention to ground lines or the illusionisticcreation of depth.10 There was correspondingly little volumetric development in thedepiction of the human body or architecturalelements, which the artist preferred to define with strong, dark outlines and flattenedforms. Rather than being individualized,human figures were rendered as standardized types. Usually shown in profile, thesesimplified figures assumed conventionalizedposes and gestures, imparting a formal, somewhat static quality to the scenes.

As the most detailed pictorial group in themanuscript, these veintena scenes are nearlycomparable in complexity, although not inartistic sophistication, to the Codex Borbon icus series. They are also more informativethan the sparely depicted veintenas of theCodex Telleriano Remensis/Codex Vaticanus

A and Cod ex Magliabechian o/Codex Tudela.That no pre-Conquest veintena series now

9. The veintenas have been widely studied; see especially Seler 1899a; Kubler and Gibson 1951; Jiménez Moreno1974; Brown 1978; Couch 1985; Quinones Keber 1988a and 1995. For a more extended discussion of the veintena section of the Primeros Memoriales, see Baird 1993: 104-117

10. Robertson (1959:172) refers to this type of representation as "scattered attribute," although the components arerarely "attributes." See Quiñones Keber 1987 for a different explanation of these items.


27



huatl names could confidently be assignedto these deities.

With a few exceptions, the forty-one maleand female figures, in profile, are arrangedvertically in the right-hand column, withtheir costumes and insignia itemized to theleft. The array, distinctive for each deity,

includes headdresses, face painting, accessories (chiefly ear plugs, with an occasionalnose or chest ornament), costumes (mantlesand hip cloths for the males, shifts or skirtsfor the females), sandals, and shields andstandards held in each hand.

Depictions of the gods or their impersonators appear in several pre-Hispanic and colonial pictorial manuscripts, although notin sections specifically devoted to them asa group, as they appear in the Primeros M e-moriales. Rather, these deities dominate

the tonalamatl as divinatory patrons of thethirteen-day periods (trecenas) and of theday and night. Among the best examples ofthis kind of image are the deities of theCodex Borbonicus, Tonalamatl Aubin, andCodex Telleriano Remensis/Codex Vaticanus

A, along with those in various members ofthe Co dex Borgia group. In the Primeros Me-moriales the isolated deity figures give noclue to their original manuscript context.13They may have derived from a single sourceor may have been culled from different manuscripts.

Unpainted outlines of two priests appearon the last folio of Paragraph 5B withoutheading or text or even a paragraph designation (fol. 267v). Since they follow the sectionon the array of the gods, Paso y Troncoso surmised that these sketches were intended tobe part of a section dealing with the attire ofpriests, but this remains conjectural.

The temple precinct depicted in Paragraph7 is the second full-page illustration of thePrimeros Memoriales (fol. 269r). It presentsa walled enclosure with several religious

structures and items placed around a courtyard: at the top, a single temple dedicated tothe solar god of war, Huitzilopochtli; belowit, paired pyramid temples dedicated to therain god, Tlaloc (left), and Huitzilopochtli(right); other smaller shrines; an l-shapedballcourt; a priest's house (calmecac); a circular

gladiatorial stone mounted on a pyramidbase; and a rack for displaying the skulls ofsacrificial victims. A costumed priest holds acenser and incense pouch, and two seatedstandard bearers hold shields and banners,with the calendric names 5 Cuetzpallin (Lizard) and 5 Calli (House) alongside. At the farright is a standing figure of an impersonator,or possibly an idol, of the war and fertilitydeity Xipe Totec, holding his characteristicrattle staff before him.

The text on the facing page merely lists

the structures shown but does not describethem. A "snake wall," that is, an enclosurewith projecting snake heads, and an "eaglevessel" for containing blood offerings arealso listed but do not appear. The reason thecentral double pyramid is called the "Col-huacan Temple" is unclear. The roof markings indicate that the two shrines were dedicated to Tlaloc and Huitzilopochtli, as werethe main temples of Mexico Tenochtitlan,Tlatelolco, and Tetzcoco,14 and possibly othercenters in the Basin of Mexico as well.

Structures are depicted frontally, and figures in profile preserving the essentially planar visual effect of pre-Hispanic painting. Although individual temples and religiousstructures appear in several religious-ritualand historical manuscripts, no other manuscript portrays an entire ritual precinct insuch detail as the Primeros Memoriales.

Another distinctive feature of this painting is that it appears to represent an actual,if schematic, architectural layout ratherthan the generic type more common in pre-Hispanic depictions. A correspondence be-

13. See Van Zantwijk 1963; Barthel 1964: 79-100; Baird 1979:179-222; and Nicholson 1988b for speculations on thisissue.

14. See Codex Telleiiano Remensis 1995: fol. 39r for Mexico Tenochtitlan and fol. 36v for Tlatelolco, and Codex Ixtlilxochitl 1976: fol. 112v for Tetzcoco, with the illustration derived from Pomar's Relation d e Texcoco.


29



adapted from indigenous prototypes. Uniqueto this manuscript, the rainbow depictionundoubtedly derived from a European model.Like the celestial bodies, the indigenous images in this paragraph appear in a schematized fashion in pre-Hispanic chronicles butwere not the focus of independent sections.Their inclusion is yet another distinctive feature of the Piimeios Memoriales. The descriptive texts to the left recount beliefs aboutthese phenomena, as well as their causes andeffects, but in this case say nothing about related rituals.

The symbols of the fifty-two-year count(with the first year of the next fifty-two-yearcount added at the end) comprise the imagesof Paragraph 3 (fols. 283r par t-286r part). Thenames of the years were formed by combining a number from one to thirteen with oneof the four day signs that also functionedsuccessively as year names: Tochtli (Rabbit),Acatl (Reed), Tecpatl (Flint Knife), and Calli(House). Shown vertically in the right column, the year signs are depicted with doubleoutlined blue dots, representing the numbers, beside or above them. Only the name ofthe year is given at the left. Although sequential year signs provided the temporalframework for chronicling events in severalhistorical manuscripts, no Central Mexicanmanuscript consisted only of the repeatingyear signs of the fifty-two-year cycle. Thesereduced schemes occur only in colonial manuscripts, often structured as calendric charts.

Fifty-two years formed a complete calendric period analogous to our century. Although the first year shown in the Primeros

M em or ia les is 1 Tochtli, in Central Mexico 2Acatl launched the new cycle, inauguratedby the New Fire ceremony. This dramatic,world-renewal ritual celebrated the completion of one fifty-two-year cycle (at which

time the world would one day be destroyed)and the beginning of another. Although thefour thirteen-year groups of the cycle areprovided with written auguries, the textmakes no mention of this crucial ritual or theideological implications of the fifty-two-yearcycle and the threat of cosmic annihilation.

The 260-day ritual count, or tonalpohualli (with the first day of the next series addedat the end), is the subject of Paragraph 4 (fols.286r-303r). The largest single pictorial groupin the Primeros Memoriales, the 260 symbols of this count constitute almost half ofthe manuscript's total paintings. Formed bycombining numbers from one to thirteenwith each of twenty signs, each image represents the name of a day. The day names appear as double-framed red squares enclosingthe outlined signs, with dots standing for numerals. It is curious that the cycle beginswith the day 1 Itzcuintli (Dog) rather thanthe standard 1 Cipactli (Crocodilian Monster).

The text merely lists the day name, alongwith an augury for each thirteen-day grouping and the fate of one born during this period. The prognostications provide but a vestige of the function of the tonalamatl as aguide during pre-Hispanic times for conducting divinatory rituals.

Several pre-Hispanic and early colonial to nalamatls feature the 260-day count, accompanied by illustrations of deity patrons ofvarious kinds, all representing mantic forcesweighed by the diviner in determining hisprognostications. In the Primeros Memoriales, however, the extracted day signs functionmore in the manner of a European calendarof days. Like the preceding fifty-two-yearcycle, this count represents a pre-Hispaniccalendric construct that has been rearrangedin a columnar format. In this new, sanitizedformat, the tonalamatl has been divested ofits suspect role as a divinatory device.

THE IMAGES OF T H E A C A D E M Y M A N U S C R I P T

Chapter III

The sixty-nine images of Chapter III relate toselected aspects of rulership. Paragraphs 1A,IB, and 1C show sixteen pre- and post-Con-quest rulers from the Mexica (Aztec) capital,Mexico Tenochtitlan (fols. 51r-52r part),thirteen from the Acolhuaque capital, Tetz-coco, to which Tepepolco was subject (fols.


31



umns in the upper section of the page, andtwo others head columns on folios 65r and65v. The extended text, in paragraph form,derives from oral tradition rather than fromthe generic images, which here serve a subsidiary role by illustrating the text in a European manner.

Like the rulers and advisors in Chapter III,these figures were based on pre-Hispanicfigural types, and four of them in the toprow on folio 61 v likewise sit on woven matseats with speech volutes coming from theirmouths. But evident in their rounded bodilycontours and more volumetric human formsis a pronounced European stylistic influence.Abandoning the traditional, detached profileview, the head of one seated figure even turnsto face the viewer. These finely drawn, unpainted figures display a harmonious integration of pre-Hispanic and European graphictechniques.

Chapter IV

pictorial chronicles, which devote much attention to the conquests of rulers and the increasingly elaborate costumes worn by successful combatants. Warrior costumes andinsignia also appear significantly as tributeitems in the Codex M endoza and Mat rícu la de Tributos. No other manuscript, however,

devotes a special section to this aspect ofmilitary life, a major aspect of an expansionist Aztec society. Some warrior standards inthe Primeros M emoriales appear to be closerto those shown in the Lienzo de Tlaxcala than to those in the Codex Mendoza and

Matrícu la de Tributos, which were bothfrom Mexico Tenochtitlan. This similaritymay reflect contact between Tepepolco andMexico Tenochtitlan's Tlaxcallan adversariesin the "flowery wars"; Tlaxcallan territorybordered Acolhuaque territory on the southeast.

THE ARTISTS OF THE P R I M E R O S M E M O R I A L E S

Only one section of Chapter IV, which dealswith human concerns, features illustrations:the sixty-seven military costumes and insignia of rulers, nobles, and warriors of Paragraph 8 (fols. 72r-80r).16 This section, distinctive to the Primeros Mem oriales, opens withfully accoutered figures, two per folio, withthe related texts to the left itemizing theirgarments and emblems. These lists againfunction in a manner similar to the glosseson the attire of the rulers in Chapter III andthe deities in Chapter I, and likewise demonstrate their derivation from the images. Theremaining drawings depict the various components of military gear: body costumes,headgear, feather banners, battle standards,shields, and other types of accessories. Thenames of these items, listed at the left—in

effect glosses—collectively form yet anothervocabulary list.In Central Mexican manuscripts, warriors

in battle garb are featured throughout the

In a prologue to the Florentine Codex, Saha-gun identifies the ex-students who assistedhim in compiling the Historia (Sahagun1950-1982, introductory volume: 54-55). Henames four grammarians, Antonio Valerianofrom Azcapotzalco, Alonso Vegerano andPedro de San Buenaventura from Cuauhti-tlan, and Martin Jacobita from Tlatelolco, aswell as three scribes, Diego de Grado andBonifacio Maximiliano from Tlatelolco, andMateo Severino from Xochimilco. He doesnot, however, credit them with the paintings, nor does he name the several artistswho painted Primeros Memoriales images.The artists have been identified both withthe Tepepolco elders and with the grammarians. Ellen T. Baird's (1988a, 1993:157-158)arguments in favor of the grammarian hy

pothesis have been the most extensively developed.That six artists, however, apparently drew

the images of the manuscripts argues against


16. For discussions of pre-Hispanic warrior costumes see Seler 1902-1923, II: 509-619 and Anawalt 1981, 1992. 33



EloiseQuinones

Keber

34

equating the artists with the four grammarians. Moreover, because the artists' hands donot match those of the scribes on given folios, it seems unlikely that the scribes functioned simultaneously as artists. Althoughthe distinctive drawing styles of severalartists can be recognized, one can only speculate about who they might have been.Given the somewhat provincial character ofthe paintings, it is not unlikely that theywere local Tepepolco artists who learned andpracticed their craft at some remove fromthe imperial capital or major regional centers. The paintings may, therefore, expressthe provincial style of Tepepolco or the useof local pictorial models, as well as the possible decline by the mid-sixteenth century of

the high standards of pre-Hispanic manuscript painting.Clearly, however, the artists of the Pii-

m eios M emoiiales were still knowledgeableabout pre-Hispanic manuscript conventionsand still had access to painted native books.And since it was the artists who prepared themanuscript according to European specifications and who occasionally used Europeanmodels or stylistic features, we can surmisethat they were also familiar with printed European books and their illustrations. But thenature and extent of the contributions madeby the artists, as well as by the grammariansand informants and possibly others, in selecting images to reproduce is uncertain.Like questions regarding the artists' identities and the specific models they used, thisone remains unresolved.

Except for figural groups in Chapters I andIII and black-and-white drawings in ChapterIII, the majority of the Piimeios M emoiiales images are single figures. The images were

first sketched in a diluted gray or brown ink,which is still visible beneath the blackor sometimes brown outlines painted overthem. Departures from the underdrawingswere frequent. The black outlining does notalways follow the preliminary sketch exactly nor does it completely cover it. Occasionally the sketch is better drawn than theoutline over it, suggesting that the painter

may have differed from the artist who drewthe initial sketch. Sometimes the artistpainted additional details; at other times heignored details already sketched. For example, on folio 250r, in the depiction of the firstveintena feast of Cuahuitl ehua, some footprints sketched at the top are not painted; inthe feast of Tlacaxipehualiztli beneath it, thesketched feet of the figure at the top right aredrawn more correctly than the black outlining that covers it, and the painted legs of themusician in the center are shorter than thosesketched.

The black outlines vary in intensity andwidth depending on the artist, but overallthey differ from the firm, precise outlinecharacteristic of pre-Hispanic painting, which

Robertson (1959:65-66) termed the "frameline." Color washes used to fill in the outlined areas are still well preserved, with blue,rose, green, gold, orange-red, black, gray, andshades of brown the most prominent. Thinor splotchy patches of color in some areascontrast with the more opaque, even application of paint in pre-Hispanic manuscripts.All these features—adherence to the sketches,the width and intensity of the frame line,and the manner of applying color—vary according to the artist involved and help tocharacterize the individual style of eachartist.

The personal traits of the Piimeios M emo liales artists are also revealed in other ways,particularly the manner in which details ofthe human form are drawn. Because the individual deity figures of Chapter I, Paragraph5A, are larger and more carefully drawn thanthe small-scale figures of the rest of the manuscript, each artist's idiosyncrasies are moreconspicuous in this section. Here one can

more easily discern the distinctive ways inwhich each artist delineated facial profiles,eyes, noses, and mouths, as well as the sizeand shape of limbs, hands, and feet. For thisreason, the letter designations I use to identify the six anonymous artists reflect theorder in which they appear in this paragraph.Stylistic variations are evident, however, inan artist's work in different sections, and



TABLE 1Contents of the Primeros M emoriales

Chapter I: Rituals and Gods

Paragraph Folios Subject Image/Text Format

Palace Manuscript[1] Missing2A 250r-253r Festivities of the Gods

(18 Veintenas )

18 scenes

Image related description2B 253v-254r Atamalcualiztli Feast Full-page image

Image-related description3A 254v How the Gods Were

Served: Offerings6 single figuresHeading/ description

3B 255r-255v (part) Blood Offerings 8 single figuresHeading/description

3C 255v (part)-256r (part) Other Offerings 4 single figures; 1 groupHeading/ description

3D 256r (part)-256v (part) Ritual Practices No imagesHeading /description

3E 256v (part)-257v

258r blank

Other Practices No imagesHeading/description

4 258v-260v Those Who Served inthe Temples

No imagesHeading/description

5A 261r-267r How Each of the GodsWas Arrayed

41 single figuresImage-related description

5B 267v [Array of Priests] 2 sketchesNo text

6 268r Ritual Items No imagesWord list

7 268v-269r Temple Structures Full-page imageWord list

8 269v Of Some of the Gods' Wrath No imagesParagraph heading only

9 270r Names of the God-keepers No imagesWord list

10 270v-271r Things Attributed to the Gods No imagesWord list

11 271v-272r How the Sun Was Served No imagesParagraph form

12 272v Tasks Performed in Temples No imagesHeading/description

13 273r Supplications and Oaths No imagesParagraph form

14 273v-281v Songs of the Gods No images

Song/statementNote: See Nicholson 1973 for related Tables 5-8 with correlations of folios and Paso y Troncoso's pagination, therelationship of paragraphs to Books in the Florentine Codex, and major translations to circa 1970. Paragraphs are asdetermined by Paso y Troncoso (Sahagün 1905-190? VI: 1-176)



TABLE 3Contents of the Primeios Memoriales

Chapter III: Rulership

Paragraph Folios Subject Image/Text Format

Academy Manuscript1A 51r-52r (part)

IB 52r (part)-53r (part)

1C 53r (part)-53v (part)

2 53v (part)-54r (part)

3 54r (part)-54v (part)

4 54v (part)-55r

5 55v-56r (part)


7 56v (part)

8 56v (part)-57r (part)


10 57v (part)

11 58r-58v

12 59r

13 59v

14 60r-61r

15 61v-64v

16 65r-65v (part)

17 65v (part)-66r

66v blank

67 blank

Those Who Ruled MexicoTenochtitlan

The Rulers of Tetzcoco

The Rulers of Huexotla

Names of Rulers' Aides andKeepers of the GodsDuties of the Ruler

Food and Drink of Rulersand NoblewomenAdornments of Rulers andNoblewomen

Adornments of RulersWhen They DancedAmusements of Rulers

Articles the NoblewomenWorked withThe Rulers' Houses

Articles for the Rulers'HousesNames of Evil Men

Names of Evil Women

How Youths and MaidensWere RearedHow the Chichimeca CameForth from Seven CavesHow They Admonished thePeopleHow the Ruler Became Angry

How the Ruler Felt Compassionfor the People

16 single figuresGlosses/image-related tex t13 single figuresGlosses/image-related text13 single figuresGlosses/image-related tex t2 groups, 2 pairsImage-related namesWord list/paragraph form

No imagesWord list4 single figuresWord list

No imagesWord listNo imagesWord listNo imagesWord listNo imagesWord listNo imagesWord listNo imagesWord list/paragraph form

No imagesWord list/paragraph formNo imagesParagraph formNo imagesParagraph form12 single figuresParagraph form1 figureParagraph form1 figureParagraph form



TABLE 5Images of the Piimeios Mem oiiales

Paragraph Folio

Chapter I: Rituals and GodsPalace Ms.2A 25 OrFestivitiesof the Gods(VeintenaFeasts)

25 Ov

251r

2BAtamalcualiztli3AHow the GodsWere Served

3BBlood Offerings

251v

252r

252v

253r

254r

254v

255r

3COther Offerings

5AHow Each of theGods Was Arrayed

255v (part)255v (part)

261r

261v

262r

Image

Cuahu itl ehua1 (the Tlalocs honored; childrensacrificed)

Tlacaxipehualiztli (captives and slaves flayed)Tozoztontli (offering of flowers and roasted snakes)

Hueytozoztli (maize plant honored)Toxcatl (Tezcatlipoca, Yacatecuhtli, Huitzilopochtli

honored)Etzalcualiztli (Tlaloc honored; impersonator sacrificed)Tecuilhuitontli (Huixtocihuatl impersonator sacrificed)Hueytecuilhuitl (Xilonen and Cihuacoatl impersonators

sacrificed)Miccailhuitontli (procuring and setting up xocotl pole)Hueymiccailhuitl (xocotl pole ceremonies)Ochpaniztli (Teteoinnan impersonator sacrificed)Teteoeco (arrival of the gods; offerings of first fruits)

Tepeilhu itl (mountain gods honored)Quecholli (Mixcoatl honored)Panquetzaliztli (Huitzilopochtli honored)Atemoztli (Tepictoton dough mountain deity images

honored and sacrificed)Titi tl (dancing ceremony of deity impersonators)Izcalli (Ixcozauhqui impersonator sacrificed; ceremonies

for children)Atamalcualiztli >

Offerings (of food, capes, animals)Offering of FireThe Throwing of IncenseEating Earth

Casting [of Food]LibationHuman SacrificeThe Passing of TwigsThe Passing of StrawsOffering of ThornsThe Drawing of BloodThe Cutting of the Ear [Lobes]Decapitating [Birds]Feeding [the Gods]Payment [to the Gods]The Laying of Fir BranchesThe Ritual Making of Bundles of WoodSweeping

The Array of HuitzilopochtliThe Array of PainalThe Array of TezcatlipocaThe Array of Quetzalcoatl -The Array of the TotochtinThe Array of TlalocThe Array of ChicomecoatlThe Array of OtontecuhtliThe Array of Yacatecuhtli



TABLE 5 (continued)

Paragraph Folio Image

262v

263r

263v

264r

264v

265r

265v

266r

266v

267r

5B 267v[Array of Priests]7 269rTemple Structures

Chapter II: The Heavens and the Underworld1 282rCelestial Bodies

282v (part)

2 282v (part)MeteorologicalPhenomena

The Array of (Atlahua) Chachalmeca2The Array of IxcozauhquiThe Array of IxtliltonThe Array of XipeThe Array of TeteoinnanThe Array of OpochtliThe Array of YauhquemeThe Array of ChalchiuhtlicueThe Array of XilonenThe Array of ZapotlantenanThe Array of CihuacoatlThe Array of HuixtocihuatlThe Array of CoatlicueThe Array of AmimitlThe Array of TomiyauhtecuhtliThe Array of AtlahuaThe Array of NappatecuhtliThe Array of TotoltecatlThe Array of MacuiltochtliThe Array of MacuilxochitlThe Array of Tezcacoac AyopechtliThe Array Tlacochcalco YaotlThe Array of CihuapipiltinThe Array of XochipilliThe Array of ChanticoThe Array of ChalmecacihuatlThe Array of OmacatlThe Array of the Tepictoton:

Popocatepetl (Tlaloc)IztactepetlMatlalcueye

ChalchiuhtlicueQuetzalcoatlUnidentified PriestUnidentified PriestTemple Precinct with Structures

The SunThe MoonEclipse of the SunEclipse of the MoonThe Fire Sticks (constellation)The Many (constellation)The Market (constellation)The Morning Star (Venus)The CometThe Shooting StarS-Shaped ConstellationScorpionThe WindsLightningRainRainbowFrost



TABLE 5 (continued)

Paragraph

The Year Count(52-Year Cycle)

Folio Image

283r (part) CloudsSnowHail

283r (part) I Tochtli (I Rabbit)2 Acati (2 Reed)3 Tecpatl (3 Flint Knife)4 Calli (4 House)5 Tochtli (5 Rabbit)6 Acati (6 Reed)7 Tecpatl (7 Flint Knife)

283v 8 Calli (8 House)9 Tochtli (9 Rabbit)

10 Acati (10 Reed)11 Tecpatl (11 Flint Knife)12 Calli (12 House)13 Tochtli (13 Rabbit)

1 Acati (1 Reed)2 Tecpatl (2 Flint Knife)3 Calli (3 House)4 Tochtli (4 Rabbit)

284r 5 Acati (5 Reed)6 Tecpatl (6 Flint Knife)7 Calli (7 House)8 Tochtli (8 Rabbit)9 Acati (9Reed)

10 Tecpatl (10 Flint Knife)11 Calli (11 House)12 Tochtli (12 Rabbit)13 Acati (13 Reed)

284v 1 Tecpatl (1 Flint Knife)2 Calli (2 House)3 Tochtli (3 Rabbit)4 Acati (4 Reed)5 Tecpatl (5 Flint Knife)6 Calli (6 House)7 Tochtli (7 Rabbit)8 Acati (8 Reed)

285r 9 Tecpatl (9Flint Knife)10 Calli (10 House)11 Tochtli (11 Rabbit)12 Acati (12 Reed)13 Tecpatl (13 Flint Knife)1 Calli (1 House)2 Tochtli (2 Rabbit)

285v 3 Acati (3 Reed)4 Tecpatl (4 Flint Knife)5 Calli (5 House)6 Tochtli (6 Rabbit)7 Acati (7 Reed)8 Tecpatl (8 Flint Knife)9 Calli (9House)

10 Tochtli (10 Rabbit)286r (part) 11 Acati (11 Reed)

12 Tecpatl (12 Flint Knife)13 Calli (13 House)1 Tochtli (1 Rabbit)



TABLE 5 (continued)

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Image

5 Miquiztli (5 Death)6 Mazatl (6 Deer) *7 Tochtli (7 Rabbit)8 Atl (8 Water)9 Itzcuintli (9Dog)

10 Ozomatli ¡10 Monkey)

11 Malinalli (11 Grass)12 Acatl (12 Reed)13 Ocelotl (13 Jaguar)1 Cuauhtli (1 Eagle)2 Cozcacuauhtli (2 Vulture)3 Ollin (3 Movement)4 Tecpatl (4 Flint Knife)5 Quiahuitl (5 Rain)6 Xochitl (6 Flower)7 Cipactli (7 Crocodilian Monster)8 Ehecatl (8 Wind)9 Calli (9House)

10 Cuetzpallin (10 Lizard|11 Coatl (11 Snake)12 Miquiztli (12 Death)13 Mazatl (13 Deer)1 Tochtli (1 Rabbit)2 Atl (2 Water)3 Itzcuintli (3 Dog)4 Ozomatli (4 Monkey)5 Malinalli (5 Grass)6 Acatl |6 Reed)7 Ocelotl (7 Jaguar)8 Cuauhtli (8 Eagle)9 Cozcacuauhtli (9Vulture)

10 Ollin (11 Movement)11 Tecpatl (11 Flint Knife)12 Quiahuitl (12 Rain)13 Xochitl (13 Flower)

1 Cipactl (1 Crocodilian Monster)2 Ehecatl (2 Wind)3 Calli (3 House)4 Cuetzallin (4 Lizard)5 Coatl (5 Snake)6 Miquiztli (6 Death)7 Mazatl (7 Deer)8 Tochtli (8 Rabbit)9 Atl (9Water)

10 Itzcuintli (10 Dog)11 Ozomatli (11 Monkey)12 Malinalli (12 Grass)13 Acatl (13 Reed)

1 Ocelotl (1 Jaguar)2 Cuauhtli (2 Eagle)3 Cozcacuauhtli (3 Vulture)4 Ollin (4 Ollin)5 Tecpatl (5 Flint Knife)6 Quiahuitl (6 Rain)7 Xochitl (7 Flower)8 Cipactli (8 Crocodilian Monster)



TABLE 5 (continued)

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Image

13 Tecpatl (13 Flint Knife)1 Quiahuitl (1 Rain) t2 Xochitl (2 Flower)3 Cipactli (3 Crocodilian Monster)4 Ehecatl (4 Wind)5 Calli (5 House)

6 Cuetzpallin (6 Lizard)7 Coatl (7 Snake)8 Miquiztli (8 Death)9 Mazatl (9 Deer)

10 Tochtli (10 Rabbit)11 Atl (11 Water)12 Itzcuin tli (12 Dog)13 Ozomatli (13 Monkey)1 Malinalli (1 Grass)2 Acatl (2 Reed)3 Ocelotl (3 Jaguar)4 Cuauhtli (4 Eagle)5 Cozcacuauhtli (5 Vulture)6 Ollin (6 Movement)7 Tecpatl (7 Flint Knife)8 Quiahuitl (8 Rain)9 Xochitl (9 Flower)

10 Cipactli (10 Crocodilian Monster)11 Ehecatl (11 Wind)12 Calli (12 House)13 Cuetzpallin (13 Lizard)1 Coatl (1 Snake)2 Miquiztli (2 Death)3 Mazatl (3 Deer)4 Tochtli (4 Rabbit)5 Atl (5 Water)6 Itzcuintli (6 Dog)7 Ozomatli (7 Monkey)8 Malinalli (8 Grass)9 Acatl (9 Reed)

10 Ocelotl (10 Jaguar)11 Cuauhtli (11 Eagle)12 Cozcacuauhtli (12 Vulture)13 Ollin (13 Movement)1 Tecpatl (1 Flint Knife)2 Quiahuitl (2 Rain)3 Xochitl (3 Flower)4 Cipactli (4 Crocodilian Monster)5 Ehecatl (5 Wind)6 Calli (6 House)7 Cuetzpallin (7 Lizard)8 Coatl (8 Snake)9 Miquiztli (9 Death)

10 Mazatl (10 Deer)11 Tochtli (11 Rabbit)12 Atl (12 Water)13 Itzcuintli (13 Dog)1 Ozomatli (1 Monkey)2 Malinalli (2 Grass)3 Acatl (3 Reed)



TABLE 5 (continued)

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Chapter III: RulershipAcademy Ms.1A 51rThose Who RuledMexico Tenochtitlan

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Image

4 Ocelotl (4 Jaguar)5 Cuauhtli (5 Eagle)6 Cozcacuauhtli (6 Vulture)7 Ollin (7 Movement)8 Tecpatl (8 Flint Knife)

9 Quiahuitl (9 Rain)10 Xochitl (10 Flower)11 Cipactli (11 Crocodilian Monster)12 Ehecatl (12 Wind)13 Calli (13 House)1 Cuetzpallin (1 Lizard)2 Coati (2 Snake)3 Miquiztli (3 Death)4 Mazatl (4 Deer)5 Tochtli (5 Rabbit)6 Atl (6 Water)7 Itzcuintli (7 Dog)8 Ozomatli (8 Monkey)9 Malinalli (9 Grass)

10 Acati (10 Reed)11 Ocelotl (11 Jaguar)12 Cuauhtli (12 Eagle)13 Cozcacuauhtli (13 Vulture) *1 Ollin (1 Movement)2 Tecpatl (2 Flint Knife)3 Quiahuitl (3 Rain)4 Xochitl (4 Flower)5 Cipactli (5 Crocodilian Monster)6 Ehecatl (6 Wind)7 Calli (7 House)8 Cuetzpallin (8 Lizard)9 Coati (9 Snake)

10 Miquiztli (10 Death)

11 Mazatl (11 Deer)12 Tochtli (12 Rabbit)13 Atl (13 Water)1 Itzcu intli (1 Dog)

AcamapichtliHuitzilihiutlChimalpopocaItzcoatlMotecuhzoma IlhuicaminaAxayacatlTizoc

AhuitzotlMotecuhzoma IICuitlahuacCuauhtemocMotelchiuhtzinXochiquentzinHuanitzinDon Diego TehuetzquititzinDon Cristobal



Auh y ye yovac mitoaya toxcachocho-loloya, in ixquichtin novian tlamacazque:ioan telpuchachcac auhti, ioá in intecuhyová.Ceyoal, in mitotiaya, in moteneva toxcacho-

choloaya. Auh in ichá vitzilopuchtli, cuicoy-anoloya, mitoa, necocololo: auh in civatlanavaya mitotiaya, ipá ymumuchicozquj.

Auh in ilhuitl quigaya, ipá inic cempoalivnchicome metztli Abril.

Etzalqualiztli vncá ilhuiquixtililoya y tla-lloc, ioan miquia. Auh inic muchivaya ilhuitl, cempoalilhuitl y ciuapá cuicoya. Auhy oc iuh muztla, miquiz, tlalloc,- motenevayatenanamico ioá tlayavaloloya, ioá totopa-tlanaitiloya: quauhtitech quimiylpiaya in to-tome, quitquitivia in iquac tlayaloloya, yemitotitivia in telpupuchti. Ynin muchivayaye teutlac, auh ceyoal in quitotiaya tlalloc.Auh in iquac ye tlatlalchipava iquac miquiain tlalloc: auh in omjc, oc cepa moyavaloayay teucallj: ye mitoaya mocalnavatia in tlalloc: auh gatepá contlaliaya y oztoc, auh ioátolpá onovaya macujlilhuitl, ynic negavi-liloya.

Auh in ilhuitl quigaya. y. ipá inic caxtolliomome m etztli mayo.

out; they went in procession around theTemple of Tezcatlipoca only once and theyalso left the papers there.

And at night all the priests everywhereand the young constables and their lords[danced] what was called the "To xca tl Leap."The whole night they danced what was

called the "Toxcatl Leap." And at Huitzilo-pochtli's 16 abode, they sang 17 and dancedholding hands. It was called "W inding In andOut," and the women danced in their popcorn necklaces, their arms around each other.

And the festival fell on the twenty-seventhof April.

Etzalcualiztli, "The Eating of Etzalli , " 18

was when the festival was celebrated in honorof Tlaloc, and [his impersonator] died. Andwhen the festival was celebrated, it was thetime when, for twenty days, there was singing by the w omen .19 And the day before [theimpersonator of] Tl aloc was to die was called"People Are Me t " 20 and there was a procession. And also birds were made to fly. Theytied birds to poles; when the youths carriedthem in procession, they went dancing alongwith them. This was done at sundown, andthey had [the impersonator of] Tlaloc danceall night. At dawn [the impersonator of]Tlaloc died, and when he had died, onceagain there was a procession around thetemple. Hence it was said, "Tlaloc was dispatched to the house." And afterwards theyplaced him in a cave. And also, for five days,they lay on rushes when they fasted.

And the festival fell on the seventeenth ofMay.

16. Huitzilopochtli was the particular patron deity of the Mexica. His cult was also active in Tepepolco and elsewhere as a result of the political dominance of Mexico Tenochtitlan. See note 1, Paragraph 5A.

17 Cuicoyanoloya is the imperfect impersonal form of the intransitive verb cuicoyanoua, which is derived from the noun cuicoyanotl , "in the style of the cuicoyan." The Cuicoyan is described by Alvarado Tezozomoc (1987: 279) as the

"casa de canto de mujeres que cantaban y bailaban." Probably these were the women who were described as the amigas, or concubines, of the warriors.18. Etzalli , according to Sahagún (1975: 116; 1988, I: 126), was "hecho de maiz cocido a manera de arroz, y era muy

amarillo."19. Cihuapan can mean "on the woman," "on behalf of the women," "about the women," or "in the time of the

women." This last connotation, a temporal construction, might be acceptable because of the mention of the twenty days to which it is related. Jiménez Moreno (1974: 34), on the other hand, took the term to mean "priestess's house."

20. Tenenamico: alternatively, "are favored" (cf. Jiménez Moreno 1974: 35). . . ............

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xucutl. y conanaya quauhtla: ipanpa in mo-tenevaya xucu tl vallacia: yehica ca iquac yan-cuican quivallaxitiaya y quauhtla omanato.Auh in iquac oacico xucutl, y vncá motenevaxocutl itlaquaya: vncá muchi tlacatl co-namiquia, contlamaniliaya, no vmpa via yteteu ynan, yoá conxuchimacaya y xucutl,ioá in ixquichtin tlavillanque muchintinmuxochitiaya y oquivillanato xocutl, ioá ynciuapipilti y contlamanjliaya xucutl, yc mo-tenevaya xocunamicoya.

Auh yn jmoztlayoc queoatiquetzaya in xocutl, (jan oc yuh ycacca cemp oalilhuitl.Yn ilhuiquixtililoya. y. ypan ic caxtolli oge

me tztli Julio.

[fol.

Vey micailh uitl, iquac in moteneuaya xocutlvaluetzi. Jnic muchivaya. y. iquac in itechmotlaliaya yn inacayo otontecutlj, tzovallj,yuhquima tototl yc tlachichiuhtli catca:icpac unmoqquetzaya yn xocutl.

iquac miquia y moteneva yyacategutlipochteca yteuh, iquac tealtiaya y pochteca.Auh in iquac omicovac, catepan tlayaval-oloya: yc moteneva quauhtitlá tlanavaloyanecocololoya, ye teutlac, quiyavalotinenca,in xocotl. Auh y ye teotlac nimá ye quitle-cavia y xocutl, auh y aquí achto pavetzia mitoaya ocacic in xocutl. Auh in icpac catcaocatca xocutl in tzovallj vmpa, conquechco-tonaya. Auh in oaltemoc quichixtimanj yn

iveveyová, njmá ic conanaya, quicallaquiayain ichán diablo vncá quinacaztecpamiviaya:

was done in this manner: When they broughtin the xocotl, they took it from the forest.Therefore it was called "T he Xoco tl Arrives,"because it was when it was first brought inafter it was taken from the forest. And whenthe xocotl came to arrive at a place called"The Eating Place of the Xocotl," everyonewent out to receive it [and] made offerings toit. Teteoinnan 27 also went there and offeredflowers to the xocotl. And everyone pulled itin. All those who went to pull in the xocotl were decked with flowers. And the noblewomen also made offerings to the xocotl. Itwas for this reason that they called it " M ee ting the Xocotl." On the following day theystood the xocotl upright. It stood for justtwenty days.

The festival was celebrated on the sixteenth of July.

Huey miccailhuitl, "The Great Festival ofthe Dead," was the time called "The XocotlFalls." When this took place, the body ofOtontecuhtli , 28 made of amaranth seeddough, was placed on it. It was made in theform of a bird; it stood on top of the xocotl.

It was the time when [the impersonator ofthe] god of the merchants, called Yiacate-cuhtli, died, when the merchants bathed people .29 And when their death had occurred,then there was a procession. It was calledthe embracing and winding dance beside thepole [because] at sundown they circled thexocotl in procession. When the sun set thenthey climbed the xocotl, and the one whoreached the top first, it was said, gained the

xocotl, and he cut off the head of the amaranth seed dough figure that was on top.

27. Teteoinnan, impersonated here, was another major aspect of the basic terrestr ial/matern al/fertility deity. See note54, Paragraph 5A.

28. Otontecuhtli, an igneous/mortuary deity, was the principal deity of the Otomi-speakers of Central Mexico. See note 29, Paragraph 5A.

29. The t l aa l t i l t i , "bathed ones," were purchased by the merchants for sacrifice in lieu of war captives (see Anderson 1982b).

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Chapter I:Rituals

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nim ä yc quivica in quicavazq yn jchä ÿ ocaçicxocutl vmpa ce xivitl quipiaz: no iquac qui-tlacatilititiuh ÿ oc ce xivitl in iquac ylhuiuh,quicavaquiuh.

Yn ilhuiquixtililoya ipä in agusto metztliyc macu ililhuitl.

Ochpaniztli, iquac miquia in teteu inan,moteneva tecomapiloloya, auh cempoalil-huitl ÿ çiuapâ cuicuya: auh mochi tlaca tl mi-totiaya ÿ teteoatzitzin, ioä in tlatoq, in tete-cuti in tequivaqz; in tlamacazq: ioan in çiua.Auh in tetecuhti in tlatoq inic muchichi-vaya, conmaquiaya yn ixicol, ioä inpapalo-tilma yn imiyeteco. Auh in tequiuaqz icmuchichivaya yn jntlamecayouh, ioä in in-tlalpiaya: auh in çiua, çan ixquich yn incue,ÿ ÿuipil, inic muchichiuaya.

Auh inic netotiloya in ipan j, çâ nececen-pantililoya: necuecuepaloya: auh in ixquichmaçeuallj muchi tlacatl mitotiaya. Auh iniquac otaçiq ilhuiuh y ye valyova miquizmoteneva itianquiz quicça, Auh in omic, inoquixipeuhq, ce tlacatl conmaquiaya yniyeuayo, yc motenevaya çacapâ valmoquetz-aya, mitoaya, quinanavaya, yn vmpa iteupan:

nimâ ye ic yauh yn itoalco vitzilopochtli,yc motenevaya yveveuh quicça, auh in ite ut-

When he came down his old men 30 werewaiting for him. The y then took h im and puthim in the temple of the devil [the godXiuhtecutli] and drew blood from his earswith a flint knife. Then they went with theone who had gained the xocotl to deposit [apiece of the figure] in his home. There he

was to keep i t for one year; also th e next year,when they again went to fashion the figure[of the god], when it was his feast day, hewould surrender it.

The festival was celebrated on the fifth ofAugust.

Ochpaniztli, "Sweeping," was when Te-teoinnan died. It was called "The Hangingof the Gourds , " 3 1 and there was singing bythe women for twenty days. And everyonedanced—the god-keepers, and the rulers, thelords, the seasoned warriors, the offeringpriests, and the women. And the lords [and]rulers arrayed themselves thus: They woretheir xicoll i 32 and their butterfly capes ,33

and [they had] their tobacco gourds. And theseasoned warriors arrayed themselves intheir hair tresses and their w aist bands. Andthe women were arrayed only in their skirtsand shifts.

In this [festival] the dance was in this m anner: Rows were formed; there was going backand forth. All the commoners, every one,danced. And when we arrived at the day ofthe festival, when it became night and [theimpersonator] was to die, it was called "SheTramples on Her Market Place." After shehad died, they flayed her; a man dressed himself in her skin,- it was called "Standing Forthon Straw." It was said: "They danced holdinghands there in her temple."

Then he went to the courtyard of [theTemple of] Huitzilopochtli; it was called

30. Iveveyova (ihuehueyohuan), "his old men/' apparently refers to priests of the Fire God, one of whose appellations was Huehueteotl, "Old God."31. Tecomapiloloya, "Th e Hanging of the Gourds," may refer to the fact, according to the account of the Ochpaniztli

ceremony obtained by Sahagun in Tlatelolco (Sahagûn 1981: 119), that the participants in the female mock battle,ini - ietecon ic mocuicuitl alpi a, had gourds filled with tobacco tied to their backs.

32. Xico l l i : the sleeveless ritual jacket worn, in certain ceremonial contexts, by the priests and lords (see Anawalt 1976).

33. Papalot i lmat l i : compare "manta de mariposa" in the Codex M agliabechiano (1970: fol. 8v).



lacyoc motenevaya macuexyecoaya: auh inyovaltica mitoaya mogacaicalia necalivaya,auh in otlatvic: yn ithvalco, vitzilopuchtli,netotiloya: ipan in ixq'ch tlaviztlj, yautlat-quitl, ioan m aquauhtica netotiloya. Auh y yeteutlac mitoaya payna, achto yauh in imex-

ayac: auh nima ye oneva inic quitlalizqquauhticpac, necalivaya, inic contlaliayaquauhticpac inic motenevaya yaugivatl.

In ilhuitl quigaya ipá in augusto metztli iccépoalli vnmacuillj:

[fol.

Teteu, heco, auh inic mitoaya quilmach capay ovia teteu cempoalilhuitl: auh in jquac val-lacia yc mitoaya ohecoq i, oagico, ovallaq inteteu, Auh in ica uncat ymachiyouh yniveveyoá, inic chialoya, tla ultextli cenca vel-layectilli, ca iuhquj yn ivitl, cá tlamachquicopinaya iuhqui xamjtl auh ic mitoayaymicxj, auh q'lmach in iquac vallacia teteu,xitinja in iuhquj xamitl tlaultextlj, y quema

ago yoalnepantla in xitinia: anogo tlaca,anogo otlatvic. Auh in iquac yuh quitaya, y.yn iveveyoá, ic quimatia ca oagico in teteu,njmá yc tlapitzaloya, tlenamacoya: ioá tlamanaloya, ixquich yc tlamanaloya in tleinyancujcá muchivaya tonacayutl: ioá neco-cololoya yvitica, necujloloya, ica tlapalil-huitl.

Auh in ilhuitl quigaya ipá setiembre ycmatlactli onavi.

Tepeilhuitl, iquac quintlacatiliaya yn te-tepe, tzovalli. Auh inic muchichivaya tzo-valti tetepe, m uchi tlacatl quintlacatiliaya yninchacha y yoaltica in tlacatia in tetepe. Auhin iquac otlacatq yc nimá quintlenamaqu ilia-

"Trampling Her Drum." And at sundown itwas called "T he Battle of the Arm lets." Andat night it was called "B attling with Straw s";there was a skirmish. And at dawn in thecourtyard of [the Temple of] Hu itzilopochtlithere was dancing; there was dancing with

all the insignia and war array, and with theirobsidian-studded clubs. And when the sunwent down it was called "He Runs Swiftly."[The man] with his thigh-skin mask wentfirst, and then [the others] went off [withhim] to place [the mask] on top of a pole.The re was a skirmish when they placed it ontop of the pole. For this reason [Teteoinnan]was called "Woman Warrior."

The festival fell on the twenty-fifth of themon th of August.

And Teteo eco, "T he Gods Arrive," was socalled because they said that for twenty daysthe gods had gone away somewhere. Whenthey returned it was said: "T he gods have arrived; they have come." And [Huehueteotl's]old men waited for [their footprints to appear] in maize flour that was very pure, thatwas like feather down. Carefully they hadmade it like an adobe brick. And so it was

called "The ir Feet," [for] they said that whenthe gods arrived, the maize dough in theform of a brick was shattered [by their feet].Sometimes it was at midnight that it shattered, or during the day, or at dawn. Andwhen they thus saw this, [Hueheuteotl's] oldmen knew that the gods had come to arrive.Then the trumpets were sounded, offeringsof incense were made, and offerings were setdown [ before the idols]; all the first fruits ofthe earth were offered. And with feathers,the winding dance was danced; there wasadornment with red feathers.

And the festival fell on the fourteenth ofSeptember.

Tepeilhuitl, "The Festival of the Mountains," was the time when they fashioned[the figures of] the mountains from amaranth seed dough, and the amaranth seeddough figures of the mountains were arrayed

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ya: ioan quintlenamaquiliaya: no ioä quin-cuicatiaya quimeviliaya in tlein, incuic,gegentetl tepetl. Cecen tlamantli yc quincui-catiaya, ipäpa y motenevaya tepeilhuitl next-laoaloya quintlacotoniliaya ynic tlaman-

jli loya tam alli.

Auh in ilhvitl quifaya. y. ipä in octobremetztli, yc navilhvitl.

Qhecholli, iquac cacapä quixoaya. Auh inipan j motenevaya temixcovatlatlavitecoyainic muchivaya, no micovaya, in miquiatlacutlj, anoco mallj. Auh inic motenevaya

temixcovatlatlavitecoya inic muchivaya, tlal-pä quitecaya in tenopallj, y netzollj, inteumetl, ixco quitzetzeloaya facatl uncämuchivaya in mixcovateupä. Auh in mallianogo tlaaltili quinmailpiaya: ioä quimicxi-lpiaya, vncan quintlatlavitequia: fatepaquimeltequia: y vncä tlacpac mixcoateupäioan netotiloya «janioque: in oquichtl yoäquicuicatiaya inteteuatzitzl.

Yn ilh ui tl quigaya y. ipä in metzt li octobre:yc cempoallj onavi

in this way: Everyone fashioned them intheir homes. [The figures of] the mountainswere fashioned at midnight, and after theyhad been fashioned, they made an offering ofincense to them .34 They also sang to them;they sang what were their songs, a song toeach of the mountains. They sang a differentsong to each one; hence it was called "TheFestival of the Mountains." Payment [to thegods] was made. They decapitated birds intheir honor when they made offerings oftamales to them.

And the festival fell on the fourth day ofthe month of October.

Quecholli, "Roseate Spoonbill (Ajaja ajaja)," was the time when there was goingout on the straw. And at this time was performed what was called "T he Striking of the

People by the Lightning Rays of Mixco atl ." 35There were deaths also; slaves or captivesdied. And when [the rite] called "The Striking of the People by the Lightning Rays ofMixcoatl" was performed, thus was it done:They placed prickly pears, thorny cactus,and the fine octli magueys on the earth [and]sprinkled straw over them; this was done inthe Temple of Mixcoatl. And they bound thehands and feet of captives or bathed ones andthere they beat them. After this they cutopen their breasts on top of the Temple ofMixcoatl, and there was dancing of only themen; god-keepers sang to them.

The festival fell on the twenty-fourth ofOctober.

[fol. 252r]

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64

Panquetzaliztli, iquac tlacatia in vitzil-opuchtli, yn ipan nenapoalfavaloya, yeceamo tlaqualizcavaloya, fan tlaqualoya, 5 a yeayac mamoviaya, ano ac motemaya, ayac fi-

uapan cochia.

Panquetzaliztli, "Raising of Banners," waswhen [the figure of] Huitzilopochtli wasfashioned. At this time abstinence was practiced for eighty days, a lthough there was not

abstaining from eating. There was eating,but no one washed himself with soap or tooka steam bath; no one slept with a woman.

34. In the text, ioan quint l enamaquil i aya is repeated.35. Mixcoatl, "Cloud Serpent," was a stellar hunting deity particularly associated with the more barbaric, nomadic

"Chichimec" lifestyle of the ancestors of many of the leading Central Mexican peoples at contact, including those of Tepepolco. ■ - . ~



Auh in iquac tlam acu ilti muchi tlacatl tla-catlaquaya ioá in pipiltotonti. Auh no iquacmuchivaya in ixquich tlacpac omitto, in ipátlacaxipeoaliztlj no micoaya in iuh mochi-vaya ipá paynal:

ioan cuicoyanoloya napoalilhuitl val-cuicatequitia in ixquich altepemaitl y vncáyyolloco altepetl. Auh in ixquich valmitotia-ya in ichpochtlj, in telpochtlj i napoalilhuitl. Auh in ventlj ynic quitlamanjliayayehvatl y veyac tlacuelpachollj. Auh in iuh-qui omito tlacpac: in iquac oxiti in ixiptlavitzilopuchtlj: oc ceppa tlecoaya, yn teucal-ticpac vmpa vnjvaya in moteneva matla-lloctlj: ioá macuiloctlj, nimá ye caltemo ynitoca chunchayotl yxiptla in vitzilopuchtli,in iuh muchichiuhtiuh vitzilopuchtli, noiuh muchichiuhtihvia in chvnchayutl: ic m i

toaya chunchayocacalioaya: yehica ca neca-lioaya: auh inic m uchioaya y aqui, otlica ipanoquigato, nim á canaya, ixpan quihoalhvicayain vitzilopuchtli: uncá quinacaztecpamivi-aya, ioan quitzoncuj.

Yn ilhv itl quigaya ipan in m etztli noviembre ic m atlactli omey.

Atemoztli, yn ipan j atemoztli y nouiá te-peticpac, nextlaoaloya, ic mitoaya, yácuicá,temoya, in tlalloq. Auh in mocuiltonoanj in

inchacha m otetepictiaya, yoalnepantla in tla-catia tepictoto: ioá quincuicatiaya, auh gátlavizcalpá y miquia in tepictoto: gan iquacy onextlavaloya. Auh y aca quintlacatiliayaitepicoá matlactetl: auh y aca gá macuiltetl.quintlacatlachialtiaya quimaamacaltiaya, qui-maamatlaquétiaya. Auh gatepá qulquechco-tonaya yea in intzotzopaz giua ynic químic-tiaya. Auh yn imaamatlaqz gá. ithvalco,tlatlaya, auh in inacayo tzovalli, quiquaya.

On the fifth day [of the festival] everyone,including the children, fasted. And also itwas when was done everything that was described above in [the festival of] Tlacax-ipehualiztli .36 There were also deaths likethose occurring in [the festival of] Painal .37

And there was singing and dancing holding hands during eighty days. All the surrounding villages had the task of singing inthe heart of the city. And during eighty days,all the maidens and youths danced. And theymade offerings to [Huitzilopochtli] of long,large tortillas. And as was told above, when[the figure of] Huitzilopochtli was brokenup, once again they went to the top of thetemple where was drunk what were calledblue octl i and fivefold octli. Then the impersonator of Huitzilopochtli, called Chonchay-otl, descended. As Huitzilopochtli went ar

rayed, so Chonchayotl went arrayed. It wascalled, "The Battle of Chonchayotl" becausethey skirmished, and it was done in thismanner: Anyone who went forth on the roadthey at once seized [and] brought beforeHuitzilopochtli. T here they made cuts in hisear [ lobes] and seized h im by the hair.

The festival fell on the thirteenth of November.

Atemoztli: "Descent of the Water," in [thefestival of] Amemoztli there was debt-paying on the mountaintops everywhere

because it was said that the Tlalocs weredescending anew. The [figures of the] Tepic-toton 38 were fashioned at midnight in thehomes of the rich, and they sang for them.The [figures of the] Tepictoton died just atdawn,- right then payment was made. Andany who fashioned ten Tepictoton in humanform, and who fashioned only five, dressedeach in paper headdresses [and] paper garments. And later they cut off their heads

36. The statement that everything was repeated in this ceremony that had occurred in Tlacaxipehualiztli is probably not to be taken too literally, since no description of Panquetzaliztli mentions flaying and skin-wearing, the highlight of the former ceremony.

37. Painal was the deputy or representative of Huitzilopochtli (see note 7, Paragraph 5A); this reference to him (or his ceremony) is obscure.

38. Tepictoton: small amaranth-seed dough images of the fertility deities believed to dwell on mountaintops. See note 100, Paragraph 5A.

Paragraph2A

65



Chapter I:Ritualsand Gods

66

with women's battens; thus they killedthem. And only in the courtyard the papergarments burned and they ate the bodies ofamaranth seed dough.

Yn ilhu jtl quifaya ypa in metztli deciem- Th e festival fell on the third day of De-bre. yc eilhvitl. cember.

[fol. 253r]

Tititl, iquac in moteneva teu, itotiloya: ioanmitoaya ilamatecuhchololoya. Auh inic muchioaya y. in ixq'chtin, teteu, ayac mocavayainic mitotiaya: muchintin ic muchichioaya yceceme intlatquj, omilhuitl y netotiloya yniccemilhuitl motenevaya yancuj temoa: ynjchomilvitl mitoaya centlamoa, iquac tlayaoa-loloya: ioä mitoaya vetzi in chiquatl techi-chiquaviloya, oquichtin in techichiquaviayaauh ciua in quichichiquavia:

no yquac, illamatecuhchocholoya inpanmoquixtiaya in civateteu, yn mitotiaya mo-xayacatiaya. Auh yn iomilviyoc tlayavaloloyamoyaoaloaya in teucallj: in muchintin dia-blome tlacpac omoteneuhq. Auh in vntlaya-valoloc njmá ic quivivica yn inteoá in incha-cha: oc cepa vmpa, quimitotiaya, yc mitoayamocxipacaya y omoitotiq teteu.

Yn ilhuitl quifaya. y. ipan y metztlj de-ciembre yc cempcallj omey.

Yzcalli quae mitoaya vauhquiltamalqua-loya ioá yancuicá tocoya, ym mochivayaimatlacyoc y izcallj. Auh in ipá metztlj ipáin henero ic matlactlj omome: auh y oc noimatlacyoc in iquac moteneva yzcallamjiquac miquia y ixcocauhquj: iquac moz-

Tititl, "Stretching !?),"39 was the tim e called"The Dancing of the Gods," and it was alsocalled "Ilamatecuhtli's Leap . "40 And it wasdone in this manner: All the gods so danced,-not one was left out. Each was arrayed in hisvestments. For two days there was dancing.The first day it was called "There Is DescentAnew," and the second day it was called "ItIs Entirely Finished." At this time there wasa procession and also what they called "The

Barn Owl Falls"; people were struck with"barn owl" [bags]. Men struck others with"barn owl" [bags], and they struck thewomen.

This was also the time of "Ilamatecuhtli'sLeap," when [priests] assumed the likenesses of the Cihu ateteo 41 [and] danced wearing masks. And two days later there was aprocession,- the temple was circled [by] allthe devils mentioned above. After the temple was circled, they took their gods to theirhomes. Once again they made them dance

there. It was said that when the gods danced,their feet were washed.The festival fell on the twenty-third of

December.Izcalli, "Growth," was the time called

"The Eating of the Tamales Made of Amaranth Greens" and also "The Sowing of theSeed Anew",- these were done on the tenthday of Izcalli. And on the twelfth of January,after another ten days, was the time called

39. Durán (19671: 289) translates Tititl asestirar. The word appears to be related to the verb t i t i tza , which, according to Molina (1944, Part II: 113v), meansdesperezarse o r esti rar se boceand o. Possibly it derived from the intransitive form titica, or t i t ina, neither of which is recorded in Molina but which can be reconstructed on the basis of Classical Nahuatl grammar.

40. Ila matecu htli, "O ld Lady," was another appellation of Cihuacoatl (see note 24, this paragraph).41. Cihuateteo, "Goddesses," is the common term, along with Cihuapipiltin, "Noblewomen," for the deified

women who died in childbirth with the child still in the womb. See note 90, Paragraph 5A.



toloaya in cocoa ça yoltivia çeçeyaca, ioâ incueyame çà incamatica yn quimonanaya,amo ynmatica: çâ quimontlâquechiaya injcquimonanaya ÿ atlâ in vncâ ixpan tlalloc.Auh çâ quinquaquativia, in cocoa inic ipâmitotitivia maçateca, Auh in aquin achtoquitlamjaya y coati in quitoloaya: nimâ ictzatzi, tlapapavia, quiyaoaloa in teucali): auhquintlauhtiaya in quintoloaya coati.

Auh omilhuitl i netotiloya. Auh injc omil-huitl netotiloya, ye teutlac in tlayavaloloya:nappa in moyaoaloaya teucallj. Auh in xoco-tamalli iquac qualoya in tonacacuezcomactemja, muchi tlacatl concuja in iquac tlamiailhuitl. Auh y iehoantin in çiva illamatq, ioâvevetq cenca chocaya quilnamjquia ÿ aca-çocmo a çizq chicu exivitl quitoaya: ac oc ixpâin mochioaz y.

Auh inic mochivaya. y. quilmach yc moce-vitivia in tonacayutl in chicuexiuhtica ipâpaquilmach cenca tictlayhioviltia, inic tiqua,in ticchilhvia in tiquiztavia in tictequixqujvia,in motenexvia, yn iuhqujma ticatzonmjctiainic ticnem jtia quilmach ic m opilquixtitivia,in tonacayu tl, iuhqui ÿ muchioaya.

Auh in iquac otzôquiz ilhuitl, yn imozt-layoc motenevaya, molpalolo, yehica ca one-çavililoc, yn tonacayutl

swallowed the snakes, which were alive, andthe frogs. They seized the frogs with theirmouths, not their hands,- they just chewedthem up. Thus they took them from the[pool of] water in front of Tlaloc. And whilethe Mazateca were eating the snakes theywent dancing along. And whoever first con

sumed a snake, when he swallowed it, thenhe shouted; he cried out; he circled the temple. And they rewarded those who swallowed the snakes.

And for two days there was dancing. Andon the second day of dancing, at sundown,there was a procession. Four times was thetemp le circled. And fruit tamales were eatenat that time,- they filled th e maize bin. Everyone took them when the festive day ended.And the old women and the old men weptmuch; they remembered that perhaps theywould not attain another eight years. Theysaid: "Before whom [of us] will this yetoccur?"

And for this reason was this done. It wassaid that thus the maize was made to rest inthe eighth year, because it was said that wetormented it greatly in order to eat it, whenwe used chili on it, when we salted it, whenwe treated it with saltpeter, when it wastreated with lime. It was as if we had killedit; therefore we revived it. It was said that

thus the maize was made young [again].Thus was it done.And when the festival ended, the next day

was called "Sauce Is Tasted," because themaize had been fasted for.

PA RA G RA P H 3 A [fol. 254v]

Jn ic . iij. parrapho ipan mito a yn izquit la- C h ir d paragraph, in which are told the vari-mantlj ynic tlayecoltiloya teteu. ous things with which the gods were served . 1

1. Over the Nahuatl title, Sahagun wrote: Capit ulo teiceio d e las ofmnd as que se ofrncia a los demonj os en el t emplo yfue i a , "Th ird chapter, concerning th e offerings they made to the devils inside and outside the tem ple." A s indicated, these Spanish annotations related to the organization of Sahagun's final His to i i a , where most of this paragraph constitutes th e third section of the Appendix to Book 2. There (Sahagun 1981: 194), the first portion of this section is entitled Ni can mot eneoa in quenin t lamanaia , yoan in t l ein ic t l amanaia yn inteupan, in M exica , "Here is told in what manner the M exica made offerings and what they m ade as offerings in their temples," which Sahagun (1975: 164; 1988,

Paragraph3A

69



Chapter I:Rituals

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72

ic peoa ynic tlaqualoz aiac achto tlaquaia velachto tlatlatlaçaloya in tlecuilixcoac

Tlatoyavaliztlj

Jnic muchivaia tlatoyavalizt lj ico ac in tlava-naloya aço vitziecoloya, icoac in aca iancuicâquitlaliaya vctlj in icoac oquitlapivi y yoc, ic

tenotzaya quivalmana apaztica, tlecuilix coa cyoâ tetlavâcaxtepito auh ÿ icoac ie tetlavan-tiz coxopiloa tetlavantica ÿ vctlj, nimä yc cö-toyava in tlecuilixcoac nauhcampa conto-iavaia ÿ octlj auh in icoac ocötoiauh octljnimä ic muchi tlacatl quiya in vctlj, nimä icpeva in tetlavätiloya

then they began to eat. No one ate before [thefood] had been cast before the hearth.

Libation

Libation was done in this manner: When octli was drunk, for example when they tasted thenew octl i , when someone had just made

octl i , when he had made his

octl i strong, he

summoned people. He set it out in a vesselbefore the hearth, along with small cups fordrinking. Before having anyone drink, hetook up octl i with a cup [and] then poured itbefore the hearth; he poured the octli in thefour directions. And w hen he had poured theoctl i then everyone drank it; th en they beganto serve the people octli.

PA RA G RA P H 3B

[fol. 255r]

Tlamictiliztli♦

Jn ic muchiua ja tl am ic ti liztl i yn ic miqz ÿmalli yoâ tlacotlj ÿ mitoaia teomjcquj yniccontlecaviaja ixpâ diablo ça caantivi yma-titech auh ÿ tevelteca motocajotiaya yevatlcôtecaja yn ipà techcatl. auh in icoac oipâcontecac navi tlacatl ÿ quititilinia yn ima ynicxj auh ie imac onoc in tlenamacac tla-macazquj in tecpatl yni queltequiz tlaaltillj.auh nimâ ic coneltequi conanilia achto in i-yollo auh çâ ioltoc yn queltequia auh in icoacoconaniliq yyollo conjaviliaya in tonatiuh

Tlacoquixtiliztli

Jn tlac oq uix tilizt lj ic muchivaia ça no ipä intlei tonallj in tlacoquixtiloya auh ca noviä

Human Sacrifice 8

Tn this manner they performed human sa crifice: When a captive or slave died, they calledhim teomicqui [one sacrificed to the gods].Thus they led him up the temple steps before the devil: They just held him by thehand, and one called a placer laid him on thesacrificial stone. And when he had laid himupon it, four men held his hands and feettaut. And in the hand of the fire priest laythe flint kn ife with w hich he would cut openthe breast of the ceremonially bathed sacrificial victim. And then he cut open his breast[and] first took out his heart. And he wasstill alive when he cut open his chest. Andafter he took o ut the heart, he presented it asan offering to the sun.

The Passing of Twigs

Th e passing of twigs was done in this manner:It was on certain days, also, that twigs were

8. Sahagun's titl e at the head of the page reads: Capit ulo 4. de la sangie que se denama va a honrra del demonj o en el templo y fuera, "Of the blood they shed in honor of the devil inside and outside the tem ple." A similar ti tle heads this section of the Appendix to Book 2 of theHistor ia . In the Florentine Cod ex (1979, 1: fol. 175v), the Spanish version of this first entry, Tlamjc t i l i z t l i , is highly abbreviated, but just below, occupying the rest of the space in the column, is a large, very graphic illustration of the heart extraction method of human sacrifice.



Chapter I:Rituals

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74

Tlaquechcotonaliztlj

Jn t laquechcoton aliztlj yc muchivaia ca icoacintla tototzintlj ixpá quiquechcotonaja in di

ablo no coniaviliaya oncá contlagaia yn ixpádiablo vncá tlapapatlatoc, in itlac in tototzintlj.

from themselves when they made a cut intheir ear [lobes].

Decapitating [Birds ]13

The decapitation [of birds] was done in thismanner: When they decapitated a bird before

the devil, they also presented it as an offering: [then] they cast it there before the devil;there the body of the bird lay fluttering.

PA RA G RA P H 3 C [fol. 255v]

Tlatlatlaqualiliztli♦

Jn ic muchivaja tlat latlaqu aliliz tlj in icoacoconeltecqz in tlacotlj, anogo mallj, nimä

quicuja yn iezgo caxtica, yoä ago amatl con-tlagaia in caxic, qu ichichinaltiaya y eztlj nimäic quitquia caxtica, yn izquintin diablomeintenco quintlatlaliliaya y eztlj mu chintin yn jezgo teom jcquj

Nextlavaliztli

Jn nextlavaliz tli in ic muchiva ia in iquac a§oaca in tlein ipä muchiva a?o cocoliztlj iniquac opatic nimä ago copallj yoä amatl ynic

muxtlava inic amo omic iuhquima ic tlax-tlava iehica ca omjquizquia.

Acxoyatemaliztlj

Jnic muchivaia acxo iatemaliztlj ca concuiaquauhtla in acxoiatl xoxouhqui ynic ipä ne-vitzmanaloz. achto contemaja y acxoiatl ipäcomanaja y vitztlj ome ezgo,

Feeding [the Gods]

t j i e feeding [of the gods] was done in thismanner: When they cut open the breast of a

slave or a captive, they then collected theblood in a bowl and perhaps cast a paper intothe bowl, which absorbed the blood. Thenthey carried [the blood] in the bowl and onthe lips of all the devils they smeared theblood, all the blood, of the sacrificial victim.

Payment [to the Gods ]14

Payment was done in this manner: When, forexample, something befell someone, such asan illness, after he recovered he then paid

[the gods] with copal and papers because hehad not died. He paid thus because he mighthave died.

Th e Laying of Fir Branches 15

The laying of fir branches was done in thismanner: They gathered green fir branches inthe woods in order to place the offering ofmaguey thorns upon them. First they setdown the fir branch; on it they laid twothorns [covered] with blood.

13. The birds decapitated in this ritual usually were quail, zol l in . The Spanish versions (Sahagun 1975: 166; 1988,1: 191) state that this ritual was performed particularly before the Mexica patron deity, H uitzilopochtli.

14. Above this section, Sahagun's annotation reads: Capit ulo 5. de otros seivi cios qu e se hazi an a l os demon io s en el teplo y fuera, "Chapter 5, of the other rites performed for the devils inside and outside the temple." A similar title heads this section of Book 2's Appendix in the Historia.

15. Compare " Th e Offering of Thorns " in Paragraph 3B.



Teuquauhquetzaliztlj Th e R itual Making of Bundles of Wood

Jn tequauhquetzaliztlj ic muchivaja ca con-cuja in xoxouhqui quavitl in quauhtla conte-quia, yic vncá tlatlaz ichá diablo quimaquetz-aya iehoàti qui chi va ja in vncá néca ychádiablo in tlamaceva

Tlachpanaliztlj

Jn tlach pana liztlj ye muchihuaja cenca cuitlaviltiloya in tepilhuá y ago civa anofooquichtin y cá inchachá yn imitvalco inictlachpanazq auh in icoac yoatzinco y oachtotlachpáq nimá quichivaja in ventlamapictljyn comanaja ixpá diablo auh in icoac otla-manato nimá ye concuja yn Jtlema ynic tle-

namacazq

Togoualiztli. i. ixtocoliztlj

Jnic muchiv aja totjo liztlj icoac in yovalticaiehoantin yn vncá nenca ichá diablo in qui-piaya yoallj cenca ixtogotinenca ynic amo tla-cochcavazq ynic quipiaya yoalli in ixquichcatlatviz. ynic quipiaya iehica in tlein mochi-vaz in iquac yovalnepátla anoejo tlaquauh-yovac ano^o ye tlatvinavac ipampa in vel qui

piaya yoallj yoá quipiaya in tle tl

[fol.

Nefavaliztli

Jnic negavaloya amo tlacatlaqualoya ca yeaiac mamoviaya aiac motemaia amono acciva cochia ?aniyo icoac in in päquetzaliztljtlacatlaqualoya chicomilhuitl.

The ritual making of bundles of wood wasdone in this manner: They gathered greenwood in the forest which they cut in order toburn there in the devil's home. Th ey set it upby hand. Th ose who lived in the house of thedevil and performed rites to gain merit withthe gods did this.

Sweeping

Sweeping was done in this manner: Greatcare was taken to see that the children, girlsor boys, swept the courtyards of their homes.And before daybreak, when first they hadswept, then they made offerings which theycarried in their hands [and] set down beforethe devil. And when they had gone to make

the offering, they then took their incenseladles to make an offering of incense.

Vigils, or Staying Awake at Night

Th e vigils were kept in this manner: W hen itwas night, those who lived in the home ofthe devil, who guarded it at night, remainedvery wide awake all night so that they wouldnot neglect their duties by sleeping. Thusthey kept watch all night until dawn. Thereason they kept watch was because of the

things that had to be done at midnight, orlater at night, or at the approach of dawn. Forthis reason they kept strict watch at nightand guarded the fires.

256r]

Abstinence

When they practiced abstinence they did notfast, but no one washed with soap, no onetook a steam bath, nor did anyone sleep witha woman. Only at the time of [the festival of]Panquetzaliztli did they fast for seven days. Paragraph

3C



PA RA G RA P H 3D

Chapter I:Rituals

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76

' Couatololiztli♦

Jn ic muchiv aja in covati quitoloaya iquac inatamalqualoya quichivaya motenevaja maça-teca çâ yoltivia in quintoloaya ça in cam aticaÿ quimonanaya quixaxamatztivia ynic quintoloaya auh in iquac oquintoloq çatepâ mo-tlauhtiaya yn iuhqui ipä omito atamalqualoyachicuexiuhtica

Cueyatololiztlj

Auh in cuecueya quitoloaya ça no yoltivia çano iquac muchivaja ça no ievantin ÿ maça-teca quichivaja.

Totopatlanaltiliztli

Jn ic muchiv aja totopatlanaltiloya iquac inetzalqualiztlj in telpupuchti quauhtitechquimilpiaya in totome ic m itotitivia in iquactlayavaloloya

Tlayavaloliztli

Jn tlayavaloliztlj in ic muchivaia iquac intlein ilhuitl motlalitivia iquac mochivaiamochi tlacatl tlaiavaloaya aço yoatzinco

anoço ye teotlac ic tlaxinia '

Cyuapâcuiquiztli

Auh in civapácui[qui]ztlj ic muchivaia iquacin aço tlacatia diablo in tlein icuac muchin-tin mitotiaya yn civa noviâ yoâ oquichtiiquac in ilhuiuh tlalloc

The Swallowing of Snakes 16

It was done in this way: They swallowedsnakes when [the festival of] Atam alcualiztliwas celebrated. The people called Maza-teca 17 did this; [the snakes] were quite alivewhen they took them up with their mouths,when they swallowed them. And after theyhad swallowed them, they received gifts, ashas been told in [the festival of] Atamalcualiztli, which was every eight years . 18

And they swallowed frogs which were alsoalive. It was done at this same time also; itwas also the Mazateca who did this.

Making Birds Fly

Making birds fly was done in th is manner: Atthe time of [the festival of] Etzalcualiztli 19

the youths tied birds to poles. They dancedalong with these while going in procession.

Processions

Processions were held in this way: When certain festivals took place this was then done.Everyone went in a procession, either before

daybreak or at sundown; then they brokeranks.

The Time of the Singing of the Women

The time of the singing of the women wasdone in this manner: When, for example, adevil was fashioned, all the women dancedwith the men everywhere,- it was at the timeof the festival of Tlaloc .20

Th e Swallowing of Frogs

16. Sahagun's titl e for this sectio n reads:Capit ulo 6. de ciertas ceri monj as q se hazi â a ho nn a d el demonj o, "Chap

ter 6, of certain ceremonies that were performed in honor of the devil." Equivalent titles head this secti on of Book 2's Appendix to the Spanish versions of the Histor ia .

17 See note 44, Paragraph 2B.18. See description of Atamacualiztli in Paragraph 2B.19. See description of Etzalcualiztli in Paragraph 2A.20. The referent for the "festival of Tlaloc" here must be Etzalcualiztli, which was dedicated to the propitiation of

this deity and included in its ritual program the singing of women.



PA R A G R A P H 4[fol. 258v]

Jn ic . ii jj. parapho ypan moteneva yn izquintitlatequipanovaya yn ïchan çeçeyaca teteu.

Mexicatl teovatzin.

Jnic muchichivaya mexica lteovatzl yx icol ,ytlema, yxiquipil ynic quimaviztiliaya diablo yoâ yc tlapiaya ca iuhqui in te tta muchiuh-ticatca ÿ calmecac, iuhqui in ma intlatocauhcatca in teteuvatzïtzï ynic noviâ

yoâ ixquich in tepilhoâ intech vncavaloyaynic quimizcaltiz ynic quivapavaz tlatolticaynic vel nemizque ioâ in aço tlatocatizq anoçomocuiltonozq anoço teyacanazque tlapa-chozq muchi yevatl itequiuh catca ÿ mexi-

calteuvatziyoâ no iehoatl tlanavatiaya y noviâ teteupâ

quimilhuiaya in tlein quichivazq teteuva-tzitzi auh in anoço aca tlatlacoa m uchi yevatlquimatia ÿ mexico teuvatzï

The Priest of Huitznahuac,Vitznavac teuvatzin. Omacatl idë. Same as Om acatl 6

Jn vi tznauac teuvatzï ça no iuhqui yn ic tla- The priest of Hu itznahuac in the sam e waymanitiaya yn iuhqui ic tlamanitiaya me xico enforced the same traditions that the priest

1. Below this heading is written, in Sahagun's hand: Capit ulo. 8. de las di ferët ia s de mjnj str os q ue Serv ian a los dioses, "Chapter 8, of the different [kinds?] of ministers who served the gods." As mentioned, these interpolated Saha- guntine chapter headings relate to the final organization of the Histor ia , where this paragraph, with modifications, appears in the Appendix to Book 2.

2. The calmecac was a struct ure located adjacent to the temples that functioned both as a dormitory for the priests and as a school mainly for the education of the sons of the nobility.

3. The Spanish versions (Sahagun 1975: 168-169; 1988, I: 193-194) state that this functionary was appointed by the two high priests and was in charge of all of the other priests and all matters relating to the divine cult "en todas las provincias subjetas a Mexi co." This statement would seem to support the comm on assumption that the titles listed in this paragraph belonged to priests of Mexico Tenochtitlan— in spite of the fact that there is nothing in the Nahuatl text, aside perhaps from the appellation itself, that indicates this. The use of the name Atlcahualo rather than Cuahuitle- hua for the veintena during which a priest designated Ome Tochtli prepared the octli points in this same direction, for Sahagün (1981: 1) states that the form er term was employed by "los Mexican os," while "en otras partes" the latter label

was preferred. Also, the mention twice of Motecuhzoma, later in this paragraph, as well as various structures included in Sahagün's list of those in the Templo Mayor precinct of Mexico Tenochtitlan, seems to provide further support for the assignment of these priests to the M exica capital.

4. Intech: read itech.5. Anoco: read an oço. -6. Omacatl: a contraction of Ome Acatl, "Two Reed," a calendric name of Tezcatlipoca in his aspect as deity of ban

quets and festivities; he is pictured in the next paragraph 5A. For Huitznahuac, see note 23, Paragraph 2A.

pou rth paragraph, in wh ich are told all thosewho serve in the tem ples of each of the gods . 1

The Priest of Mexico

The priest of Mexico was arrayed with hissleeveless shirt, his incense ladle, [and] his[incense] pouch, with which he venerated thedevil. And he w atched over things, for he waslike the father of those in the calmecac;2 hewas like the ruler of the priests everywhere .3

And all their noble children were entrustedto him ,4 so that, with words, he would rearthem, he would educate them to live properly and also to be rulers, or to be rich men,or 5 to be leaders, to be governors. All these

were the duties of the priest of Mexico.And also he issued orders in the temples

everywhere; he told the priests what theywere to do, and if, by chance, anyone did something wrong, the priest of Mexico knew all.

Paragraph4

81



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teovatzi no iuhqui ynic tlapiaya in calm ecac of Mexico enforced. In the same way hein quenj vel tlacavapavaja tenono tzaja. watched in the calmecac how they properly

educated people, [how] th ey were counseled.

: Tepan teuvatzin.

Jn tepä teuvatzl ga no iuhqui yn itlapializcatca yn iuhqui yn iuhqui yc tlapiaya in mex-ico teuvatzl iehica ca muchi iehoatl quinava-tiaya in quenj tlapiazq calmecac, in quenjtlacazcaltiaya tlacavapavaia gä muchiuhquiin quichivaia ynic noviä teteuvatzitzi

... Ometochtzin.

Jn om etochtzin itequiuh catca in quinn echi-coaia centzontotochti in ie mochintin aiacmolcaoaia, vncan tepan icaca in patecatl iuh-quin tachcauh m ochioaia. nimä ie quiqtza in

tochtecomatl vcan cöteca in macuilloctli inquilviaia tevoctli, : - >; .. ■-

nimä ie quioalquistia in pätecatl y piaztliacatl vncä cömana in teuoctli ipä ga ma-tlacpoalli omej gaz ge in coiöq auh in öcömanimä ie ic netotilo tlaiaoaloa in cetzöto-tochtj. niman ie ic vi in ivicpa in teuoctli,céca m oquequega in ac iehoatl quittaz coion-qui, auh in oquittaq in aq'n oquicuic coion-qui nimä ipan mo chintin quitlalcavia ga icelquiticac in tevvctlj auh in otevtlavanoc nimä

ye ic viviloa.

7 Omet ochtzin = Ome Tochtli, "Two R abbit," the calendric name for the numerous deities, in the aggregate, of the standard alcoholic beverage of pre-Hispanic Central Mexico, the fermented saccharine exudate of the maguey. It was called octli in Nahuatl; the Spaniards introduced the term pulque, of uncertain origin, for it, which has replaced the indigenous word. The Spanish versions (Sahagún 1975: 169; 1988, 1: 194) characterize this functionary as "maestro de todos los canteros que tenían cargo de cantar en los cues."

8. Centzontotochtin = "Four Hundred Rabbits," another designation for theoct l i deities. The number four hundred stood for "innumerable," expressing the notion of the countless types of drunkenness, symbolized by the rabbit (cf. Sahagún 1950-1982, Parts V and VI [Book 4]: 11-17). See Nicholson 1991.

9. Pahtecatl, " He of the Medicine," was one of the most important of theoct l i deities, the patron of the eleventh tre cena of the tonalpohual l i commencing with 1 Ozomatli (Monkey); see discussion in Seler 1900-1901: 87-90. He is pictured in Codex M agliabechiano (1970: 53r) and its cognateCódi ce Tudela (1980: 35r).

10. Tochtecomatl: "rabbit vesse l," a com mon designation for containers ofoctli . On the significance of the rabbit in relation to this drink, see notes 7 and 8, this paragraph.

11. Macuilloctli = "fiveoctli ." In Nahuatl, five was the number signifying "excess" and implied the overindulgence that caused inebriation (cf. Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 193). It may have been an extra-strong variety of the drink or a symbolic name for it when it was imbibed during certain rituals.

12. Although Sahagún (e.g., 1988, I: 194) translatedmatl acpohual l i omei as 203, it should be readmatlacpohual l i omeipohual l i , 260, in this and similar contexts (cf. Sahagún 1981: 207).

The Priest Over the People

Th e responsibility of the priest over the people was the same as what the priest of Mexico watched over, because he gave orders toall on how they should watch in the calme cac how they reared, how they educated people, and all that the priests in all places did.

[The Priest of] Om etochtzin 7

The duties of [the priest of] Ometochtzinwere to gather together [the priests of] all theCentzontotochtin .8 No one was overlooked.Pahtecatl 9 was over the others,- he became as

a constable. Then he set up the octl i jars10[and] there poured the fivefold octl i , 11 whichthey called sacred octli.

The [priest of] Pahtecatl took out tubes ofreeds and set them there in the sacred octli. There were two hundred and [sixty] ofthem , 12 only one of which was hollow. Andafter they were put in, then there was dancing; [the priests of] the Centzontotochtinwent in procession. Then they went to thesacred o c t l i they pushed and shoved eachother a great deal [to be] the one to see the

hollow [reed], and when they saw who got



Epcovacuacuiltzin

Jn epcohoacuacuiltzin izca in itequ iuh catca,in icoac ilv itl quigaz in ago xiuhtzitzquilo inie mochi ilhvitl mochi ipa tlatoaia inictletemaloz, in ie mochi mochioaz mochiiehoatl ic tlanavatiaja ipa tlatoaia.

Molonco teuva

Jn molonco teuhoa, gan no iehoatl itequiuhcatca, ipa tlatoaia, in copalli, in olli, in amatl,in tlilli inic moqaia in iehoatl chicvnavecatl,

yoan ipa tlatoaia in tlemaitl y gollin, yoaihvitl tliltic ic mopotoniaia in chicunavecatl.

Cinteutzin xilonen ide cinteutl

the hollow [reed], they all made way for him[and] he alone stood drinking the sacredoctli. And when he became ritually drunk,then they all left. , t

Epcoacuacuiltzin 13

Here were the duties of the Epcoacuacuiltzin . 14 When there was to be a festival orwhen there was a binding of the years, for allfestivals he saw to it that all the fires werelaid, that everything was done .15 He ordered,he saw to everything.

The Priest of Molonco

The duties of the priest of Molonco were thesame. He saw to the copal, the rubber, thepapers, and the black paint with which

Chiconauhecatl16

was painted, and he alsosaw to the incense ladle, the quail, and theblack feathers with which Chiconauhecatlwas covered.

[The Priest of] Centeotl ;17

Xilonen Is the Same as Centeotl

[fol. 259r]

Jn i tequiuh catca in cinteu tzin gan isquich inipa tlatoaia ic tlanaoatiaia inic monechicoaia

in amatl in copalli in olli yoan i iauhtli initech monequia xilonen in jcoac ilhuiuhquiga yoa mo chi ipa tlatoaia in tley tl yn vnca

The duties of [the priest of] Centeotl were tosee to, to order that there be gathered to

gether the papers, copal , 18 rubber, and powdered sweet-scented m arigold 19 that were required at the time of the festival to Xilonen.

13. Epcoacuacuiltzin: "Tonsured Priest of the Mother-of-Pearl Serpent." The Spanish versions (Sahagun 1975: 169; 1988, I: 194) designate this functionary as "maestro de cerimonias." The old priests designatedcuacuacui l t in shaved the crowns of their heads but otherwise wore their hair long. According to Sahagun's (1975: 158; 1981: 179-180; 1988,1: 181-182) itemization of the seventy-eight principal structures of the Templo Mayor of Mexico Tenochtitlan, Epcoatl was the name of the temple of Tlaloc, the major rain/fertility deity, where the ceremonies of the veintena of Etzal- cualiztli, dedicated to this god, were performed.

14. After catca, the following is crossed out: in t la temal iz t l i , in t eteuchioal iz t l i in ye mochi t la locd tequi t l , "the laying of fires, the preparing of the sacrificial papers (to be burned), all the duties in the Temple of Tlaloc."

15. Aftermochi , t lamanal iz t l i , "the making of offerings," is crossed out. - -

16. Chiconauhecatl: a contraction of Chiconahui Ehecatl, "Nin e Wind," a calendric name of Quetzalcoatl.17 Centeotl: "Maize Cob Deity/' as indicated in note 12, Paragraph 2A, was a generic term applied, in different con

texts, to both the female and male maize deities. Xilonen, an aspect of the fundamental maize deity was pictured in the next paragraph 5A.

18. Aftercopalli, the following is crossed out: in i tech m onequi xi l onen, "which Xilonen required."19. Yauhtli : Powdered sweet-scented marigold, Tagetes lu cid a (Hernandez 1959-1984, II: 324-325, VII: 356), espe

cially used in rituals propitiating the rain/fertility deities.

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monequia ococ alli yn icoac miqu ia xilone. He also saw to the incense ladle 20 requiredthere in the Ococalli 21 when [the impersonator of ] Xilonen died.

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Atenpa teuvatzin

Jn atenpa teuhoa tzin izca in ite qu iuh catca

iehoatl ipa tlatoaia ic tlanaoatiaia inic mo-nechicoaia ihuitl in quauhtlachcaiotl yoaquauhtevitztli inic mopotoniaia togi in icoacmiquia, yoan iehoatl quintzatziliaia in cue-cuesteca in telpopochti inic mogaoazque invnca atempa

Tlapixcatzin

Jn tla piscatz in qu im ocuitlaviaia yn incu icdiablo ynic mochi yn teucuicatl ynic aiactlatlacoz vel quimocuitlaviaia ynic quite-

machtiaia in teucuicatl quintzatziliaia ynicmonechicozq in mageualti ynic vel q'ma-tizque yn cuicatl.

Tzapotla teuva Th e Priest of Zapotlan

Jn tzapotla teuhoa . gan no iuhqui in ite qu iuh The pr iest of Zapotlan's duties were thecatca in iuhqui itequiuh catca atenpan teu- same as the duties of the priest of Atempan,hoatzin, iehica ga no mo chi ipan tlatoa ia ic because he also saw to, he ordered that thetlanaoatiaia inic monechicoaia Am atl in co- papers, copal, rubber, and powdered sweet-palli yn olli yoan in iiauhtli in itech mone- scented marigold be gathered, which were re-quia in tzapotla tenan in icoac miqu ia quired for [the impersonator of] Zapotlante-

nan 27 when she died.

20. Read t lemai t l i n i t ech, as in the Florenti ne Cod ex (Sahagún 1981: 208).21. Ococalli, "Pine House," apparently was a temple or shrine dedicated to Xilonen. - -■ '22. Atempan: "On the Shore." In the Spanish versions (Sahagún 1975: 169; 1988, 1: 194), Atempan is designated a

"barrio" (cf. Caso 1956: 45). In Sahagun's (1981: 122) account of the rituals in Ochpaniztli, the priest who wore the skin of the female victim who had impersonated the goddess Teoteoinnan/Toci, to wh om this veintena was primarily dedicated, "went to her home there at Atempan." A structure of this name was also included in Sahagún's (1981: 192) itemization of those located within the ceremonial precinct of the Templo Mayor of Mexico Tenochtitlan. However, it is associated here not with Teteoinn an/Toci but w ith the assembling of the children who were to be sacrificed to Tlaloc (during the veintena of Cuahuitlehua/Atlcahualo).

23. Readquauh tenu i t z t l i ; compare Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII (Book 11): 55.

24. "The Huaxtec youths" were ritual performers in theveintena of Ochpaniztli (see Sahagún 1981: 120), which was dedicated to Teteoinnan/Toci. This earth/fertility goddess was connected with the Huaxteca of the northern Gulf Coast area.

25. Afterdiablo, the following is crossed out: iehoat l quimocui t lavi a ia in i e mochi t eucui t la t l , "he cared for all the sacred songs."

26. Afterqui temacht ia , the following is crossed out: yn novii a cacalpulco, "everywhere in the calpulcos." 27 Zapotlantenan, a fertility goddess, is pictured in the next paragraph 5A.

The Priest of Atempan 22

Here are the duties of the priest of Atempan.

He saw to, he gave orders that the feathers—the eagle down and the eagle's pointedbill23—with which [the impersonator of]Toci was covered when she died, be gatheredtogether, and he summoned the Huaxtecyouths 24 to fast in Atempan.

The Custodian

The custodian was in charge of the songs ofthe devils25—all the sacred songs. He tookgreat care to see that no one made a mistake

when he taught the sacred songs .26 He summoned the commoners to gather together sothat they would know the songs well.



Ometochtlj, tomiyauh [The Priest of] Ometochtli Tomiyauh33

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Jn om etochtli tomiiauh ieh oatl itequiuhcatca ipä tlatoaia in isquich in monequia inicoac miquia ometochtli tomiiauh, in amatlin copallj in olli yn tzitzillj in xicolli yn iemochi omito, gä no tepeilvitl.

Acalhoa om etochtlj : ;

Jn acalhoa om etochtli, gan no ieh oatl itequiuh catca ypä tlatoaia yn isquich itequiuhcatca ometochtli tomiiauh.

Quatlapäqui ometochtlj,

Yn quatlapanqui, in itequiuh catca iehoatlipä tlatoaia in amatl in copalli in xicolli intzitzilli in itzcactli in itech monequia quatlapanqui in icoac miquia ipä panquetzaliztli.

r Tlilho a ometo chtlj

In tlilhoa ometochtli gä no iehoatl ipä tlatoaia in amatl in cop alli in xicolli in tzitzilli,yn isquich omjto gä no iehoatl itech mone

quia in tlilhoa ometochtli ipan tepeilvitl

[fol.

Ometochtlj patecatl,

Jn om etocht li p atecatl ieh oatl q uiiollitia ia inmacuiloctli imac concaoaia in toltecatl iehoatl

The duties of [the priest of] OmetochtliTomiyauh were to see to all the things thatwere needed when Ometochtli Tomiyauh's[impersonator] died—the papers, the copal,the rubber, the bells, the sleeveless shirt—

all the things mentioned above. This wasalso in [the festival of] Tepeilhuitl.

[The Priest of] Acalhua 34 Ometochtli

The duties of [the priest of] Acalhua Ometochtli were to see to all of the same thingsthat were the duties of the priest of Ometochtli Tomiyauh.

[The Priest of] Cuatlapanqui 35 Ometochtli

[The priest of] Cuatlapanqui: His duties werethat he saw to the papers, the copal, thesleeveless jacket, the bells, the black sandalsthat were needed for [the impersonator of]Cuatlapanqui when he died, when it was [thefestival of ] Panquetzaliztli.

[The Priest of] Tlilhua 36 Ometochtli

[The priest of] Tlilhua Ometochtli also sawto 37 the papers, copal, sleeveless shirt, bells,[and] all the objects mentioned above that

were required for Tlilhua Om etoch tli in [thefestival of] Tepeilhuitl.

259v]

[The Priest of] Om etochtli Pahtecatl 38

[The priest of] Ometochtli Pahtecatl enlivened the fivefold octli. He turned it over to

33. Tomiyauh = Tomiyauhtecuhtli, another rain/mou ntain deity, pictured in the next paragraph 5A. Th is god, as in the case of Yauhqueme, is not otherwise directly connected with the octli cult.

34. Acalhua, "Possessor of Canoe(s)," is not mentioned elsewhere as anoctli deity, although Sahagún (1970: 51) includes an Acolhua in a list of these gods.

35. Cuatlapanqui, "Head Breaker," was one of the recognizedoctli deities; cf. Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XI (Book 10): 193.36. Tlilhua, "Possessor of Black," was anoct l i god; he is pictured in Codex M agliabechiano (1970: fol. 59r) and

Códice Tudela (1980: fol. 41r).37 After t latoaia, the following is crossed out: i t iquiuh ca tca, "it was his duty."38. Pahtecatl: see note 9, this paragraph. -



manaia in cihoa, yn icoac naoaloa iehoatlmochi itequiuh catca in cioaquacuilli.

(Jyuaquacuilj, iztac giuatl.

Jn c ioaquacuilli iztac c ivatl gä no vpa tlapiaiavnpa tlamocuitlaviaia in atenchicalcä, yoanipä tlatoaia in tlachpanaliztli in tletlaliliztli,yoä in aquin öpa monetoltiaia iehoatl conil-viaia in cioacoacuilli iztac cioatl iehoatlmochi quitzötequia in tlein vncä mochioaiaatéchicalca

can 47 when they made offerings to Toci, andall the offerings the women made when theydanced with their arm s about each other. Allthese were the duties of the Cihuacuacuilli[priestess].

The Cihuacuacuilli [Priestess of]

Iztac Cihuatl

The Cihuacuacuilli [priestess of] Iztac Cihuatl watched over [and] cared for things inAtenchicalcan. And she saw to the sweeping, the laying of fires. Also, anyone whothere made a vow told it to the Cihuacuacuilli [priestess of] Iztac Cihuatl; she determined all th at was done there in Atenchicalcan.

Yxcogauhquj tzomolco teuva

Jn iscogauhqui tzom olco tevhoa itequiuhcatca in xiuhtecuquavitl quitzatziliaia, inicmocuitiuh quauhtla, auh in cöcuia <jan iehoan-tin in telpopochti intequiuh catca, auh ynoquicuito xiuhtecuquavitl vnpa onquetzaiayn tzonmolco calmecac.

The Priest of Ixcozauhqui 48 in Tzonmolco 49

The duties of the priest of Ixcozauhqui inTzonmolco were that he called for the FireGod's wood which was tak en from the forest.And it was the duty of the youths to get it.And after they had collected the Fire God'swood, they made it into bundles in th e Tzonmolco Calmecac.

Tlagolquacuillj

Jn tlaco lquacu illi itequiuh catca vncä tlapiaia vncan tlamocuitlaviaia in mecatlä inquimaquiaia ixicol iieteconton ietinemj

ccca tlamavigotiaia in teupan yn vncä

Th e Tlazolcuacuilli [Priest ]50

Th e duties of the Tlazolcu acu illi [ priest] wereto watch over, to take care of [the Temple of]Mecatlan .51 He wore his sleeveless shirt andcarried his tobacco gourd.

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47 Atenchicalcan : "On the Shore of the Shrimp"? A place of this name in Mexico Tenochtitlan played a role in the rituals that involved the sacrifice of a female victim who impersonated the goddess Xilonen during the veintena Hueytecuilh uitl (Sahagún 1981: 103). A canal called Atenchical co crossed the causeway to Tlacopan, the third from the western gate of the Templo Mayor precinct (Sahagún 1975: 67). In any case, the Atenchicalcan mentioned here appears to have been connected with the cult of Teteoinnan/Toci and related earth/fertility goddesses such as Coatlicue/Iztac Cihuatl (see next entry).

48. Ixcozauhqui, "Yellow Face," was one of the names of the Fire God, Xiuhtecuhtli/Huehueteotl; he is pictured in the nex t paragraph 5A.

49. A Tzonmolco, "Place of the Fluffed Hair,"? and a Tzonmolco Calmecac, both dedicated to the cult of the Fire God, are included in Sahagún's (1981: 190) enumeration of the structures in the Tenochtitlan Templo Mayor precinct.

50. Tlazolcuacuilli: literally, "Filth-Tonsured Priest." León-Portilla (1958: 101) interprets this title as connoting a priest of Tlazolteotl, "Filth-Goddess," an earth/fertility deity apparently of Huaxtec origin who was merged with Teteoinnan/Toci.

51. Mecatlan, "Place of Cords," is listed by Sahagún (1981: 186) among the structures of the Tenochtitlan Templo Mayor precinct and specified as a place for the teaching of conch shell trumpet blowing.



mecatla, aiac vnca mexixaia, auh in aquinvnca omaxis nima quitzitzquiaia quicala-quiaia y m ecatla vnpa quifogoia.

Tecpantzinco teuva.

Jn tecpantzin co teuhoa vncan tlapiana tla-mocuitlavjaia in tecpantzinco yoan itequiuhcatca in vetli ipan tlatoaia quitzatziliaia inictlamanaloz oncan tecpantzinco.

[fol.

Epcouaquacujllj tepictoton.

Jn epcoaquacuilli tepictoto ipa tla toaia incuicatl, icoac in aquin tepiquiz iehoatl conil-huiaia inic quimisquetzaz quinnaoatiz incuicanime ynic cuicativi icha in aquintepiquiz vel iehoatl quitzontequia

Yxtlilco, teuva,

Jn istlilco teuhoa ipa icaca, ipa tla toaia qu itzatziliaia in ventlj inic motenmanalia in pi-piltzitzinti in ago oquichti anofo cihoa quit-quitivi in inven in ago xochitla anofo copalliin ie isquich vetli mochioaia cecentlamatliin quitquia.

They had great respect for the templethere at Mecatlan. No one urinated there ,52

but anyone who did urinate there they atonce apprehended; they locked him up inMecatlan, and there they drew blood fromhim .53

The Priest of Tecpantzinco 54

The priest of Tecpantzinco watched over,took care of [the Temple of] Tecpantzinco,and his duties were also to see to, to call forthe offerings that were to be set down therein [the Temple of] Tecpantzinco.

Th e Epcoacuacuilli 55 [Priest of the]Tepictoton

Th e Ep coacuacuilli [ priest of the] Tepictotonsaw to 56 the songs. When anyone was tofashion a figure [of a mountain] he told [thepriest] so that he cou ld assign, he could orderthe singers. When they were going to sing atthe home of someone who was to make afigure, it was he who passed judgment [onthe singing].

Th e Priest of Ixtlilco 57

The priest of Ixtlilco was responsible for,saw to, called for the offerings when thechildren—boys and girls—spoke their firstwords. They went carrying their offerings offlowers or copal. All the different kinds of offerings were prepared, which they carried.

52. Readmaxixa .53. After quicocoia, quimi ctiai a, "they killed him," is crossed out.

54. Tecpantzinco, " Place of the Little Pala ce," was the nam e of the West Gate of the Templo Mayor precinct of Mexico Tenochtitlan and of the first canal crossing the causeway to Tlacopan. It also seems to have been a "b arrio " in this vicinity (see Caso 1956: 16—17 44 -45 ).

55. Epcoacuacuilli: see note 13, this paragraph. The Tepictoton, the rain/mou ntain deities who overlapped with the Tlaloque, are pictured in the ne xt paragraph 5A.

56. After t lat oaia, iehoatl is crossed out.57 Ixtlilco, "P lace of Ixtlilto n," was, according to Sahagun (1975: 170; 198 8,1: 196) the temple of Ixtlilton, a deity pic

tured in the next paragraph 5 A.

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copalli, yoa pogolcactli in tlavitl auh inicmopotoniaia iehoatl in iztac totolihuitl, yoain tollectilm atli tultecaio tl in ipa vetzia

Pochtla teuva, yyacatecutlj

Jn pochtla teuhoa quine chicoaia , in ic mochi-chioaia in iiacatecutli in nepapan ihvitl intocihvitl, yoa in tlagotilmatli, yoa xicolli tzi-tzilli tlatlapalcactli.

Chicoquiyavitl pochtla ide.

Jn chiconqu iia vi tl gan no iehoatl ipa tla toaia

in isquich omito, in ipan tlatoaia pochtlantevhoa.

[fol.

Yzquitlan teuvatzi

Jn izquitla n teu hoatz in, ipa t latoaia in x icol liin tzitzilli yoa in pogolcactli yoan tevoctlicocuicuia in necutli iehoatl in quin omot-lapa in aioiac qui.

pers, the copal, and the foam sandals, the redochre paint, and the white turkey hen feathers 67 with which he was covered, and theToltec cape 68 in the Toltec style which saton him.

Th e Priest of Yacatecuhtli 69 in Pochtlan 70

The priest of [the Temple of] Pochtlan gathered together the various feathers, the yellowparrot feathers, the fine cape, and the sleeveless shirt, the bells, the multicolored sandalswith which [the impersonator of] Yacatecuhtli was adorned.

[The Priest of] Chiconquiahuitl 71

in Pochtlan, the Same

[The priest of] Ch iconquiahuitl saw to all the

same things that the priest of Pochtlan saw to.

Th e Priest of Izquitlan 72

The priest of Izquitlan saw to the sleevelessshirt, the bells, the foam sandals. He alsocollected the juice of the maguey for makingthe sacred octli. Afterwards, this, which no

67 After totol ihui t l , the following is crossed out: auh inic mogaia t laui t l , "and with which he painted himself ochre-red."

68. Written tolec t i lmat l i in the Florentine Codex version (Sahagun 1981: 213) and translated by Anderson and Dibble as " totec cape." Leon-Portilla (1958: 104-105) transcribed it ast o l t e c t i lma t l i and translated it as "manto artistico."

69. Yacatecuhtli: this deity is pictured in the next paragraph 5a.70. Pochtlan, "Place of the Ceiba Tree," the usual name of the "barrio" of the professional merchants in Central

Mexican co mmun ities, from w hich their designation, Pochteca, was derived. Accounding to Sahagun (1950-1982 , Part X [Book 9): 13, 37; 1981: 187-188), one was located in the Mexica capital, and there was a structure of this name in the Tenochtitlan Templo Mayor precinct, in which lived the priests who daily offered incense on the sum mit of the temple of the merchant god, Yacatecuhtli.

71. Chiconquiahuitl: "7 Quiahuitl (Rain)," a calendric name for a deity that Sahagun (1975: 47; 1988,1: 58) lists, along with four others and a sister, as a "hermano" of Yacatecuhtli. In the Mixteca pictorials,Vindobonensis and Zouche- Nut t a l l , this calendric name is assigned to the Mixtec equivalents of both Tlaloc and Xipe Totec (Caso 1977-1979, II: 415, 423; onZouche-Nut ta l l 33 the two deities are fused).

72. Izquitlan, "Place of Toasted Maize Kernels," was one of the original "barrios" of Mexico Tenochtitlan (Caso 1956: 44, 45). According to Sahagun (1975: 145; 1981: 145; 1988,1: 164-165), it was also the name of a river and a temple near Chapultepec. Izquitecatl, "He of Izquitlan," is named in one place by Sahagun (1950-1982, Parts V and VI [Books 4 and 5[: 17) as the principaloct l i deity, and in another (1981: 36), as the second in importance. The functionary described in this section was clearly in the service of this god.

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one [else] drank, was broken up .73

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Tzapotla teuvatzi, chachalmeca,

In tzapotla teuhoatzin ypá tlatoaia inic mo-chichioaia yn ipa miquia tzapotlacatl, in

amatl in copalli yoá in tlemaytl in ie isquichytech monequiz tzapotlacatl yn icoac miquiaypá tepeilvitl.

Chalchiuhtlicue acatonal cuacuillj

In chalchiuhtli ycue acatonal cuacuilli ypantlatoaia in ventli, quitzatzilia in isquichytech m onequia yn iehoatl chalchiu htli ycue

yn ipä miquia in ococalcueitl acueytl yoä inisquich y amatl in copalli in olii.

Acolnahoacatl, acolmiztlj,

Jn acolnahoacatl ac olmiztli ypá tlatoaia yn ieisquich nechichioalli ynic mochichioaia mo-tecugoma yn ipá mogavaia yn tilmatli xicolliyoá pogolcactli.

The Priest of the People ofChalma at Zapotlan 74

The priest of Zapotlan saw to [the adornments] in which [the impersonator of] theLord of Zapotlan was arrayed when he died—the papers, the copal, and the incense ladle—everything that was required when [the impersonator of] the Lord of Zapotlan died in[the festival of] Tepeilhuitl.

Th e Tonsured Acatonal 75

[Priest of] Chalchiuhtlicue 76

The Acatonal [priest of] Chalchiuhtlicuesaw to the offerings, called for everythingthat was required at the time [the imperson

ator of] Chalchiuhtlicue died—the ococal skirt , 77 the skirt the color of water, and allthe papers, copal, [and] rubber.

[The Priest of] Acolnahuacatl , 78 A colmiztli

[The priest of] Acolnahuacatl, Acolmiztlisaw to all the array with which Motecuh-zoma adorned himself at the time hefasted79—the cape, the sleeveless shirt, andthe foam sandals.

73. The end of this passage is difficult to understand. León-Portilla (1958: 104-105) read the last few words as inai o ac qui, "que todavía a nadie lo ha bebido." In the Florentine Codex (Sahagún 1981: 214), it reads:in aiaiac qui, in aiaic concui, "so that no one might drink it, so that no one might take it." It might be readin aia ac qui, "which one no longer drinks"—as approximated in the present translation (cf. quite different Spanish versions in Sahagun 1975: 171; 1988,1: 196).

74. Zapotlan, "Place of Zapotes (A chras sapot a)," was a common Nahuatl toponym. A "barrio" of this name was located in the southwest quarter of Mexico Tenochtitlan, (San Juan) Moyotlan (Caso 1956: 10). The addition in the title here of Chachalm eca appears to indicate that the deity served by this priest was connected with the province of Chal- man, or Chaleo, in the southeast Basin of Mexico (cf. Seler 1902-1923, II: 457; León-Portilla 1958: 107).

75. Acatonal, "Acatl (Reed) Day Sign," refers to a calendric name, by implication that of Chalchiuhtlicue. Acatonal is also mentioned later in Chapter I, in the third hymn in Paragraph 14, dedicated to Tlaloc, but here the referent seems to be male.

76. Chalchiuhtli cue: the water goddess, pictured in the next paragraph 5 A.77 Ococalcueitl : translated "pine-nut skirt" in Sahagún 1981: 214.78. Acolnahuacatl, "He of Acolnahuac (Next to the Shoulder?)," was another name for the Death God, Mictlante-

cuhtli (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part IV [Book 3]: 41). For Acolmiztli, see note 25, Paragraph 3.79. The parallel entry in the Florentine Codex (Sahagún 1981: 214) contains this addition:gan ipan in veuey il huft l

mocaoaia, ipan in netl alocacaoaloia, yoan i n netonatiuhcaoaloi a, yoan in nequecholcaoaloi a: ipan tl atoaia, "only at the time of the great feasts did he fast: at the time when there was fasting for Tlaloc, and when there was fasting for the sun, and when there was fasting for (the feast of) Quecholli, he saw to. . . . "



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quetzalcoatl inechichiuh,

y iocelocupil in icpac contlaliticac

mixtlilm acaticac, muchi yn inacayo,mecaichiuhticac, motlatlacuetlanili

tzicoliuhqui teucuitlatl in inacuch

yteucuitlaacuechcuzqujCueçalvitonquj ÿ quimamaticac,

ytentlapal inic motzinilpiticac,

ocelotzitzili yn icxic contlaliticac,

yiztaccac,yn ichim al hecaillacatzcuzcayoychicuacul, içentlapal ymac icac,

The Array of Quetzalcoatl 13

On his head he has set his conical jaguar-skin headpiece.

His face, his entire body are painted black.His face is painted with the wind design , 14

it is twisted.His gold ear plugs are in the form of a

hook.His necklace of gold shells.On his back he bears the adornment of

flaring red macaw feathers.[His cloth] with red border is bound

around his loins.He has placed bands of jaguar skin with

bells on his legs.His white sandals.His shield has the wind spiral jewel design.In his other hand is his curved staff.

totochtin ynechichiuh, The Array of the Totochtin 15

mixchictlapanticacy yaztatzonyyacametz

y yamanacuch

His face is painted in two colors .16

His heron feather headdress.His nose ornament in the form of a cres

cent.His paper ear plugs.

13. Quetzalcoatl: "Quetzal Feather Serpent." This major deity, like Tezcatlipoca, with whom he was sometimes paired in opposition, exercised multiple functions—above all, creativity and fertility, particularly in his aspect as Ehe- catl, Wind. He was also merged with a semilegendary Toltec ruler, the dynastic ancestor of the royal lineage of Mexico Tenochtitlan, whose future return to reclaim his throne was expected (Nicholson 195^ 1979; Carrasco 1982). Sahagun (1975: 32; 1988, I: 39) calls him "dios de los vientos" and states that "aunque fue hombre, tenianle por dios y decian que barria el camino a los dioses del agua." At con tact, the focus of the Quetzalcoatl cult in Central Mexico was the great pilgrimage and mercantile center of Cholollan (Cholula, Puebla).

14. M ecaichiuht icac: A verb derived from e (he) catl , "wind," i (x ) chihua, "to paint the face," and icac, an auxiliary verb that refers to vertical objects. Seler (1902-1923, II: 434-436) and Leon-Portilla (1958: 117) assign this "wind design," to the god's body and clothing, respectively, rather than to the face. However, this entry precedes the description of the ear ornaments and, since the itemizations of deity insignia and costume in this paragraph follow a strict order, beginning at the head and ending at the feet, it appears more likely that the reference is to the vertical line on the face.

15. Totochtin: "Rabb its." Also known as the Centzontotochtin. "Th e Four Hundred Rabbits," they were the gods of octli (see note 1, Paragraph 4). A considerable ritual revolved around these im portant fertility deities. All were known by the generic calendric name Ome Tochtli, "Two Rabbit," but many also bore individual names, often gentilitial (for a concise discussion of their cult and iconography, see Nicholson 1991). See also the entries for Totoltecatl and Macuil- tochtli later in this paragraph.

16. M ixchictlapanti cac: This bicolored facial painting, the central field red, flanked by two fields of black or dark green (occasionally vice versa), sometimes decorated with yellow lozenge-shaped elements, was one of the prime iconographie diagnostics of the octli deities.



ycuecalvitoncauh quimamaticac.

ytlachayaoalcuzquiculotlalpili, ic motzinapanticac.

tzitzili, oyoalli, in icxic contlaliticac

yyometochcacometochchimallj, ymac manj;ytztopollj ymac, ycac.

Tlalloc, inechichiuh

mixtlilmacaticacmogaticac tlilt ica in inacayo,mixchiaviticac,

y yavachxicol,

y yaztatzon icpac con tlaliticac

yehalchiuhcuzquj,temimiliuhqui yc motzinilpiticac, itilma

ytzitzil, ycxic, contlaliticacypugulcac

atlacueconachimallj in imac manj, auh y

On his back he bears his adornm ent of flaring red macaw feathers.

His neck lace of radiating pendants . 17

Around his loins is bound a cloth with ascorpion design.

On his legs he has placed sm all bells, pear-

shaped bells.His Two Rabbit sandals.Th e Two Rabbit shield 18 is in his hand.In the [other] hand is his obsidian ax.

Th e Array of Tla loc 19

His face is painted black.His body is covered with black paint.His face has a [white] patch with spots like

chia seeds .20

His sleeveless dew jacket.

He has set his heron feather headdress onhis head.

His green stone necklace.Around his loins is bound his cape of ver

tical bands .21

He has placed his small bells on his legs.His sandals with ties covered with white

down .22

In his hand is the shield with the water lily

17 It lachayaoalcuzqui (tlachayahualcozqui): Th e som ewhat unclear drawing may have been intended to represent the long, loose neckpiece apparently composed of mal ina l l i grass (M uhl enbetgi a emersleyi Vasey and other subspecies), usually bound with a red leather strap and a bark paper device. It often depends from a wide greenstone collar edged with gold bells or shells from which hangs a circular gold pectoral. This whole ensemble was apparently called the chayahuac cozcatl, translated by Seler (1902-1923, II: 438) as "Flockenhalsband." It constituted another prime iconographic diagnostic of the octli gods.

18. Ometochchimall i : The design layout on the shield replicates the facial painting and the nasal ornament of the deity.

19. Tlalloc (Tlaloc): "H e Who Has Earth," "He Who Is Made of Earth ," by extension, "Lord of the Earth" (see Sullivan 1972b: 213-219). Sahagun (1975: 32; 1988, I: 38) calls him "el dios de las lluvias," who "da a los hombres los mantenimientos necesarios para la vida corporal." He is usually shown with "goggle eyes" and a thick labial band with tusklike teeth, but here he displays human features. His ancient cult was of paramount importance in late pre-Hispanic Central Mexico.

20. M ixchiavit icac (mixchiauhticac): This patch, or plaster, was composed of the crushed seeds of chia plants, Salvia chia, prized for their fine oil-bearing seeds.

21. Temim il iuhqui yc motzin i lp i t icac i t i lma: Literally, "a cloth like stone pillars."22. Ypuculcac (pozolcactli ): Literally, "foam sandals." Compare Sahagiin (1950-1982, Part X (Book 9): 80), who, in

his account of the array of Centeotl, specified here as one of the deities especially propitiated by the lapidaries, described this footgear as "ipolcucac, can iztac, potonqui inic tlatlapilli," "his white foam sandals; with down feather laces were they tied." Sahagun (1975: 516; 1988, II: 578) renders this in Spanish as "unas cotaras blancas, las ataduras de ellas de algodon flojo." These sandals were also assigned by Sahagun to the attire of Quetzalcoatl and the two allied fertility goddesses, Chalchiuhtlicue and H uixtocihuatl.

Paragraph5A

97



yoztopil in imac icac i centlapal design , 23 and in his other hand is his rushstaff .24

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[fol. 262r]

Chicomecoatl, inechichiuh

Mixtlaviticac !y yamacal yn icpac manjychalchiuhcuzqujy yaxochiauipil. in conmaquiticac

xochiacue,

tzitzilli oyoallj, in icxic,

ytecpilcacyn ichimal tonalochimall)

ygenma ycentlapal imac icac.

The Array of Chicomecoatl 25

Her face is painted ochre red.Her paper crown is on her head.Her green stone necklace,

y ya- She is wearing her shift with the eveningprimrose design, [and] her skirt with theevening primose design .26

On her legs are small bells, pear-shapedbells.

Her lordly sandals.Her shield is the shield with the sun sym

bol design .27

Her double maize ears 28 are in her otherhand.

Otontecuhtlj inechichiuh,

yxtlä tlaanticac

The Array of Otontecuhtli 29

Stripes are painted across his face.

23. At lacueconanchimal li (atl acuezonan): the white water lily (Nymphaea). This shield device is also assigned by Sahagun in this paragraph to Yauhqueme, Tomiauhtecuhtli, Nappatecuhtli, Chalchiuhtlicue, and Huixtocihuatl, all intimately interrelated rain/water deities. Although an appropriate symbol of fertility, it appears in no other source.

24. Yoztopil (oztopil in): Seler ¡1902-1923, II: 445) believed that this term was probably synonymous withaztapilin,

which Sahagún (1975: 112; 1988, I: 122), in his account of theveintena of Etzalcualiztli, described as "muy grandes y muy gruesas juncias . . . muy largas y todo lo que esta dentro del agua es muy blanco." The oztopilin, which Sahagún also assigns to Tomiauhtecuhtli, Nappatecuhtli, and Huixtocihuatl,'is depicted here and in other sources as a white plaited staff to which are attached cuplike devices of bark paper spotted with liquid rubber. They contain plants that are tipped with paper streamers, also spotted with liquid rubber.

25. Chicomecoatl: "Seven Snake," a calendric name. She was the preeminent goddess of maize, the m ost important Mesoamerican cultígen. Sahagún ¡1975: 33; 19 88 ,1: 40) describes her as "la diosa de las mantenimientos, asi de lo que come y de lo que bebe," calling her "otra diosa Ceres."

26. Yaxochiaui pil (axochiahui pil li ): A xochíat l (literally, "water flower"), also called t onal xíhuit l and other names, has been variously identified (Hernández 1959-1984, VII: 23) asOenothera laciniat a Hill or Senecio vernus. Appropriately, in view of its association with a fundamental fertility goddess, Hernández (1959-1984, II: 19) describes it as a flower—with many medicinal properties—that appeared at the comm encement of the rainy season and lasted until its termination.

27 Tonalochimallj: Because the shield device is a floral blossom, Seler (1902-1923, II: 447) preferred the translation "der Sommerblumenschild oder Sonnenblumenschild." This finds support in the Florenti ne Codex version (Sahagún 1970: 13) of the array of this deity, wheretonat iuhchimall i (literally, "sun shield") is given as an additional designation for the shield, whose emblem is Spanished by Sahagún (1975: 33; 1988,1: 40) as "una flor grande."

28. Ycenma (= cenma i tl ): Literally, "maize (centli) hand (mait l ) ." This typical attribute of the maize goddess consists of double maize ears with ritual bark paper (tetehuitlj attachments; they are frequently featured on the numerous stone images of this deity (e.g., Nicholson and Quiñones Keher 1983: 76).

29. Otontecuht l j (Otontecuhtli): "Otomi Lord," the patron deity of the Central Mexican Otomian peoples, including the Tepaneca, masters of the imperium that just preceded that of the Triple Alliance (Mexico Tenochtitlan- Tetzcoco-Tlacopan), among whom the Otomi element was particularly important. A deity of fire and of the dead war



y yamatzon, ioá itzpapalutl, itech ca

y yamaneapanal, imapaca,y yamamaxtli,tzitzilli oyoalli in icxic ca

yyztaccacychimal yviteteyo in ipâ temi tzioac-

tlacuchtljtzivacmitl, yn imac, ycac.

yyacatecuhtli ynechichiuh.

mo tlatlatlalili in ixayac,ytemillo id est. ixquatzon.

yquetzalalpiayaiteocuitlanacuchxiuhtlalpillj, yn itilma,ytlaçomaxtljtzitzilli oyovalli. idë. contlaliticac, icxic

ytec[pil]cac i[n] cactljxicalcoliuhqui, yn ichim alytlacçaya. id est itopil yn imac ycac.

His paper crown, and on it obsidian butterflies .30

His paper stole,- he has his armlet.His paper breechcloth.On his legs are small bells, pear-shaped

bells.

His white sandals.His shield is edged with feather balls on

which are small cactus spears.In his [other] hand is a cactus arrow .31

The Array of Yacatecuhtli 32

His face is painted in several places .33

His fron tal hair, that is, h is hair is arrangedin the form of a column .34

[It is bound with] his quetzal feather ties.His gold ear plugs.His cape is the knotted turquoise one.His precious breechcloth.He has placed bells, the same as pear-

shaped bells, on his legs.His sandals are the lordly sandals.His shield with the stepped fret design.His foot, that is, his staff, is in his [other]

hand .35

riors (Seler 1902-1923, II: 448-449; Carrasco Pizana 1950: 138-146), who was also known as Ocotecuhtli, Xocotl, and Cuecue x, Otontecuhtli was especially propitiated during the veintena of Xocotlhuetzi/Hueymiccailhuitl that featured a spectacular pole ceremony and fire sacrifices (see Paragraph 2A; Sahagún 1981: 111-117).

30. It zpapalut l (itzpapalotl): This is the name of an important "Chichimec" earth/fertility goddess. Here, however, it appears to refer to the notched plates attached to the headband, a particular diagnostic of the array of Otonte- cuhtli/Xocotl (discussion in Seler 1902-1923, II: 449-452).

31. Zioactlacuchtl j ( tz ihuactlacochtl i ) , tz iuacmitl ( tz ihuacmit l) : Two designations for spears/arrows made from a species of cactus, probably a Ceieus (N y c t oce i eus Hernández 1959-1984, VII: 155-156; Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 218), a typical "Chichimec" weapon (see Seler 1902-1923, II: 452-453).

32. Yiacatecuhtli (Yacatecuhtli): Literally, "Nose Lord"; perhaps, more metaphorically, "Lord Guide." The former translation may relate this deity to "God M," the "Pinocchio Nosed God," the merchant god of the Lowland Maya (see Thompson 1966). Concerning Yacatecuhtli, Sahagún (1975: 45; 1988, I: 56) states: "Hay conjectura que comenzo

los tratos y mercaderías entre esta gente, y ansi los mercaderes le tomaron por dios y le honraban de diversas maneras."

33. M o t l a t l a t l al i l i i n i x ay a c: As Seler (1902-1923, II: 454) noted, this phrase described the facial painting appropriate for warriors who performed as dancers. It consisted of black stripes broken by the application of powdered pyrites. The same facial decorative scheme was displayed by Tlacochcalco Yaotl and Omacatl, described later in this paragraph.

34. Ytemillotl ( temillot l) : This term, meaning "stone column," was applied to the distinctive coiffure that was worn, along with another, tzotzocolli (see note 89, this paragraph), by the champion warriors, the tequihuaque.

35. Ytalccaya (tl accayat l): The sole of the foot and, by extension, the foot itself. Since the staff was an indispensable aid to the merchant on his long and arduous journeys, it probably was regarded, in a sense, as another foot.

Paragraph5A

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[fol. 262v]

Chapter I:Rituals

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Atlava inechichiuh /chachalmeca /.

mixquauhcalichiuhticac,motenchichillo,ychalmecatlatqui y contlaliticacyixqua, techimalycuexcuchtechimal.ypantoyaoal, in icpac icac,y yamaneapanalymapancaytzitzil icxic caca,ycac,ychimal eztlapanquj,

ytlavitimeuh, ymac ycac.

Th e Array of Atlahua 36

[God of the] Chalmeca

A cagelike design is painted on his face.His lips are painted red.He has put on his C halmeca dress.His forehead rosettes.His occipital rosette.On his head is his drooping flag.His paper stole.He has his armlet.On his legs are his sm all bells.His sandals.Half of h is shield is [ painted] the color of

blood .37

His red t imet l [staff]38

is in his [other] hand.

Yxcocauhquj inechichiuh Th e Array of Ixcozauhqui 39

motenhvlcopinticacychalch iuhtete l yn icpac contlaliticac y ya-

macal quetzalmicoayo

ytlacuchtzonyxiuhcoanaval yn quimam aticac,

y yamaneapanal

tzitzilli oyoallj, yn icxic contlaliticac,

His lips are painted with rubber.On his head he has placed his paper crown

with a band of green stone discs; it has aquetzal feather crest .40

His spear shaft head adornment.On his back he bears his fire serpent

device .41

His paper stole.

On his legs he has placed small bells, pear-shaped bells.

36. The figure is labeled Chacha lmeca, "T he y (Deities?) of Chalm an," while the list of costume items and insignia is headed Atl ava inechichiuh, "the array of Atlahua." Seler (1902-1923, II: 456-458) apparently assumed that the Atlava heading was an error and that the tex t referred only to Chachalm eca, since Atlahua, so labeled, was illustrated and his costum e and insignia itemized separately later in the paragraph. Leon-Po rtilla (1958: 124-125) combined the heading and the label of the illustration and translated them together as "Atavios de Atlahua y los dioses de Cha lman ." The latter toponym, as Seler noted, was, according to Tovar (Cod ex Ramirez, 1987: 18), derived fromchalli , "cleft, fissure, opening." It was applied to the southeast sector of the Basin of Mexico, the sector adjacent to the great volcanos Iztac- cihuatl and Popocatepetl, and was more comm only designated as the province of Chaleo. According to Duran (1967 30- 31 ), the priests who performed human sacrifices were calledchachalmeca. The insignia worn here by the figure are

diagnostic of deities with macabre, underworld, and mortuary associations.37 Ychimal eztl apanquj: In the depiction, the other half is green.38. See note 76, this paragraph.39. Yxcocauhquj (Ixcozauhqui): "Yellow Face," the Fire God, more commonly called Xiuhtecuhtli, "Turquoise

Lord," and Huehueteotl, "Old God." An importan t deity, propitiated particularly during the veintena of Izcalli, he was considered to be the patriarch of the pantheon and the archetype of the rulers in their pa ternalistic role.

40. Readquetzalmiaoayo (quetzalmiahuayo), a plumed head ornament that imitated the male efflorescence of the maize plant, miahua t l , with the long, green feathers of the quetzal bird. It was particularly diagnostic of the fertility deities. See discussion in Seler 1902-1923, II: 459; Nicholson 1963: 19-21.

41. See note 3, this paragraph.



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Xippe inechichiuh

mixcolichiuhticacmotenmaxaloticac

yyopitzon contlaliticac, icpac, maxaliuhquj.

comaquitica y evatl y yevayo tlacatlytzonchayavaliteocuitlanacuchytzapucueytzitzil, icxic contlaliticacycacychimal tlauhtevilacachiuhqujychicavaz yn im ac icac.

The Array of Xipe 48

His face is painted with the quail design .49

His lips are parted.

He has placed his Yopi headdress 50 on hishead; it is bifurcated .51

He has put on a skin; it is a human skin.His loose-hanging locks.His gold ear plugs.His sapote leaf skirt .52

He has placed his small bells on his legs.His sandals.His shield has red circles.His rattle staff 53 is in his hand.

Teteu yna / inechichiuh, The Array of Teteoinnan 54

motenholcupinticac Her lips are painted with rubber,tlaxapochtli in con tlaliticac, ycamapa She has placed a round patch [of rubber] on

her face.

48. Xippe (Xipe): "Flayed One," probably a truncated form ofxipeuh. In addition to this name, the figure is also labeled anavatl it ec, "Lord of the Coastland." Xipe was particularly associated with the Yopi/Tlappanec of the Guerrero- Oaxaca border region and the neighboring Zapotee of the Oaxacan Pacific littoral. In the Florenti ne Cod ex (Sahagún 1970: 39), Xipe is calledAnaoatl it eouh: tzapoteca in vel int euh catca: "The god of the Coastland, the proper god of the Zapoteca." An ancient, widely venerated fertility deity with strong militaristic overtones, his cult was distinguished by its macabre flaying ritual. See, especially, Seler 1899a: 76-100; 1963,1: 126-135; Nicholson 1972; Heyden 1986.

49.M ixcolichiuht i cac: This reference to his face being painted with the quail motif may refer to the broad stripe that runs through the eye, which features a featherlike pattern. A narrow line through the eye is a frequent feature of depictions of Xipe. The quail,zol l in , a prolific breeder that was sacrificed in large numbers in rituals , was assoc iated with the earth and with both male and female fertility deities. In the Tonálam atl A ubi n (1900-1901), the face of Xipe peers out of the open bill of the fourth of the T hirteen Sacred Birds, the quail, which Seler (190 0-1 901 :32, 102-103 ) suggested was considered to be the nahual l i , the "disguise," of this deity.

50. Yyopit zon (yopit zontl i): This conical headpiece is one of the most diagnostic and characteristic elements in the Xipe iconography. Its name ascribes it to the Yopi/Tlappanec (see note 48, this paragraph), but, as Seler (1902-1923,II:46 6- 46 7) recognized, the royal headpiece of their Zapotee neighbors was also similar in form.

51. M axaliuhquj (maxal iuhqui): This reference to bifurcation must refer to the strips with "swallow-tail" ends that depend from the yopitzont l i . Swallow-tail adornments were another prime iconographic diagnostic of Xipe.

52. Ytza ocucue (zapocueit l): Th e sapote leaf skirt is another typical element of Xipe's costume. The tree calledza- po t l (see Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 116;sapodil la [ Lu cuma m amm osa, achras sapota¡) yielded a tasty, sweet fruit. A possible reference to the Zapoteca (those of Zapotlan, "Place of Sapotes") might also be involved here.

53. Ychicavaz (chicahuaztli): This ritual instrument, assigned to many fertility deities (here, also to Opochtli. Yauhqueme, Chalchiuhtlicue, Xilonen, and Zapotlantenan), is described by Sahagún (1975: 515; 1988, 2: 576) as "un báculo que estaba hueco de dentro, y tenia sonajas, el cual, en moviéndole para andar, luego las sonajas hacian sus son." Seler (1902-1923, II: 467) translatedchicahuaztli as "womit etwas kraftig gemacht wird," apparently connoting the fecundating power of the instrument and the rituals in which it was employed. On its "shamanic" aspect, see Neumann 1976.

54. Teteu yna (Teteoinnan): "Mother of the Gods." This was perhaps the commonest appellation for the Late Postclassic Central Mexican version of the great earth mother, a major Mesoamerican deity from the earliest times onward. She also bore other names, including Toci, "Our Grandmother," and Tlalli iyollo, "Heart of the Earth" (Sahagún 1970: 15)—and, as Seler (1900-1901: 93-100) recognized, she was identified iconographically and conceptually with Tla- zolteotl, "Filth-Goddess," of ultimate Huaxtec origin. See Nicholson 1971: 420-422.



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yyamamaxtlj,icacychimal atlacueçonayo.ychicavaz yn imac ycac. - v

Chalchiuhtlicue inechichiuh.

yxaval -ychalchiuhcozqujy yamacal quetzalmiavayoatlacuiloli yn ivipil.

yn icue, atlacuiloli.ytzitzil.ycac.ychimal atlacueçonâchimalljychicaoaz, imac, icac.

Xillone, inechichiuh.

yxaoal, centlacul chichiltic, centlacul, cuztic.Y yamacal quetzalmiavayoychalchiuhcozqujy yaxochiavipily yaxochiacue

ytzitz il - ' :ycacychimal

ychicavaz imac icac chichiltic.

His paper breechcloth.His sandals.His shield has the water lily design.In his [other] hand is his rattle staff.

The Array of Chalchiuhtlicue 59

Her [yellow ochre] face paint .60

Her green stone necklace.Her paper crown has a queztal feather crest.Her shift has the water design [of horizon

tal, blue, wavy lines].Her skirt has the water design.Her little bells.Her sandals.Her shield is the water lily shield.In her [other] hand is her rattle staff.

The Array of Xilonen 61

Her facial paint is half red, half yellow .62

Her paper crown has a quetzal feather crest.Her green stone necklace.Her shift with the evening primrose design.Her skirt with the evening primrose de

sign .63

Her small bells.Her sandals.Her shield.

In her [other] hand is her red rattle stick.

59. Chalchiuhtlicue, literally, "Precious Green Stone-Her-Skirt," was an im portant fertility goddess—characteristically blending with others of this numerous group—who was considered to be the elder sister of the rain gods, the

Tlaloque (Sahagun 1970: 21). She had jurisdiction over all bodies of water. Concerning her iconography, see Nicholson 1988b.60. Yxaval (xahuall i): Facial paint, a noun derived from the verb xahua, to ripen (fruit), i.e., to redden or to yellow.

By extension, it came to mean to paint the face a reddish or yellowish color (with yellow ochre, tecozahuitl ), particularly the latter, with xahual l i connoting facial paint in general. Molina (1944, Part II: 158v) defines the verb as "afeitarse la yndia a su modo antiguo o pintar la fruta."

61. Xillone (Xilonen): Literally, "Tender Maize Ear-Doll." She seems to have been essentially just a younger aspect of Chicomecoatl.

62. In the depiction, the upper half is red, the lower half, yellow.63. See note 26, this paragraph.



Tzaputlatena inechichiuh.

yxaval omequipillo

y yamacal holtica tlacuiloli qtzalmiavayo.

ychalchiuhcuzquj.yvipil.ycue.ytzitzilycac.ychimalquapachiuhqujychicavaz im ac ycac.

Ciuacoatl inechichiuh.

yxaval motenolcopi, centlacul chichiltic,

centlacol tliltic.yquauhtzon.teucuitlatl in inacuch.y yaxochiavipil ypan j.

jn tlanj ipiloyo in ivipil.iztaccue.

The Array of Zapotlantenan 64

Her [yellow ochre] facial paint has two[black] pendants .65

Her paper crown is painted with liquidrubber; it has a quetzal feather crest.

Her green stone necklace.Her shift.Her skirt.Her bells.Her sandals.Her shield is covered with eagle feathe rs .66

In her hand is her rattle staff.

The Array of Cihuacoatl 67

Her facial paint; the lips are painted with

rubber; [her face] is half red, half black.Her headdress of eagle feathers.Her gold ear plugs.On her is her evening primrose sh ift .68

Her undershift has her fringes.Her white skirt. j

64. Tzaputlatena (Zapotlantenan): "M other of Zapotlan." A fertility goddess who was credited (Sahagún 1975: 34 ; 1988, I: 41) with the invention ofoxit l , a turpentine unguent that was employed medicinally to cure many ailments, particularly certain skin diseases. The problem of the location of Zapotlan, from which this deity apparently originally derived, is still unresolved. Zapotlan, "Place of the Zapotes," is a relatively common toponym. Seler (1902-1923, II: 475-476) preferred Zapotitlan, a sm all comm unity located on the north shore of Lake Xochimilco in the southern Basin

of Mexico. León-Portilla (1958: 93, citing Caso 1956: 10), suggested that it might be identified with a "barrio" of that name in the M oyotlan (southwest) quarter of Tenochtitlan.

65. Omequipi l lo : These "pendan ts," which constitute dark stripes on both cheeks of th e goddess, probably correspond to the stripes, singly or in pairs, that are a common feature of depictions of Chalchiuhtlicue (Nicholson 1963: 12-15). Seler (1902-1923, II: 476) suggested that those on Zapotlantenan were composed of the turpentine unguent with which the goddess was particularly associated.

66. Ychimalquapachiuhquj: Seler (1902-1923, II: 476-477) believed that the second element should be readquap- pachiuhqui, i.e., cuauh-pachiuhqui, "in welchem Adler (federn) eingesetzt sind," and he compared it with the shield with the eagle's claw motif called cuauhtetepoyo, i.e., tetepoyyo, assimilated from teteponyo, "having the knee {= leg) of an eagle" (see Nicholson 1994). The shield carried here by Zapotlantenan is also carried by Cihuacoatl, Chantico, and Coatlicue as depicted in this paragraph, all closely interrelated earth/fertility goddesses.

67 Ciuacoatl (Cihuacoatl): "Woman Serpent," also known by various other names (Quilaztli, "Plant Generator"?, Tonan[tzin], "Our M other," Cuauhcihuatl, "Eagle Woman," Yaocihuatl, "Warrior Woman," etc.). She was an important earth/fertility goddess who was especially propitiated in Colhuacan, capital of a city-state that formed a key dynastic link between the rulers of imperial Tollan and those of Mexico Tenochtitlan. Her name was borne as a title by the high priests of Azcapotzalco and Tetzcoco and by the Mexica "vice rule r." She exercised a significant martial role as the sister of Huitzilopochtli and the patroness of parturient women, who were likened to warriors waging a battle (discussion in Seler 1902-1923, II: 478-479].

68. Although the upper garment that is worn here over the standard shift, the hu ip i l l i , is also called a hu ip i l l i , from the illustration it is obviously a different, poncholike it em of apparel with a triangular point hanging down in front and back, the quechquemitl (see Seler 1902-1923, II: 479). Apparently, it was not commonly worn by the women of Central Mexico at the time of the Conquest but was assigned to various goddesses in the ritual-divinatory pictorials (cf. Tez- cacoac Ayopechtli, Chantico, and Chalmecacihuatl later in this paragraph).

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Chapter I:Rituals

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106

ytzitzil.ycac.ychimal quapachiuhquj.ytzotzopaz.

Vixtociuatl, inechichiuh.

yxaval cuztic.Y yamacal quetzalmiavayoyteucuitlanacuch.yvipil a tlacuiloli,yn icue atlacuiloliytzitzilycacychim al atlacuegonayo.y yoztopil imac icac.

[fol. 264v]

Coatlicue ynechichiuh. The Array of Coatlicue71

Her facial paint is chalk.On her head is the eagle feather headdress.Her shift is white.Her skirt is of serpents.Her small bells.Her sandals are white.Her shield is covered with eagle feathers.Her serpent staff.

69. Ytzotzopaz : The tzotzopaztli was the batten or weaving stick. It was the instrument of women par excellence, not only in their role as ordinary weavers but also in their role as procreators, .the weavers of the tissue of life. See Sullivan 1982.

70. Vixtociuatl (Huixtocihuatl): "Woman (Goddess) of the Huixtotin." Sahagún (1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 187-188) designated the people of the southern Gulf Coast as the Olmeca Huixtotin Mixteca. Besides some Nahuatl, at the time of the Conquest they spoke a Mixe-Zoquean language called Popoloca. In Sahagún's (1981: 93-94) account of the rituals performed in the veintena of Tecuilhuitontli in Tenochtitlan/Tlatelolco, dedicated to Huixtocihuatl, the sacrificial victims are called Huixtotin,- they wore headpieces featuring upright eagle claws (see Caso 1927: 21-23). As Seler (1902-1923, II: 480) noted, in theCod ex Vati canus A the fifth of the thirteen celestial tiers is labeled ylhuicat l hu ix tu t l a (Ilhuicatl Huixtotlan). In the 1566 Latin letter to Philip II of Pablo Nazareo (Zimm ermann 1970: 2 3-31 ), co lonial cacique of Xaltocan, the "v ixtocanoru m" (Sp. "vixtocanos" [Huixtocanos]) are included in a listing of sequent peoples who ruled the area in pre-Toltec times. It is possible that Huixtocihuatl was connected with this closer-to-home lacustrine group in the northern Basin of Mexico rather than with the much more distant Gulf Coast people with a similar name. In any case, as the elder sister of the rain deities, the Tlaloque, she overlapped in function with the water goddess, Chalchiuhtlicue, and was the special patroness of those who prepared and traded in salt, the Iztachiuhque (Sahagún 1970: 91-95).

71. Coatlicue: "Snake(s)-Her-Skirt." The illustration also labels heryztac ciuat l (Iztac Cihuatl), "White Woman." A significant member of the important complex of earth/fertility goddesses, Coatlicue was also the name borne by the mother of Huitzilopochtli in the myth of his birth (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part IV [Book 3]: 1-5). According to Sahagún (1981: 57; 1975: 1 04; 1988: 112), as the patroness of the "barr io" of Coatlan, she was also known as Coatlantonan, "Our Mother of Coatlan (Place of the Serpent)," and was propitiated by "estos maestros de hacer flores" during theveintena of Tozoztontli. Two "barrios" of Coatlan are documented, one in the Aztacoalco (northeast) quarter of Tenochtitlan, the other in Tlatelolco (Caso 1956: 26, 39 -40 , Plano 2). . . . . . . . .

Yxaval ticatl,quauhtzontli yn contlaliticacyvipil yztac,yn icue coatl.ytzitzil.ycac yztacyn ichim al quapachiuhqujycoatopil

Her small bells.Her sandals.Her shield is covered with eagle feathers.Her batten.69

The Array of Hu ixtocihu atl70

Her facial paint is yellow.Her paper crown has a quetzal feather crest.Her gold ear plugs.Her shift has the water design.Her skirt has the water design.Her small bells.Her sandals.Her shield has the water lily design.In her hand is her reed staff.



amimitl inechichiuh, The Array of Am im itl72

yxaval tigatl,y yamanacochytzoncuetlax.yquetzaltemal.motigavavanticac.y yamaneapanal. ,ytzitzilycacymatlavacalytzivactlacuch yn imac icac.

Tomjauhtecuhtlj inechichiuh.

mogaticac mixchiaviticac.

y yamacal

y yaztatzon quetzalmiavayo.

y yamaneapanal.y yamamaxtlj,ytzitzil.ycac iztac.y yatlacueijonáchimal.y yoztopil yn imac icac.

His facial paint is chalk.His paper ear plugs.His headdress of leather thongs.His queztal feather tuft.He is painted with [vertical] stripes of chalk.His paper stole.His sm all bells.His sandals.His net carrier.In his hand is his cactus spear.

The Array of Tom iyauhtecuhtli73

He is painted [black]. On his face is [around patch with b lack spots like] ch ia seeds.

His paper crown.

His heron feather crest has a quetzalfeather crest.

His paper stole.His paper breechcloth.His small bells.His sandals are white.His shield with the water lily design.In his hand is his reed staff.

[fol. 265r]

atlava inechichiuh.

motenchichillo

Th e Array of Atlahua74

His lips are painted red.

72. Amimitl: "Hunting Arrow." As Seler (1902-1923, II: 483) noted, this deity displays various insignia (white striping on arms and legs) and accou terments (netted pouch, matlahuacal l i , and cactus-spine spear, tzihuac tl acochtl i ) that relate him to the major hunting/stellar "Ch ichim ec" deity, Mixco atl/Cam axtli, and to Otontecuhtli, the special patron of the Otomi, who, in some contexts, were considered to be Chichimeca. Amimitl, together with Atlahua (see note 74, this paragraph), was a god of special importance in Cuitlahuac and in general among the Chinampaneca of the freshwater lacustrine zone of the southern Basin of Mexico (e.g., Sahagún 1970: 79;Hi storia de los M exicanos por Sus Pin turas 1891: 239). Sahagún (1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 195) also assigns the name Amimitl to the ancestral ruler of the Tarascans (Purepecha) of Michoacan.

73. Tomjauhtecuhtlj (Tomiyauhtecuhtli): "Our Maize Tassel Lord." As is evident from his insignia and apparel, this

deity was another of the rain/fertility gods, the Tlaloque. Seler (1902-1923, H: 483) speculated that, as in the case of others of the Tlaloque (cf. Yauhqueme, note 58, this paragraph), a mountain also bore the name of this deity, most likely—judging from its position here between two Chinampaneca deities—in the neighborhood of lakes Chaleo and Xochimilco. In the previous paragraph, the inclusion of the priestly title "Ometochtli Tomiyauh" indicates, as pointed out in Note 33 to that paragraph, that Tomiyauhtecuhtli and other rain/mountain deities were merged with the octli gods (cf. Nicholson 1991).

74. Atlava (Atlahua): "Lord (Possessor) of the Spear-thrower(atlatl)." Seler (1902-1923, II: 485, 1090) provided this etymology but also suggested another possibility, "Lord of the Water's Edge." Garihay (1958: 213) preferred the first version but also recognized the possibility of "dueño del agua," in which he was followed by León-Portilla (1958: 141). As indicated in note 72, this paragraph, Sahagún specified that this god, together with Amimitl, was a particular deity of

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y yaztaxexel, quetzalmiavaio.

ymecaayauh, tenchilnavaio.

ychipulcozquiytzitzil yyztaccac.yn ichimal amapaio.

y centlapal imaquicac, itlachiaya.

Vtlamaxac manca civapipiltimotenevaia, yn inech ichiuh

m i x ticaui ti mancainteteucuitlanacochypiloio in iuipiltlalpipitzauac in incueipan i quimocuetiaia tlaitzcopintli in amatl

ym iyztaccac.

Xuchipilli, in inechichiuh.

motlauiticacychoquizxaual eticacytlauhquecholtzoncal eticac

ychalchiuhtenteuh eticacychalchiuhcozqui eticacy yamaneapanal ymapancaytentlapal ic motzinilpiticac

ytzitzil, yxuchicac,

His double heron feather headdress has aquetzal feather crest.

His thin , net maguey cape has a red borderof rings.

His necklace of snail shells.His sm all bells; his wh ite sandals.His shield has paper flags [along the bottom].

In his other hand is his viewer.

The Array of Those Called Cihuapipiltin ,90

Who Hover Over the Crossroads

Their faces are painted with chalk .91

Th eir gold ear plugs.Their shifts have fringes.Their skirts have thin black lines.On these were [banks of] paper painted

with obsidian points .92

Their white sandals.

The Array of Xochipilli 93

[His face] is painted with red ochre.His is the teardrop facial paint.His is the headdress of roseate spoonbill

feathers.His is the green stone labret.His is the green stone necklace.His paper stole,- his armlet.His red-bordered cloth is bound around his

loins.His small bells; his sandals with a flowerdesign.

90. Civapipil t i (Cihuapipiltin): "Noblewomen." These were the souls of the deified women, also known as Cihu- ateteo, "Goddesses," and Mocihuaquetzque, "Those Who Arose as Women," who died in first childbirth (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part V [Book 4]; 41-42, Part VII [Book 6]: 161-165; 1970: 19; 1988,1: 42, 247-248, 409-413). They were the female counterparts of the warriors who had died in battle or on the stone of sacrifice. They daily transported the sun from the zenith—to where it had been carried by the souls of the slain warriors who dwelled in the east—to its setting in the west, their abode [Cihuatlampa, "The Place of Women"). They were much feared, for on the days that initiated the five trecenas of the 260-day divinatory cycle, thetonalpohualli, assigned to the west (1 Mazatl, 1 Quiahuitl, 1Ozomatli, 1 Calli, 1 Cuauhtli), they hovered over the crossroads and inflicted diseases and deformities on children.

91. Readmixticauit imanca.92. Tlaitzcopintl i : These V-shaped black markings, compared to obsidian points, commonly decorate bark paper at

tachments to items of costume and accouterments of the earth/fertility deities (discussion in Seler 1900-1901: 69; Nicholson 1967a: 87).

93. Xuchipilli (Xochipilli): "Flower-Prince (= Nobleman)." This deity overlapped with and complemented Macuilxochitl and other members of the Macuiltonaleque (see note 43, this paragraph). Although other items of Xochipilli's costume and insignia are somewhat distinct from those characteristic of Macuilxochitl, both deities carry the diagnostic yolotopil l i , the heart-staff.

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Chapter I:Rituals

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quetzalmiavaio y yamatlaque y yoztopilymac ycac:

Çan no iuhqui yn iztac tepetl yn inechichiuh ym oltica tlacu iloli yn itlanque in-iquim omexti.

Jnic etet l m atlalqueie texu tica t lacuilo li initlaque yn iamacal.

Jnic naui chalchiuht li icu e ça no iuhq' initlaque yn i yamacal yn texuctica tlacuiloliyn itlatlatqui yn vmenti

Auh inic quintlaliaia y. tlalchipa itztoca:auh teixnamictoca inic macuiltetl, quitocai-otiaia quetacoatl yn inechichiuh mecaichi-uhtica y yecaxochiuh contlalitica yn imacaltliltic quetzalmiyava yn itlaque yn itlaqueoltica tlacuiloli tlayavaliuhcatectli ça noiuhq' yn imac icac quitoaia ichiquacol.

O ca iuhquin i ynic quinchichivaia ypampamitoaia tlaloque intech tlamiloya yehoanquichiva in quiavitl.

amaranth seed dough; it had its paper crown,its paper locks on the nape of the neck, thequetzal feather plum es [on top of the crown],its paper vestments, [and], in its hand, itsreed staff.

The array of Iztac Tepetl was the same.The vestments of both were painted withrubber.

The third [figure] was Matlalcueye. Hervestments 101 and her paper crown werepainted blue.

The fourth was Chalchiuhtli Icue. Hervestments and paper crown [were painted]the same [color]; the vestments of both werepainted blue.

They were placed on the ground, the one following the other in a row, and they were facingthe fifth [figure] which they called Quetzal-coatl .102 His array,- his face was painted withthe wind design. [On his head] he had placedhis wind flowers [and] his black paper crownwith the quetzal feather crest. His vestmentswere painted with rubber. [The base of the figure] was cut round, as was [the base of] whatthey called his crook, which was in his hand.

In this manner they were fashioned. Theywere called Tlalocs [gods of rain] because ofthem it was supposed that they made rain.

[fol. 267v]

[2 sketches, no text]

PA RA G RA PH 5 B: ILLU STRATIO N S [fol. 261r]

HuitzilopochtliPainalTezcatlipoca

Ifol. 261 vl

QuetzalcoatlTotochtinTlaloc

quetzalcoatl.totochtin.Tlalloc.

vitzilopuchtli.Paynal.Tezcatlipuca.

101. Itlaque: Read itlaquen.114 102. Quefalcoatl: Read Quetzalcoatl.



[fol. 266r]

Chapter I:Rituals

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11 6

tlacochcalco yautlvtlamaxac çivapiplti maneaxuchipilli

Tlacochcalco YaotlThe Cihuapipiltin who gathered at cross

roadsXochipilli

[fol. 266v]

chanticochalmecaçiuatlomacatl

ChanticoChalmecacihuatlOmacatl

[fol. 267r]

Tepictotö. Tepictoton

PA R A G R A P H[fol. 268r]

}nic. vi. parrapho. ipan mitoa in quezqui tla-mantlj tlatquitl, yn vncä monenequia tla-catecolocalco.

TechcatlTecpatlTlemaytl.Amati.Copalli.

Mumuztli.Vitztli.ytztli.tlequa.vitlTeuquavitl.Acxuyatl.TzitzicaztliVmitl.Ilol l iyyaqualli

Sixth paragraph , 1 in which are named someof the properties that were required in thedevils' houses .2

Sacrificial stone.Flint knives.Incense ladles.[Ritual] papers.Copal (incense).

Platform altars.Thorns.Obsidian knives.Firewood.Ritual firewood.Fir branches [A bies rel igiosa).Nettles (Japt i opha mens).Bones.Rubber.Tobacco pellets .3 ,

1. Over the Náhuatl title, Sahagún wrote: Capi tul o. 9. de los or na mét os o atav íos de los di oses, "Chapter 9, of the ornaments or array of the gods." Although this annotation obviously related to the organization of Sahagún's final His toria, th is paragraph is not included in any extan t version of it.

2. According to Sahagún (1975: 234; 1988, II: 247], in the Spanish versions of Book 4 of theHi storia, tlacatecolotl "propiamente quiere decir nigromántico o brujo. Impropiamente se usa por diablo." In the Nahuatl version (Sahagún 1950 -198 2, Part V [Book 4]: 41), the word is also translated by the Spanish worddiablo. Tlacatecolot l, "man-owl," was frequently employed in colonial sources for both the Christian devil and the native deities.

3. Sahagún (1975: 114; 1988,1: 124-125), in the Spanish version of Book 2 of theHistoria, described this item, which was carried by the priests in “talegas" (yiequachtli), as "una manera de harina, hecha a la manera de estiercol de



TecciztliCopalxicalliPucolcactliyyequachtli.Xiculli.yyetecumatl.Papalotilmatlidecaoallayatl

Tlamecayutl

PA R A G R A P H 7 [fol. 268v|

)n ic vij. parrapho ipan moteneoa in tlein ito- Se ve nt h paragraph, in which are told whattoca catca, y gegecni tlacatecvloca lco. were the names of the diverse houses of the

devil .1

ratones, que ellos llaman yiaqual l i , que era conficionada con tinta y con polvos de una yerba que ellos llaman yietl, que es como beleños de Castilla." Yietl (yeti ) was tobacco.

4. PuQolcactli: See note 22, Paragraph 5A. -5. Yequachtli: See note 3, this paragraph.6. Xicu l l i : See note 32, Paragraph 2A. ■ 17 Papalot i lmatl i : See note 33, Paragraph 2A. / 8. The translation is problematic.1. Over the Nahuatl title, Sahagún wrote: Capit ulo . 10. de los edi fi cios de lo s templ os, "Chapter 10, of the edifices

of the temp les." Th is paragraph does not appear in any extant version of the later Historia.This well-known diagram of a ceremo nial precinct and its "legend " were first published (as an uncolored line draw

ing) and interpreted by Eduard Seler (1900: 114-126; slightly modified version, 1902-1923, II: 770-782; English translation: Seler 1990 -199 3, III: 115 -117). He assumed tha t the diagram constituted a simplified plan of the ceremon ial center of Mexico Tenochtitlan and interpreted it with the aid of various primary e thnohistorical sou rces— especially those of Sahagún, Durán, and Alvarado Tezozomoc—that contain descriptions of the structures of this sacred precinct. He attempted to connect each Nahuatl term of the legend with an appropriate feature on the plan.

It must be recognized, however, that the Primeros M emoria les were compiled in Tepepolco. The diagram is not labeled as to place. It seems possible that Sahagún's Tepepolco informants supplied him with a plan of the main ceremonial center of their community, copying it from— or at least basing it on—an earlier plan, conceivably even pre- Hispanic. Alternatively, it m ight have been a reconstruction from memory.

Virtually all later students have agreed with Seler's assignment of the plan to the M exica imperial capital. Sahagún was aided in Tepepolco by his four trilingual assistants, who stemmed from communities in the vicinity of Tenochtitlan, including Tlatelolco. Because of the preeminence of Tenochtitlan's ceremon ial center, one or more of the a ssistants, even if they were not specifically Tenochca, could conceivably have reconstructed some version of it from memory for the Franciscan friar. As indicated, the information contained in Paragraphs 3 and 4 of this chapter, or at least substantial portions of it, seems to relate to the M exica capital.

The problem is further complicated by Sahagún's itemization of no less than seventy-eight structures and other fea

tures that clearly were located within the principal ceremonial center of Tenochtitlan. It is known from a statement of Sahagún's quoted by Torquemada (1975-1983,1: 219) that a pictorialization of Tenochtitlan's sacred enclosure was prepared for him and later sent to Spain. The list of seventy-eight structures added to Book 2 of the Historia as an appendix (Sahagún 1975: 158-164; 1981: 175-193; 1988,1: 181-189) was almost certainly the legend of this plan. It indicates— and this is also clear from other sources—that Tenochtitlan's ceremonial center contained far more structures than those featured in the Primeros M emori ales diagram.

Although the key accou nt (Durán 1 96 71: 21) is somewhat ambiguous, there may have been an inner walled precinct enclosing the Templo Mayor of Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc and adjacent lesser structures. It has been suggested (Nicholson 1971: 438; 1987: 439) that thePrimeros Memorial es plan possibly depicts this patio particular, as Durán

Conch shells.Incense gourds.Foam sandals .4

Tobacco pouches .5

Sleeveless tunics .6

Tobacco vessels.Capes with the butterfly design .7

Maguey fiber capes with the fire spiderweb design .8

Cords. ;

Paragraph7

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íChapter I:

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called it, of Tenochtitlan's main pyramid temple rather than constituting a simplified version of the entire sacred enclosure. Various of the structures pictured in the Pri meros M emori al es diagram do correlate with those listed in the Historia's appendix to Book 2. And some are located in the correct positions relative to each other as known from accounts, particularly those of Sahagún and Durán, of certain of the major rituals performed in Tenochtitlan. That in the diagram the enclosing wall displays only three entrances might favor this interpretation, since it is well established that the wall surrounding the entire Tenochtitlan Templo Mayor precinct was pierced by four openings (see Caso 1956: 44).

On fol. 42r of the Codex Aubi n (1981: 256), a colonial pictorial Mexica history with Nahuatl text, there is a depiction of the Tenochtitlan Templo Mayor illustrating Pedro de Alvarado's massacre of the Mexica nobility during the Tox- catl ceremony in late May, 1520. It shows only the four-staged pyramid temple with the twin shrines of Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc, fronted by a walled patio similar in configuration to that in Durán's ¡196^ I: Lám. 4) illustration of this temple. Aside from a musician beating an upright drum and a Mexica warrior combating an armed Spaniard, nothing else is included within the sacred enclosure, which is surrounded by a massive wall with four gates. This Codex Aubi n diagram might provide additional support for the existence of a walled patio par t icular for the main Tenochtitlan temple. However, it has usually been interpreted as another representation of the entire Templo Mayor enclosure of Tenochtitlan, m uch more simplified than even the Primeros Memorial es diagram.

Unfortunately, the archaeological evidence now available from the 1968 -1969 Mexico C ity Metro and the 1975-1976 Catedral Metropolitano/Sagrario salvage projects (Vega Sosa 1979) and the 1978-1982 Proyecto Templo Mayor (Matos Moctezuma 1982, 1988) is of little aid in relation to this problem. The excavated structures surrounding the Templo Mayor proper (see Vega Sosa 1979: 50; Matos Moctezuma 1988: 66) do not correlate well with those pictured in thePri

meros M emoria les diagram. However, those closest to the pyramid temple appear to belong to a construction stage (VI) earlier than those of the stage (VII) encountered by Cortés (and destroyed in the wake of the Conquest). Thus, they may not be relevant to the problem.

The Templos Mayores of at least two other major communities in the Basin of Mexico—Tlatelolco, Tenochtitlan's twin city, and Tetzcoco, her chief partner in imperialism—also featured pyramid temples with twin shrines dedicated to Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc (see Nicholson 1987: 477-479). Little is known otherwise of their ceremonial precincts. It is conceivable that the Primeros Memorial es diagram represents the main sacred enclosure of one of these communities. Martin Jacobita, one of Sahagún's trilingual assistants, was from Tlatelolco, while Tepepolco had close political and cultural ties with Tetzcoco, capital of the province of Acolhuacan, to which Tepepolco belonged. However, neither seems very likely. Regarding Tlatelolco, apart from its principal pyramid temple, the ethnohistorical sources provide almost no information concerning the other structures in its ceremonial precinct—and the archaeological evidence (e.g., plan of the excavated structures in González Rui 1964; Dennis 1988: fig. 4; Matos Moctezuma 1989: fig. 112), appears to provide no support for this assignment. No archaeological data are available for Tetzcoco's main ceremonial center, now buried under the modern comm unity of Texcoco.

Returning to the Tepepolco hypothesis, it would appear that it can be seriously entertained, but various problems with it must be recognized. That its Templo Mayor should be dedicated to the particular patron god of the Mexica, Huitzilopochtli (along with the preeminent, fertility deity, Tlaloc),. might not be considered so anomalous, since the chief temple of Tetzcoco, the capital of Acolhuacan, was also dedicated to these two deities. Tepepolco possibly rendered at least part of its tribute to Mexico Tenochtitlan, and the Huitzilopochtli cult had spread widely in the wake of the Triple Alliance conquests, led by the Mexica. In any case, Mexica cultural influence appears to have been quite strong in Tepepolco, particularly in the religious-ritual sphere (see Nicholson 1974).

The absence of pyramid temples dedicated to other deities, with the exception of Xipe Totee and probably Cihua- coatl, within the enclosure of the Pri meros M emori al es diagram might also appear to militate against its acceptance as an illustration of Tepepolco's ceremonial center. This relatively large community must have possessed numerous other temples to different deities. Perhaps the diagram, instead of representing the patio par t icular of the Huitzilo- pochtli/Tlaloc pyramid temple of Tenochtitlan, represented instead an equivalent compound in Tepepolco (at least partly modeled on that of Tenochtitlan?). Tepepolco's other temples might have occupied other locations within the

larger overall ceremonial center, or they might have been dispersed throughout the community, or both. Of course, the possibility that the diagram represents just a substantially simplified version of Tepepolco's main ceremonial center must also be considered.

Another possible point in favor of the Tepepolco hypothesis is the lack of stages on the main pyramid temple of the Primeros M emori ales diagram. It is well established that the Tenochtitlan Templo Mayor (and its replications in Tlatelolco and Tetzcoco) rose in four stages, and most of the native-style representations of the structure display this feature. However, none of the other pyramid temples included in the Pri meros M emori al es plan is portrayed with stages, so probably not too much should be made of this. The artist may just have preferred a more streamlined and less literal mode of depicting all of these structures.

Finally, it must also be recognized that this diagram could be interpreted as merely a confection, an idealized and



Chapter I:Rituals

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120

MacuilcuetzpalliMacuilcalli.ytvallicovatenamitl.Teuquiyaoatl. yc excä callacovaya

Five Lizard .9

Five House.Courtyard.Wall of snakes .10

Sacred portals; entryways in three places.

PA R A G R A P H 8 [fol. 269v]

*

^Jnic. vijj. parrapho, in quezqui tlamantli inintetlavelil, in tetev.

E ig h th paragraph: of some of the god'swrath [directed at] people . 1

PA R A G R A P H 9 [fol. 270r]

Jinic ix. parrapho ipâ moteneva in intotocateteuatzitzl.

Mexical teuatzin,Mexjco teveltzin.Mexico totecquacuiltzin.Mexico, tlamazvevetzin.Totee tlamacazquj mexjco,

T^inth paragraph, in which are noted thenames of the god-keepers .1

Mexica god-keeper .2

Elder sister in Mexico.Our lord the tonsured one in Mexico.Old offering priest in Mexico.Our lord offering priest in Mexico.

the presence of this struc ture within the sacred enclosure— an explanation that might invoke Colhuaque migratory movements into Acolhuacan, as documented in various ethnohistorical sources (Nicholson 1974: 174-175).

9. Macuilcuetzpall i ¡5 Cuetzpallin [Lizard]),M acuilca ll i (5 Calli [House]): These were two of the Macuiltonaleque, the youthful solar deities of sensual and esthetic pursuits headed by Macuilxochitl/Xochipilli (see notes 43 and 84, Paragraph 5A). Each holds aloft theyolotopil l i , the "heart-s taff," a prime diagnostic of these deities. Seler interpreted these figures as representing the two stone images that, according to Duran (196^ I: 21, Lam. 4), were positioned at the heads of the ramps flanking the stairways of the Tenochtitlan Tem'plo Mayor and served as "standard bearers" supporting wood poles tipped with banners connoting different ceremonies. He cited the well-known “Indio Tiiste ” image in the collection of the Mexican National Museum (Seler 1902-1923, II: 813 [Abb. 14]) as possibly one of these figures (similar, better-carved but less well-preserved images have since been discovered in Mexico City). The seemingly exaggerated emphasis given to these figures in the diagram is somewhat puzzling, but Seler's interpretation—which appears to apply as well to the Tepepolco Templo Mayor—has been generally accepted.

10. Duran (1967 £ 2,1, Lam. 4) designated the wall of thepatio par t icular of the Tenochtitlan Huitzilopochtli/Tlaloc pyramid temple as the coatepantli, "que toda ella era de piedras grandes, labradas como culebras, asidas las unas de las otras." His illustration depicts it as a wall, not enclosing the temple but surrounding a patio fronting it, composed of a connected series of snake heads. That the legend for the Prim eios M emoi ial es diagram designates its enclosure wall with virtually the same term as that given by Duran for the wall surrounding the patio of the Tenochtitlan Templo

Mayor has undoubtedly reinforced the traditional view that this diagram should be assigned to the Mexica capital.1. There is only the heading for this paragraph. No text was added.1. Below the heading, Sahagun wrote "ojo." This brief paragraph does not appear in any extant version of the later

Historia.2. All of these priestly titles contain the word Mexico (or, in one case, a variant form, Mexical). The most obvious in

terpretation is that these titles designated priests of the Mexica twin c ities, Tenochtit lan and/or Tlatelolco. As mentioned earlier, there are various indications that the priestly titles of Paragraph 4 pertain to the Mexica. The only Mexicatl known to have been assisting Sahagun during this period, Martin Jacobita, from Tlatelolco, might have been responsible for this paragraph. However, in view of the Tepepolco origin of the Primeios Memoii ales, these titles conceivably could have been borne by priests of this Acolhuaque community who were particularly involved with the religious-ritual system most as-

. ............ . ............



PAR AGR AP H 10 [fol. 270v]

Jn ic . x. parrapho ypan moteneoa in tlein intech tlamjloya teteo.

Vitzilopochtlj

Tenemjtia.Tetlamachtia.Tecuiltonoa.Tetlatocatilja.Tetlauelia.Temjctia.

Tezcatlipoca

Tlayocuya. i. Teyocuya.Teyavchjoa.

T la l lo c .

Qujavy.Tlatlatzinja. V-Tlavitequj

Quetzalcoatl.

Ehecca

hecamalacutl quichivaTlapitzaTlamamally.

/chicomecoatl.

Tlaixvaltia -

C e n th paragraph, in which are named whatwere attributed to the gods . 1

Huitzilopochtli

He nourishes people.He makes people rich.He makes people wealthy.He makes people rulers.He is w rathful with people.He kills people.

Tezcatlipoca 2

He creates things; that [is], he creates people.He makes war on people.

Tlaloc

He rains.He thunders.He s trikes [with lightning].

Quetzalcoatl

He blows the[winds].

He makes whirlwinds.[As if they were gold] he casts things.[As if they were green stones] he perforates

things.

Chicomecoatl

She makes things sprout.

sociated with the Mexica. The latter obviously enjoyed great power and influence in this region and might have imposed the c ult of their particular patron god, Huitzilopochtli, and other deities, such as Painal, c losely associated with him.

1. Below this heading, Sahagun wrote: Capit ul o. 11. de los eff ect os q ati ib uy a a cada vn o de los dioses, "Chapter11, of the effects th at (they) attribute to each one of the gods." This paragraph does not appear in any extant version of the later Histor ia . This listing of single-term attributes of twenty-three named deities and/or their aspects (all included in Paragraph 5A) is unique in the ethnohistorical corpus of late pre-Hispanic Central Mexico. Most of them appear to be appropriate to what is known about the deities' basic functions and jurisdictions.

2. The contrastive dualistic nature of Tezcatlipoca, the Shiva-like creator and destroyer, is forcibly conveyed by the terms applied to him here. They clearly express the opposing thrusts of the supernatural personality of this omnipotent supreme god of the late pre-Hispanic Central Mexican pantheon. This same contrastive dualism, as the terms applied to him in the preceding entry indicate, was also inherent in the supernatural personality of Huitzilopochtli, the special patron deity of the Mexica, who was merged conceptually and iconographically with Tezcatlipoca.

Paragraph10

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Chapter I:Rituals

and Gods

12 2

Tlatzmolinaltia.Tlapia.

Oxitl.

tzapotlatena.

Atlava

/eztlj /

Cyvateteo

/tetlaximaliztlj /

‘ ixcocauhqui, xiuhtecutlj

Tied.

Xillone

/xilotl.

painaltzi

iteyacäcauh vitzilopochtlj

tezcatzoncatl.

Octlj /

ide

yyauhtencatl

yyauhqueme

She makes things green.She preserves things.

Turpentine.

Zapotlantenan 3

Atlahua

Blood .4

[fol. 271r]

Cihuateteo 5

Adultery.

Fire.

Ixcozauhqui, Xiuhtecuhtli

Xilonen

Young, green ear of corn

Painal tzin

Huitzilopochtli's administrator.

Tezcatzoncatl

Pulque.

The same.

Yauhtecatl

Yauhqueme

Octlj Pulque.

3. In the entry on this goddess in Paragraph 5A, she is explicitly credited with the invention of oxit l , turpentine.4. The precise significance of this attribute of Atlahua, a deity of the Chinampaneca area of the southern Basin of

Mexico, above all, Cuitlahuac ¡see note 74, Paragraph 5A1, is somewhat obscure. Seler (1902-1923, II: 486) first suggested that it indicated that Atlahua w'as considered to be a "Kriegsgott," comparable to Huitzilopochtli. Later, Seler (190 2-192 3, II: 1090! advanced the notion tha t it might refer to the diseases ascribed to this deity (Sahagun 1970 : 79)— along with Amim itl—which included the voiding of blood and bloody excremen t.

5. The Cihuateteo (Cihuapipiltin,- see Paragraph 5A), the malevolent spirits of women who died in childbirth, besides posing a great danger to children instigated sinful, lascivious behavior, including adultery (discussion in Seler 1963, II: 973!.



Octlj

acalhva.

tomjyauhtecutlj

Pulque. .

Acalhua

Tomiyauhtecuhtli

Octlj Pulque. ■■ /

quatlapanquj Cuatlapanqui

Octlj ; ; v ; * Pulque.

tlilhoa Tlilhua

Octlj - Pulque.

om etoc htlj. : Ome Tochtli -

Octlj. Pulque. " -/ /: -

. . - . Cyvacovatl v r - > . . Cihuacoatl

ynatzi teteu Mo ther of the gods.

teteu yna Teteoinn an

ide - ~- The same.

yztac civatl. Iztaccihuatl

ide Th e same. -

Otontecutli Otontecuhtli 6

tlatequjliztlj, teocujtlapitzaliztlj Gemstone cutting.Goldcasting.

PAR AGR AP H 11 [fol. 271 v|

♦

}n ic. xj. parrapho ipan moteneoa in quenjn E lev en th paragraph, in which it is told howtlayeco ltiloya tonatiuh ioa quezquipa in the sun was served, and how many times thetlapitzaloya in cem jlhu itl in ceyoual, ioa trumpets were sounded during the day [and]quezquipa in tlenamacoya ioa negavaloya.

6. This ascr iption of the lapidary and goldcasting crafts to Otontecuhtl i, the patron deity of the Otomian speakers (see Paragraph 5A), might be connected to the reputed role of Azcapotzalco, the capital of the Tepaneca, who had intimate Otomian ties, as a major metallurgical and lapidary center (Diaz del Castillo 1960: 157; cf. Seler 1902-1923, II: 451).

Paragraph11

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Chapter I:Rituals

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124

Yn momoztlae ynie valquica tonatiuh tla-cotonaloya ioá tlenamacoya, Auh in ic tlaco-tonaloya, quiquechcotonaya y collj coniyavi-liaya yn tonatiuh, ioá quitlapaloaya, quitoaya

Oquicaco in tonatiuh, yn totonametl, xiuh-piltontlj, y quauhtleuanjtl; auh qué onotlato-caz, qué cemilhuitiz, cuix itla ipá mochivaz.y ycuitlapil, yn iatlapal,

Conilhuiaya ma ximotequitillj, ma ximot-lacotillj totecujoe. Auh ynin momoztlae yniquac valquicaya tonatiuh mitoaya.

Auh inic tlenamacoya, nappa yn cemil-huitl, auh macuilpa yn yoaltica, Jnic ceppayquac yn valmomana tonatiuh. Auh ynicoppa iquac yn tlaqualizpa: auh in ic expa iquacynepantla tonatiuh. auh inic napa iquac y yeoncallaqui tonatiuh.

Auh yn yoaltica ynic tlenamacoya Jniccepa tlapoyava ynjc oppa netetequizpá. Ynjcexpa tlatlapitzalizpá, Auh injc nappa ticatla,Auh in jc macuilpa tlatvinavac,

Auh in iquac tlapoyava tlenamacoya, tla-

paloloya yn yoallj mitoaya. Ovalcouh y yoal-tecutlj, y yacaviztlj, auh qué ovetziz yn jte-quiuh

Auh in ilhuiuh quicaya ipá cemilhuito-nally navi oily, matlacpoallj omey yea, Auh yniquac ye onaci ilhuiuh necavaloya, navi il-huitl: tlacatlaqualoya.

the night; also how many times incense wasoffered and fasting was observed .1

Each day when the sun came out, quailwere sacrificed and incense was offered. Andwhen the quail were sacrificed, they cut offtheir heads [and] held them up in offering to

the sun. And they greeted him; they said:"The sun, the resplendent one, the preciouschild, the eagle ascendant, has risen! Buthow will he travel his course? How will theday be? Will something befall his commonfolk?"

They said to him: "Our lord, may youlabor, may you toil!" And this was said dailywhen the sun rose.

And thus was incense offered: It was fourtimes during the day and five times duringthe night. The first time was when the sunappeared; and the second time was when itwas time to eat; and the third time was atmidday,- and the fourth time was when thesun went in.

And during the night, incense was offeredin this way: The first time was when it wasbecoming dark; the second was at bedtime;the third was at the sounding of the trumpets; and the fourth was at midnight; and thefifth was near daybreak.

And when it becam e dark, incense was of

fered: The night was greeted. It was said:"The Lord of the Night ,2 the Sharp-nosedOne, ■has unfolded himself. What wi ll h iswork bring ?"

And his festival fell 3 on the day Four Movement, every two hundred and [sixty] days .4

When the day arrived, there was fasting; forfour days there was abstention from eating.

1. Above this heading, Sahagún wrote: Capi tu l o. 12. d el t añer y q uát as v ezes t anj a en el t empl o ent re no che y día: q era como t añer a l as hor as, "Chapter 12, of the blowing (of trumpets) and how many times they blew (them) in the

temple during the night and the day: how they blew (the trumpets) at (certain) hours." The paragraph was included, with a slightly truncated title, as the n inth section in the Appendix to Book 2 of the Histor ia (Sahagún 1975: 171; 1981: 216-217; 1988,1: 196-1971.

2. In the Spanish versions, the ceremony is called "l a fiesta deste Yoaltecutli," This was certainly incorrect; Yohual- tecuhtli, "Night Lord," was identified by Sahagún (1950-1982, Part VIII [Book 7]: 60) with a star, apparently Castor. The tonalpohualli-geamd ceremony of 4 Ollin (Movement), celebrated every 260 days, was the major ritual dedicated to the solar deity, Tonatiuh. See Nicholson 1993: 10.

3. Read quicaya.4. M atl acpoallj omey yea is read matlacpohuall i omeipohualt i ca , to conform to the requisite 260-day length of the

divinatory cycle, the tonalpohualli.



Auh yn ipá cemilhuitonallj y oacicylhuiuh, ynepátla tonatiuh tlapitzaloya, tla-coquixtiloya: auh yn pipiltzitzinti cocolcoonoq, quinacaztequia: auh mochi tlacatlmigoya. Auh atle ic tlapaloloya, £ an jxquichy negogovaya, tlacoquixtiloya, tlena-

And at the time of the day [Four Movement], when the day of [the festival] arrived, atmidday, the shell trumpets were sounded.Twigs were passed through the flesh, and theymade cuts on the ear [lobes] of the infants inthe cradle, and everyone drew blood fromhimself. And they said nothing to each otherin greeting. On the part of everyone, of everybody, there was drawing of blood from oneself,the passing of twigs through one's flesh,

[fol. 272r]

macoya mochi tlacatl ayac ixcauhticatca,Auh in vncan catca yxiptla, yeuatl yn

motenevaya quauhxicallj: vncá moquetzayayn ixiptla, ynic miCuiloaya y yxiptla yuh-quin tlacaxayaq ytonameyo ytech quiztoya,

itonatiuhtlatquj, yavaltic, vey, yvitica tlatza-quallj, tlauhquechol injc tlatzaquallj. oncáixpá mochivaya negoliztlj, in tlacoquixti-liztlj: yn tlamanaliztlj; in tlacotonaliztlj.

Auh yn ilhuiuh ipá no miequienti miquiamamalti, auh no mitoaya yn oyaomjc. tonatiuh ychá via, ytla nemj in tonatiuh.

PAR AGR AP H 12 [fol. 272v|

Jn ic xij. parrapho. ipan m jto a yn quezqui tla- O w elf th paragraph, in wh ich are told somemantlj, yn vncan mochivaya tlatlatequipano- of the tasks performed in the devils' hou ses .1

liztl j y vnca tlacatecolocalco. ;

Tlaca zcaltiliz tlj Th e Rearing of People

Jn teizta ltiaia tlenamacac inmac cocaoaia in Fire priests instructed [young] people; [then]

tlamacazque y tlavitequini in tlapiani. they put them in the hands of offering priests,those who punished, th ose who guarded.

5. The Spanish versions position the image of the sun "en un cu que se llamaba Quauhxicalco." Into, or on, the cuauhxicall i , "eagle vessel," were deposited the hearts of sacrificed victims. See Seler 19 02-1 923, H: 704- 716 .

1. Below this heading, Sahagún wrote: Capít ul o 13 de los exerci cios o t rabajos q avi a en el t empl o. "Chapter 13, of the exercises or works that there were (i.e., took place) in the temple." This paragraph was included, with a somewhat distinct title, in the later Historia as the tenth section of the Appendix to Book 2 (Sahagún 1975:172; 1981:218-219; 1988: 198-199).

and the offering of incense,- no one was remiss.And the image of [the sun] was there at the

place called Quauhxicalli ;5 there his imagestood. His image was painted in this manner:It had what was like a human face; his rays

emanated from it. His sun-adornment wasround, large; he was covered with feathers,covered with roseate spoonbill feathers.There, before him, were performed the drawing of blood, th e passing of twigs through theflesh, the setting down of offerings, and thedecapitation of birds.

And at the time of his festival, also, manycaptives died. And also it was said that hewho died in battle went to the home of thesun, that he lived near the sun.

Paragraph12

125



tlilpatlaliztlj The Preparation of the Black Stain

Jn tli lpatlaliz tli , ieh oantin intequiuh catca intlamacazcatepitzitzin in quipatlaia mochitlacatl ic moçaia, vel moçemaquiaia inicmoçaia acan mocaoaia

aun in quipatlaja vncan in tlillacalco, auhin tlilpatlaloia gan ioaltica, auh in neoçaloiaycoac in tlavizcalli ehoa

The preparation of the black stain was thetask of the young offering priests,- they dissolved it in water. Everyone painted himselfwith it; they covered themselves completely;

when they painted themselves, no part wasoverlooked.

And when they prepared the stain, it wasthere in the black canoe ;2 and when theblack stain was prepared, it was only atnight, and when there was painting of oneself, it was at daybreak.

PAR AGR AP H 13 [fol. 273r]

♦

Jn ic xj ji. parrapho ipan moteneva in quenintlatlauhtiloya diablome iva juraméto.

Jn iquac mochioaya juraméto y iquac acaquinetoltia yconeuh ivicpa Diablome: agovcá, anogo excá, quinetoltia in tlein quin-chiviliz diablome

ago motlavitequi piltontlj: anogo tlein ypámochioa; yquac quinetoltiaya, iniquivicpatlamacevaz,

Auh no ioá iquac mochioaya in juramentoyn jquac aca, tlein quiteilhuiaya ynic qui-neltiliaya, ilhuiloya, Ynic n eltiz motlatol yycamo tiztlacatiz tla xontlalqua?

iquac njmá tlalquaya y aquí, tlein quiteil-hujaya ye quineltiliaya yn itlatol, yyc amoyztlacamachoya

quitoa vel quimati I tonatiuh I tlaltecutli

th ir te e n th paragraph, in which it is toldhow the devils were supplicated and oaths[were made ].1

When an oath was made, when someonemade a vow for his child to the devils, hevowed what he would do for the devils in twoor three places.

[If] perhaps the child stumbled and fell, orsometh ing [else] happened to him, he made avow to [the god] that he would perform apenance.

And also when an oath was made, whensomeone stated something to someone, heconfirmed it in this way. He was told, "Sothat your words will be confirmed, so thatyou will not lie, [will you] please eat earth?"

Then when the person ate earth, he confirmed his words, what he said to one. Thushe was not thought to lie.

He said: "The Sun, the Lord of the Earth 2

2. Tlil lacalco: The black stain with which the priests daily painted their bodies was apparently mixed and prepared in the type of dugout canoe that plied Lake Texco co— or, possibly, in large wood containers that resembled the canoes in form.

1. Below this heading, Sahagún wrote: Capitul o. 14. de los votos y jum metos: "Chapter 14, of the vows and oaths." This paragraph was included, with a slightly enhanced title, as the eleventh section in the Appendix to Book 2 of the Histor ia (Sahagún 1975: 172; 1981: 220; 1988,1: 198).

2. In the Spanish versions, Sahagún translated Tlaltecuhtli, usually rendered in English as "Earth Lord," as "nuestra señora la tierra," focusing on the feminine aspect of this essentially androgynous terrestrial deity. Thus conceived, the deity formed, in juxtaposition to the male sun, the appropriate female member of a contrastive dualistic pair, so typical of Mesoamerican ideology (discussion in Nicholson 1967a: 85-87).

Paragraph13

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Chapter I:Rituals

and Gods

will know that I have now eaten earth ." 3 Inthis way oaths were made.

And supplications were made in this way;by offering incense, and offering blood, andeating earth, by paying the debt [to the gods].

PA RA G RA PH 1 4 [fol. 273v]

[Prefatory note: This paragraph contains the texts of twenty sacred hymns andconstitutes a uniquely valuable section of the Pri meros M emori ales. However,there are challenging problems in accurately translating them and in comprehending their meaning. As Anderson and Dibble (in Sahagun 1981: 221) pertinently expressed it: "Whether because of surviving archaisms; or of distortionsdue to their poetic expression, their presentation sung and danced, their havingbeen constantly and unthinkingly repeated; or of mistakes in copying the text,their Nahuatl is very difficult."

Sahagun included them, with slight alterations and without the clarificatoryglosses that accompany most of them in these Pii meros M emoi ial es versions, inthe twelfth section of the Appendix to Book 2 of the Flor ent in e Cod ex version ofthe. Hi stori a (Sahagun 1979,1: fols. 191-198; 1981: 221-245). He did not, however,include even a paraphrastic Spanish version of the hymns but only a statementascribing their obscurities to the diabolic machinations of the Evil One.

Th e proveniences of these hymns present a certain problem. Although ostens ibly collected by Sahagun during his Tepepolco project, they may have originallyderived from different places (cf. Garibay 1958: 9-14). Most of the deities specifiedin the hymns' titles are those listed in Paragraph 5A, including two (Atlahua,Amimitl) who were especially propitiated in Cuitlahuac and among other Chi-nampaneca of the freshwater lake district of the southern Basin of Mexico (seenote 72, Paragraph 5A). Various places are mentioned in the songs. Some, as Selerand Garibay noted, can putatively be identified with known Central Mexicancommunities or sites within these communities, or both. Others cannot be soidentified—and there is the further problem of distinguishing between real andmythical places. Mexico is mentioned only once, at the beginning of the thirdhymn, to Tlaloc; the Mexica appear to be mentioned in the eleventh hymn, toOtontecuhtli. Huitzilopochtli is featured in the first and fifth songs; these twochants probably stemmed ultimately from Tenochtitlan/Tlatelolco, but becauseHuitzilopochtli's cult had been widely adopted elsewhere—including, it wouldseem, Tepepolco—they may not necessarily have been the versions of the Mexicacapital itself. In any case, whatever the precise origins of these hymns, their ar

chaic idioms provide useful clues concerning earlier stages in the evolution of theNahuatl language.Various modern scholars have attempted translations and interpretations of

these sacred songs. The first to publish paleographies of these Primeros M emo r i a l s versions, including the explanatory glosses and noting any variations in the

ye nötlalqua yuhqui ynic moehioaya ju-rameto.

Auh in tlatlatlauhtiliztlj yc moehioaya cayeoatl in tlenamaquiliztlj ioä nextlavaliztlj,ioä tlalqualiztlj. nextlaoaliztlj.

128 3. The passage quitoa vel quimat i i tonat iuh i t la l t ecut l i ye not lalqua is inserted at this point.



Flor ent i ne Cod ex versions, was Daniel Brinton in 1890. His attempts at Englishtranslations and his interpretaions were not very successful. Eduard Seler, in 1904(Seler 19 02-1 923, II: 958-1107 ), published more accurate transcriptions of the Pri meros M emoi ial es texts, also noting the slight divergences of the Florentine Codex versions. He translated them into German and included extensive notesdevoted both to resolving linguistic problems and to clarifying the meaning of

each hymn. Although he left many questions unanswered and frequently propounded rather speculative explanatory hypotheses, Seler's effort constituted alandmark in the scholarly treatment of the songs and has been used as a point ofdeparture by all subsequent students. A Spanish translation of Seler's Germantranslations of the hymns, together with his notes, was published in Mexico in1938 ¡Sahagún 1938, V: 7-192). The following year, mimeographed English translations of them were made available to scholars and libraries by the Carnegie Institution of Washington (Seler 1939 Vol. 2, Part 4: 1-93), and these were republished in 1992 in the third volume of the Labyiin thos reprint of Seler's Collected Woiks (Seler 1990-1993, Vol. ffl: 231-301).

In 1951, Anderson and Dibble published, with a minimum of notes, Englishtranslations of the hymns in the third volume (Book 2) of their edition of the Floi- ent i ne Codex. They acknowledged heavy dependence on the Selerian translations. In 1958, Angel María Garibay K., who in 1940 had published Spanish versions of thirteen of the hymns, closely following Seler, published paleographiesand fresh translations of the Pii meios M emoii ales versions of the hymns, with extensive notes, both linguistic and exegetical. He took full cognizance of Seler'swork with the songs but was frequently critical of his predecessor's translationsand interpretations. In 1981, Dibb le and Anderson published a second, revised edition of Floi ent ine Codex Book 2, with new English versions of the hymns. Theyacknowledged heavy dependence on the translations of Garibay as well as thoseof Seler, and they included many more notes than in their first version. Andersonalso published these revised English translations of eight of the hymns, with

slight modifications, in 1982, along with a general discussion of Aztec religiousideology and a detailed exegesis of each translated hymn. Other versions and interpretations of certain of the hymns have been published (e.g., Gingerich 1988),but those cited stand out in importance.

Thelma Sullivan was still working on her translations and her notes to thehymns at the time of her death and left this paragraph quite unfinished. ArthurAnderson thoroughly revised and corrected the translations of the hymns forwhich Sullivan had completed preliminary versions, and also filled out her unfinished notes. Although there were differences in detail between her versions andhis, he felt that on the whole they were much the same even without his revisionsof some parts of her translations and that he had succeeded in preserving her style

without much change. In any case, it must be understood that this paragraph isvery much the result of a collaborative effort by Th elm a Sullivan and Arthur Anderson—although the actual wordings of the latter's revised translations, withCharles Dibble, of the Floi ent i ne Codex versions of the hymns often differ fromthose employed here.

Concerning the notes, the difficult decision was made to keep them to a minimum. To have done justice to all of the difficult linguistic and exegetical questions inherent in these often obscure sacred chants would have required a muchmore extensive series of notes than would have been appropriate for this edition

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of the Pi im eros M emoi ial es. The versions and studies already cited have, withvarying degrees of success, dealt with the most challenging problems thesehymns present, and readers with special interest in this unique remnant of therich religious poetic corpus of the contact-period Central Mexican Nahua speakers is referred to them. Only the m ost relevant information necessary to com prehend the basic content of the hymns is included in these notes, for the final ver

sions of which I assumed responsibility.—HBN]

}nic matlactli onahvi parrapho ipä ipanmitoa in icuic catca vitzilopochtli

Vitzilopuchi, yaquetl a ya. yyac onay, y nohvihvi hv ia ane nicuic, toçiquemitl a, yy a, ayya, yy a

yy o via.queyanoca, oyatonaqui yyaya, yya yyo. q.n. J nivitzilopochtli ayac no vivi, i. ayac

nechnenevilia, ayac iuhqui, i niuhqui.

ane nicujc. i. amo ça në nonicujc. ÿ que-tzallj in chalchivitl in ixquich y notlatquj,toçiquemitl/

queyanoca oyatonaquj. id est. onoca tonaconoca tlatvic.

Tetzaviztliya mixtecatl, ce ymocxi pichavaztecatl a

poma ya, ovayy eo, ayy ayy e. q. n. Tetzaviztlj. id est oquintetzavito. in

mixteca inic oquiyaochiuhque: oquimanjlitoin im icxi no pichavazteca, ioä in mixteca .

A y tlaxotla tenamitlyvitli maeocmupupuxotiuh,yautlatoa ya, ayy a yy o noteuh aya, tepan quizqui mitoa ya Ay tlaxotla tenamitl. q. n. quitopeoa in in-

tena in aquiq yauchivallo.

pourteenth paragraph, in which is told theSong of Huitzilopochtli .1

Huitzilopochtli ,2 wayfaring warrior.None is my equal.Not for nothing did I take the yellow par

rot feather garb.Because of me the sun has shone.This means, j ni v i t zi l opocht l i ay acnov i v i ,

i. [e.], I am Huitzilopochtli; no one is myequal, no one is like what I am like.

ane ni cuic: i. [e.], not in vain did I take thequetzal feathers, the green stones,- all are mypossessions [as well as] the yellow parrotfeather vestment.

queyanoca oyat onaqui: i.e., because of methe sun has shone, the day has dawned.

He is terror!Now the Mixtec, the Pichahuaztec have

one foot.There he's gone!This means: Tetzahuiztli: i.e., he went ter

rifying the Mixteca when they warred withhim. He removed the feet also of the Picha-huazteca and the Mixteca.

Oh, the walls of Tlaxotlan!Feathers have been given out.Churning up the earth he goes.He gives the call to war.He is my god,One known as Tepanquizqui.Ay t laxot la tenamit l means, he stirs up

fire on the walls of those on whom war ismade.

1. Below the Nahuatl heading, in Sahagun's hand, appears the following: Capi tu lo 15. de los canta res que dezi a a hon a de los dioses en los t empl os y fueia dell os, "Chapter 15, of the songs that they said (i.e., sangj in honor of the gods in the temples and outside of them ." Sahagun included the tex ts of all of the hymns, without the explanatory glosses, in the Appendix to Book 2 of theFlorenti ne Codex version of the Historia , omitting Spanish translations of them.

2. Vitzilopuchi: Probably an archaic form of the name of the Mexica tutelary god, with the absolutive suffix-i(n) instead of the standard -tU. On Huitzilopochtli, to whom this hymn is dedicated, see note 1, Paragraph 5(A). For detailed discussions of this hymn, including the putative places mentioned in it, see Seler 1902-1923, II: 964-970, Garibay 1958: 19-39.



ca nomati nit et zavítl i, avia, aya ca nomati niya , yautla,

i vexcatlatoa ay nopilchá. Jhiyaquetl tocu ilech ca tl quaviquemitl

nepapanoc vitzetlaHvia oholopa telipuchtla,yviyoc y nomalli,ye nimavia, ye nimavia,yviyoc y nomalli.H v ia vitznavac telipochtla,yviyoc y nomalli,ye nimavia, ye nimaviayviyoc y nomallj.H v ia ytzicotla telipochtla,yviyoc, y nomallj,ye nimavia, ye nimaviayviyoc y nomalli.Vitznavac teuaquimachiyotla tetemo ya. ahvia oyatonac yahuia, oyatonacya machiyotla tetemo ya.Tocu ilitla teuaquj,machiyotla tetemo ya, ahvia oyatonac yahvia oyatonacvi a machiyotla tetemo ya.

1

A h v ia mexico teutlanevilocamapanitla, a nauhcanpa, ye moquetzquetl,

ao yequena ychocaya.Avia mexico teutlaneviloc: q. n. y mexico

onetleneviloc in tlalo c /.Amapanitl à nauhcanpa ye moquetzquetl.

q. n. amapanitl nauhcampa omoquequetz/.ao yequena ichocaya id est itlaocuyaya.

Chapter I: Ahvi a an neva ya niyocolocRituals an noteva eztlamiyaval

and Gods

For I know I 'm Tetzahuitl .I know I 'm Yaotl.

warrior of the house of spears”?Th ey revile my noble house.Wayfaring warrior, man of Tocuillan in

eagle-feather garb.With thorns diversely placed.Th e youth of Olopan.Decked with feathers is my captive.I am afraid, I am afraid.Decked with feathers is my captive.Th e youth of Huitznahuac.Decked with feathers is my captive. ;I am afraid, I am afraid.Decked with feathers is my captive.Th e youth of Itzcotlan.Decked w ith feathers is my captive.I am afraid, I am afraid.Decked with feathers is my captive.Th e priest of Huitznahuac.Th e model descends.Daylight has dawned, daylight has dawned.The model descends.The priest of Tocuillan.Th e model descends.Daylight has dawned, daylight has dawned.The model descends.

|fol. 274v]

; - 1 Song of Tlalo c6

In Mexico the god has been on loan.The paper flags have stood in four loca

tions.At last it was his time to weep.Avia mexico teutl anevi loc means, in Mex

ico Tlaloc had been borrowed.A mapani tl a nauhcanpa ye mo quet zquetl

means, paper flags were raised in four places.A c yequena ichocaya: that is, his time of

sadness.I have been formed.My god is stained w ith blood.

Tlalloc ycujc

6. Tlalloc : On Tlaloc , the preeminen t rain/f ertility deity, to whom this hymn is dedicated, see note 19, ParagrapThe chant contains various references to places and rituals connected with his cult; most of them were specified and

132 discussed in Seler 1902-1923, II: 982-993, and Garibay 1958: 54-64.



a ylhuicollanicyavicaya teuitvalco ya.Avia an neva ya niyocoloc. q. n. y nehuatl

nitlalloc oniyoculoc/An noteua eztlamiyaval. q. n. noteu eztla-

miyavaltitiuh.

A ylhuigolla. q. n. y ompa ilhuifololo/

nicyavica ya teuitvalco ya. q. n. in teuitvalco.

Ahvi a an notequiva navalpilliaqu i tlanella motonacayouh ticyachiuhqui

tla ca tlachtoquetl, fa mitziyapinavia.

A h v ia an notequiva navalpillj. q. n. in tino-teuh navalpillj id est tlalloc.

aqu i tlanella motonacayouh. q. n. ca nelljtevatl ticmochivilia in motonacayuh.

ca tlachtoquetl. q. n. tevatl ticmochiviliaauh in aqui mitzpinavia

Ahuia canacatella nechyapinavia a nech ya yea vel matia,

a notata, y noquacuillo ocelocoatl aya.

Ahu ia canacatella nechyapinavia. q. n. catel nechpinavia camo nechvelmati.

an notata y noquacuillo ocelocoatl aya.

q. n. yn notava ioa y noquacuiloa y oceloqua-cuilj. :>

Ahuia tlallocan a, xivacalco aya quizquj aqua motta acatonal aya.

Ahu ia tlallocan a xivacalco. q. n. in tlalocaxiuhcalco id est acxoyacalco.

aya quizqui. q. n. vmpa valquizq.

The festive day is long.I bring water to the temple court.Avi a an neva ya ni yocol oc means, I, Tla

loc, have been fashioned.A n noteua eztl amiy aval means, my god

goes stained with blood.

A ylhuigol la means, the festival lasts theday through.Ni cyavi ca ya teuit valco ya means, in the

courtyard of the temple.My tequihua, Nahualpilli , 7

For in truth you've bred your sustenance

The first fruit [gifts] of which just offeryou offense.

Ahv ia an notequiva navalpil lj means, youare my god, noble sorcerer, that is, Tlaloc.

A qu i t l anell a motonacayouh means, intruth you make your sustenance.

Ca tlachtoquetl means, you produce itand someone offends you.

But they offend me, give me no pleasure.

My fathers, my shorn-heads, my jaguar-serpents .8

A hui a canacatella nechyapi navi a means,but they offend me, they do not give me pleasure.

A n notata y noquacuil l o ocelocoatl aya

means, my fathers, my old priests, my old jaguar priests.

From Tlalocan, from the turquoise house.Your forefathers, Acatonal, have come

forth, have seeped forth.A hui a t lal locan a xiv acalco means, Tla lo

can, house of turquoise, that is, house of fir.Aya quizqui means, from there he came

forth.

7 Navalpilli (Nahualpilli), "Sorcerer-prince," has usually been interpreted as an additional epithet of Tlaloc, an iden

tification supported by the explanatory gloss. Sahagun (1950-1982, Part X [Book 9]: 79), however, gives a detailed itemization of the attire of a deity with the same name who was one of four described as the "grandfathers and fathers" of the tlatecque, the lapidaries of Tenochtitlan/Tlatelolco who stemmed from Xochimilco. His adornment is described as that of a Huaxtec (who were considered great sorcerers) and does not contain any elements characteristic of Tlaloc (see discussion in Seler 1902-1923, II: 985).

8. Ocelocoatl: "Jaguar-serpent." Although the explanatory gloss interprets this term as oceloquacuilli, "jaguar priest," the combination of feline and reptile has suggested to some the jaguaroid visage, sometimes incorporating ophidian features (e.g., the bifid tongue) that was the hallmark of the archaelogical Olmec stylistic-iconographic tradition. Seler (1902-1923, II: 987-988) also noted the addition of a jaguar's ear to the serpent helmet mask of the water goddess depicted in the Mixteca-Puebla-style Codex Fejervaiy-M ayei, which explicitly fused the two creatures.

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A h v ia xiyanovia: ahvia xiyamoteca ya ay poyauhtla,

ayauhchicavaztica ayavicallo tlalloca.

Ahvia xiyanovia. q. n. xivia.Avia xiyamoteca ya ay poyauhtla. q. n. xi-

motecati y vmpa poyauhtla.Ayauhchicavaztica avicallo tlalocá q. n.

ayauhchicavaztica in avicallo in vmpa tlalloca. J

Go, gather in Poyauhtlan.

With mist-rattles water is brought fromTlalocan.

Ahvi a x iyanovia means, go.Avi a xiyam oteca ya poyauhtla means, go

and settle in Poyauhtlan.Ay auhchicavazti ca avi callo tl aloca means,

with mist-rattles water is brought from Tlalocan.

l Teteu yná ycujc.

Ahuiya cogavic xochitl a oyacueponcayeva tonan a teumechave

moquicicá tamoanchá,avay ye, avayy a, yyao, yy a yy eo, ay e aye,

ayy ayyaa.q. n. Jn tona ocueponja vmpa oalquiz yn ta

moanchá.Cocavic xochitl a oyamoxochayeva tonan a, teumechave,

moquicicá tamoanchá,ovayye, avayya, yyao, y ya yy eo, aye aye,

ayya ayyaa.q. n. J namona ca izca y noxochiuh ca

vmpa onjquiz y tamoáchá

A h v ia iztac xochitl a, oyacueponcayeva tonan a teumechave

m o q u i c i c á

1 Song of Teteoinnan 9

Th e yellow flower bursts into bloom.She our mother with the godly thigh-skin

face paintComes forth from Tamoanchan.

This means, our mother burst into bloom,-she came forth from Tamoanchan.

The yellow flower has opened up.She our mother with the godly thigh-skin


This means, I am your mother; behold, Ihave opened up,- I have come forth from Tamoanchan.

The salt-white flower bursts into bloom.She our mother with the godly thigh-skin

face paint.Comes forth from Tamoanchan.

[fol. 275v]

tamoanchá,ovayy e, ayayya, yyao, yya yyeo, aye aye,

ayya, ayyaa.

9. Teteu yna (Teteoinnan), "M other of the Gods," to whom this hymn was dedicated, was the fundamental earth/fertility goddess, with numerous aspects (see note 54, Paragraph 5[A]|. Various passages in the song clearly relate to the propitiation of the earth mother under various guises (discussions in Seler 1902-1923, II: 996-1003; Garibay 1958: 70-76; Gingerich 1988: 206-226). Tamoanchan, the mythical "terrestrial paradise," home of the gods (see Davies 1977 :99-10 6), is prominently featured in this hymn. It concludes with references to Itzpapalotl, "Obsidian Butterfly," another aspect of the mother goddess, and to two "Ch ichim ec" (Mimixcoa) demigods, Xiuhnel and Mimich, who were prominently involved with her in a mythic episode that was incorporated into the Azteca/Mexica, Tlaxcalteca, and probably other Postclassic Central Mexican migration narratives.

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q. n. Jn toná ocuepo in vmpa oquiz tamo-anchan.

Ahuiya iztac xochitl a, oyamoxoch a yeva tonan a teumechave

moquicican tamoanchá

ovayy e, avayya, yyao, yy a yy eo, aye aye¡ ayya, ayyaa q. n. J namona yztac y noxochiuh. yn vmpa

onjquiz tamoáchá.

Ahui ja ohoya teutl ca teucontlj pac a tona aya itzpapalotljayayy e, avayya yy ao yy a yy eo ayyaa. q. n. Jn tonan ca teucumjtl ycpac y quiz yn

itzpapalotl.Ao, ava ticy¿zitaca chicunavixtlavatl a magatl yyollo, yca mozcaltizquj

toná tlaltecutlj.ayao, ayyao, ayyaa.q. n. jn toná ixtlavacá in mozcaltito auh

injc mozcalti macatl yyollo y yeva toná tlaltecutlj.

Aho, ye yancuic tigatl a ye yancujc yvitl a oyapotonilocyn avicacopa acatl xamantoc a q. n. Auh inic potonjloc, tonan, yancujc ti

gatl ioá yancujc yn ivitl, auh nauhcampa quitzyn acatl

A ho magatl mochiuhcateutlalipá mitz i ya no ittac o. yeva xiuh-

nell o yeva mim jch a.q. n. In macatl yevan canjliaya y ixtlavacá

yuhqui injc quicnoitaya y yevatl m imjch ioáin xiuhnel.

f Chimalpanecatl icujc ioá tlaltecava. nanotl,

[fol. 276t|

Jchimal ipá chipuchica veya,mixiviloc yautlatoa ya

Th is means, our mother burst into bloom;she came forth from Tamoanchan.

The salt-white flower has opened up.She our mother w ith the godly thigh-skin


This means, I am your mother. White arethe blossoms I put forth. I came forth fromTamoanchan.

Oh, the goddess is atop the barrel cactus.She's our mother Itzpapalotl.

This means, our mother Itzpapalotl is onthe barrel cactus; from it she came forth.

Oh, you've seen her [on] the ninefold plains.On deer hearts she's been fed—

Our mother Tlaltecuhtli.

This means, our mother went out on theplains to be fed and she, our mother Tlaltecuhtli, was fed on deer hearts.

Oh, new is the chalk,New are the feathers in which she is clad.In every quarter broken lie the darts.This means, our mother was covered with

new chalk and with new feathers; and arrows went off in four directions.

Oh, she's been changed to a deer.There on the plains Xiuhnel and Mimich

have had mercy on you.This means, Xiuhnel and Mimich caught

the deer on the plain,- they had mercy on it.

f Song of Chimalpanecatl 10 andTlaltecahua, the mother

On her shield the virgin girl grows large.At the call to the fray he is given birth.

10. Although their versions differ considerably in wording, all of the major translators of, and comm entato rs on, this brief hymn have agreed that it refers to the birth of the M exica patron deity, Huitzilopochtli—notwithstanding that he is not named, nor is his mother, Coatlicue—in the well-known account of his miraculous parthenogenesis (Sahagun 1978: 1-5). This interpretation is ostensibly supported by the song's mention of Coatepec, Huitzilopochtli's birthplace, and his special shield, tehuehuelli , and by Sahagun's naming him in the first explanatory gloss. The song's titles have presented some problems. Chimalpanecatl, literally, "Person of Chimalpan (Place of the Shield)," could be considered



ichimal ipan chipuchica veya,mixiviloc yautlatoa.q. n. yautlatollj ipá omjxiuh y nanotl chi-

malpá in omjxiuh id est ipá oquitlacatillj ynanotl in vitzilopochtlj y yauyutl,

Coatepec tequiva. tepe titlamoxayaval tevevel

ayaqui nellj m oquichtivivitlalli cuecuechivia aqui moxayaval teve-

vella.Q. n. Coatepec otepeuh tepetitlá yc mox-

auh ioà ytevevel id est ichimal ic otepeuh.aocac omoquichquetz. in iquac pevaloq Co-atepeca yn iquac otlallj cuecuechiuh. id estiquac opopoliuhq

Huiya tzonimolco notavane ye namechma-yapinauhtiz.

tetemoca ye namechmayapinauhtiz.q. n. J nitzonmolcatl notavane ye nemech-

pinauhtiz nachca nochà tetemoca, ye ne-mechpinauhtiz.

A uncà mecatla notecvà ycgotl mimilcatoc

chicueyocá navalcallj navali temoquetl aya

q. n. Jn mecatla anotecuhvá in vncá iccotlmjmjlcatoc veya quixtoc icgotl vncá njtemocyn chicueyocá

Huiya tzonimolco cuico tipeuhqueaya tzonimolco cuico tipeuhq,

On her shield the virgin girl grows large.At the call to the fray he is given birth.This means, at the time the battle was

joined, the mother gave birth; she gave birthon the shield; that is, on [the shield] themother brought forth Huitzilopochtli, war.

On Coatepetl, among the hills,The seasoned warrior put on face paint,[took up] shield.

None dared rise against himThe earth was quaking as he put on face

paint, [took up] shield.Th is means, on Coatepetl, among the hills,

with his face painted and his tehuehuelli hevanquished the others; that is, with hisshield he vanquished the others; no one roseup against him. When the Coatepeca werevanquished, then the earth shook; that is,then they were annihilated.

H Song of Ixcozauhqui 11

In Tzonmolco, O my fathers, I'll offend you,-

In Tetemocan, I'll affront you.This means, I, the man from Tzonmolco,

shall affront you, my fathers. I whose homeis over there, in Tetem ocan, shall affront you.

In Mecatlan, my lords, the [drumbeat]

throbs.In the eightfold place, the sorcerer fromthe house of sorcery descends.

This means, in Mecatlan, you who are mylords, [the beat of] the yucca [drum] throbs;the yucca grows; it shoots up. From theeightfold place I descended.

In Tzonmolco we began to sing,In Tzonmolco we began to sing.

a toponym but has been interpreted by the hymn's modern translators as a reference to the miraculous nativity of the god, with or on his shield. Tlaltecahua, literally, "Earth Person (Tlaltecatl)," with the possessive suffix -hua, perhaps refers to the earth mother, which would seem to be reinforced by the added term nanotl (=nanyo t l ), "motherhood."

11. Yxcocauhquj (Ixcozauhqui), "Yellow Face," to whom this hymn is dedicated, was the Fire God, more commonly known as Xiuhtecuhtli and/or Huehueteotl (see note 39, Paragraph 5A). Most of the references in the song—with the possible exception of the final stanza—seem to relate appropriately to the cult of the fire deity and have been so interpreted by its principal translators and analysts (Seler 1902-1923, II: 1010-1016; Garibay 1958: 87-92). Tzonmolco, the name of the principal temple of the Fire God in the Templo Mayor precinct of Mexico Tenochtitlan (Sahagun 1981: 190-191) and perhaps elsewhere, is prominently featured (see note 49, Paragraph 4). Another Templo Mayor structure, Mecatlan, where instruction in flute playing was given (Sahagun 1981: 186), is also mentioned; its connection with the Fire God, if any, is not very obvious (see note 51, Paragraph 4).

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aya yz tleic anavalmoquizca via,■ iz tleic anavalmoquizca

q. n. jn tzonmolco otipeuhq ma cuico yntzonmolco ma cujco otipeuhq tleica in amoanvalquiga tle ica y ayavalquica

H v i a tzonimolco. macevallj ma ya temacovia.

oyrftonaqui,oyatonaqujmacevallj ma ya temoco viya q. n. Jn tzonmolco otonac auh i nomage-

valhoä xinechmacaquj notech povizq iquac ynenetoltiloya

Why have you not appeared?Why have you not appeared?This means, in Tzonmolco we began the

singing, in Tzonmolco we began the singing.Why do you not appear? Why do not appear?

In Tzonm olco let m en be offered up.

The sun has shone,The sun has shone.Let men be offered up.This means, in Tzonmolco the sun has

shone, and give me my people, those whowill be meant for me when the vow is made.

[fol. 276v]

Hviya tzonimolco xoxolcuicatl cacavantocya ayovica mocuiltono acitontecuitl

moteicnelil, maviztljq. n. Jn cuicatl tzomolco ca yecavanj ma ic

necuiltonollo netotilo in tetecuti yehica inteicnelil ca maviztic

Hviya civatontla xatenonotza,ayyauhcalcatlquiyavatla xatenonotzaq. n. Jn tiCivatontlj xitenonotza in quiavac

ayauhcalcatl. id est. in ticivatontlj xitenonotza.

Mimixcoa ycujc.

Chicomoztoc quinevaquj,cani aveponjgani, canj, teyomj.q. n. chicomoztoc onivallevac gani ave-

In Tzonmolco the xoxol song is ending.With litt le care the lord is rich, attains [his

wealth].Wondrous is your grace.This means, the song in Tzonmolco is

ending. May the lords become rich by virtueof the dancing because [the god's] beneficence is awesome.

Little lady, pray the gods.Lady of the house of mist,In the entry way pray the gods.This means, you, little lady, pray to the

gods in the entryway. That is, lady of thehouse of mist, pray to the gods.

1 Song of the Mim ixcoa 12

From the seven caves has he set forth.Qani aueponi.Qani gani teyomi.This means, he set forth from the seven

12. The Mimixcoa, "Cloud Serpents," were the martial hunting/stellar deities assigned to the north and headed by Mixcoatl/Camaxtli. They exemplified the rustic Chichimec lifestyle, based largely on hunting and gathering. They were especially connected with what has been called the "C hichimec Interregnum," between the fall of the Toltec imperium, headquartered at Tollan, and the rise of the Tepanec empire of Tezozomoc, ruled from Azcapotzalco. This era was particularly characterized by a series of migratory movements, predominantly from north to south, of the ancestors, collectively known as Ch ichimeca, of the leading Nahua-speaking groups who dominated Central Mexico in late pre-Hispanic times. These migrants, emerging from Chicomoztoc, the "Seven Caves," had traversed the cactus-studded deserts of the north on their way south. This hymn celebrates these northern steppes, Mim ixcoa Tlalpan, "Land of the Cloud Serpents," and the Chichimec way of life so closely associated with this region. Although there are some difficult translation problems (discussed by Seler [1902-1923, II: 1018-1024] and Garibay [1958: 95-97]|, most of the references are clearly appropriate to the overall theme of the hymn.



poni, ichichimecatlatol. gani aveponj ganjcanj teyomj. ; ~

Tzivac titla quinevaquj ;gani a aveponjcani, cani tevomi.q. n. tzivactlj in itlan onivallevac gani ave

ponj gani cani teyomjOyanitemoc, oyanitemocaya ica nitemoc notzivaquimiuhaya ica nitemoc notzivaquimjuhOyanitemoc. q. n. onitemoc onitlacat ipá y

notziacmiuh; onitemoc ipá y notzivacmjuhga nimá ipá nitlacat y notlavitol y nomjuh

Oyanitemoc oyanitemocaya yca nitem oc nomatlavacalq. n. O nitemoc onitlacat in ipá nomatlava

cal ca nim á ipá nitlacat.Niquimacuj, niquimacuj, yvaya

niquimacuj, niquimacuj

yvan ja ayo macujvjy yácatlatol, yca amja in chichimeca. in

chichimecatlatol.

[fol.

Tlachtli icpac aya, vel in cuica ya, quetzal-cuxcox aya, quinanquilia (^inteutl a, oay . q. n. Jntla tagica tictecazque totlach vncan

ticuicazque no yehoatl in quetzalcocox.

1 Xochipilli ycuic.

Ye cuica ya tocniva ya ovaya y eo, ye cuica ya ye quetzalcoxcux a yoaltica

caves. Qani a ueponi are Chichimec words;Qani aueponi , gani gani t eyomi .

From among the tz ihuact l i 13 he's set forth.Qani aueponi ,Qani gani teyomi. .Th is means, I set forth from among the tz i

huactl i , gani aueponi, gani gani teyomi .I descended, I descended,With my tzihuactli dart have I descended,With my tzihuactli dart have I descended.Oyanitemoc means, I descended, I was

born with my tzihuactli dart. I descendedwith my tzihuactli dart; then I was bornwi th my bow, my dart.

I descended, I descended,I descended in my netted carrying fram e . 14

This means, I descended, I was born in mynetted carrying frame; then I was born in it.

With my hand I catch it, with my hand Icatch it,

With my hand I catch it, with my hand Icatch it,

And with my hand it's caught.Th ey are a hunter's words. W ith them the

Chichimecs went off to hunt; they areChichimec words.

277r]

Above the ball court the quetzalcoxcoxtli sings out.Centeo tl replies. .This means, if we arrive, we shall build

our ball court. There shall we sing, as well asthe quetzalcoxcoxtli.

f Song of Xoch ipilli15

Now do our friends sing.Now through the night the quetzalcox

coxtli sings out.

13. Tzivactitla: On tz ihuactl i , see note 31, Paragraph 5A.14. Nomatlavacal: The netted pouch, the matla lhuacall i , was a basic item in the hunting gear of the Chichimeca

(see note 72, Paragraph 5A).15. Xochipilli, "Flower-Prince," the young solar deity of flowers, music, dancing, singing, gaming, and all aesthetic

pursuits to whom this hymn was dedicated, was merged with Macuilxochitl, "Five Flower," the preeminent member of the Macuiltonaleque (to whom the final hymn was dedicated). He also overlapped with Centeotl, "Maize Cob Deity," the young god of maize (see notes 43, 84, and 93, Paragraph 5[A]; Nicholson 1971: 416-419). As Seler noted, the last

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139



q. n. Vmpa nivitz y nixochiquetzal ta-moanchâ

Ye qui tichoca ya tlamacazecatl a piltzin-tecutl o

quiyatemoa ya ye o xochinquetzall a ,xoyavia ay topa niaz, oay.

q. n. Choca piltzintecutli. quitemoa inxochique[tza]l xoyavia no vmpa niaz.

1 Am imitl icuic.

Cotivana cotivanacali totochmäca huiya yya limanjco o quixanimanjco tlacochcalico, ovayya yya, ma tonica ya, ma tonicatico, ovayya ya.

çana, çana; ayo veca nivia, çana cana yo, veca nivia yya, yya, yyevay a, çana, çana ye veca nivia.

Jn am im itl icuic yuh mito a in veli chich i-mecacuic amo vel caquizti in tlein quitoa intonavatlatol ypa.

Ye necuiliva ya niva ya, niva ya, niva ya, a ycanauh

niva huaya, niva ya, niva ya, a ycanauh.

This means, I, Xochiquetzal, come fromTamoanchan.

Now and afterwards you weep, Piltzinte-cuhtli of Tlamacazecan.

He is seeking Xochiquetzal.To the place of moldy maize, to what ex

tends overhead us shall I go.This means, Piltzinintecutli weeps. He is

seeking Xochiquetzal. To the place of moldymaize, there shall I go.

1 Song of Am imitl 17

Coti huana, coti huana,It's the house where rabbits are .18

You are at the exit way;I am at the house of spears.Th ere you stay, there you stay;

I alone go far, I alone go far, I alone go far.

The song of Amimitl is said to be a Chichimec song. It is impossible to make whatit says understandable in our Nahuatl tongue.

I am graspedI am sent, I am sent, I am sent unto his

duck.I am sent, I am sent, I am sent unto his

duck.

adise," Tamoanchan, so closely associated with the fertility deities, is featured in this song as the dwelling place of the goddess. Piltzintecuhtli, "Prince-Lord," another member of the Centeotl-Xochipilli comp lex and the consort of Xochiquetzal, appears in a context that Seler, followed by Garibay, suggested might have been connected with a myth possibly analogous to the Classical Greco-Roman myth of Proserpina. Considering the many difficult translation problems of this hymn, however, which are discussed at length by Seler (1902-1923, II: 1032-1035) and Garibay (1958: 110-112), this notion must be considered quite speculative.

17 On Amimitl, "Hunting Arrow," the deity to whom this hymn is dedicated, see note 72, Paragraph 5A. This is linguistically one of the most obscure of the hymns, so much so that the native annotator professed not to understand it since it was in the "Chichimeca" language rather than in his own Nahuatl. Brinton (1890: 43-44) attempted, unsuccessfully, to translate it into English, while Seler (1902-1923, II: 1036-1037) suggested possible German versions of only four of the strophes. Garibay (1958: 113-116), on the other hand, recognizing— as Seler also implied—that the song appears to be in a very archaic, essentially Nahuatl dialect, attempted a somewhat speculative but substantially fuller Spanish translation. Anderson and Dibble, in their second English translation of the Floienti ne Codex version (Sahagun 1981: 233), largely depended on Garibay's effort. Thelma Sullivan left no translation of this hymn. Anderson, accordingly, composed a slightly modified version of his and Dibble's translation, which is presented here.

18. This possible reference to rabbits and, later in the hymn, references more certainly to ducks seem congruent with the apparent role of Amim itl as a deity connected with the hunting activities— especially the aquatic ones—of the Chinampaneca of Cuitlahuac in the southern Basin of Mexico. Seler, in fact, argued that the repeated phrases (which seemingly refer to obsidian) in the final strophe of the hymn constitute part of a hunting charm employed by those who pursued aquatic birds.

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Tla ixtotoca ye canauhtzin j,tla ixtoto ca ye canauhtzin j ayoay a, yoay ä.

ye canauhtzin jAveya itzipan a nomavilia,aveya itzipan a nomavilia,aveya itzipan a nomavilia

f Otontecutli ycujc.

Onoalico, onoalico poma ya yyaya ayyo ayyo aya, aya, aya ayy o.

Chimalocutitlan a motlaquevia,avetzinjnonovalicoquavinochitla;cacavatla motlaquevia,avetzinj.Nitepanecatlj aya cuecuexi

, niquetzallj coatlj aya cuecuexi,

Ca ne, ca ya ytziveponj,ca neca ya itziveponjOtomiconoyoco, navaco,mexicame ya y avililinoyoco navaco -mexicame ya A chimalljca ya, xa, xavinoquj y avilili

noyoco navaco mexicame ya.

- . f Ayopechtli ycuic.

Cane cana ichä ayopechcatl

Let him chase this little duck;Let him chase this little duck, this little

duck.In obsidian I delight,In obsidian I delight,In obsidian I delight, v

! Song of Otontecuhtli 19

In Nonoalco, Nonoalco, there he's gone.

With pinewood shield he goes arrayed .20

This does not fall.In NonoalcoAmong eagle-prickly pears,Among cacao pods he goes arrayed. :This does not fall.I'm the Tepaneca man Cuecuextzin;Quetzalcoatl am I—Cuecuextzin.

[fol. 278r]

For I'm the wind that drags obsidian.For I'm the wind that drags obsidian.In the land of Otomis,In nearby neighbors' landsTh e M exica delight.In nearby neighbors' landsThe Mexica with shields now feel delightIn nearby neighbors' lands

f Song of Ayopechtli 21

There in the home of the one on the turtleshell bed,

19. On Otontecuhtli, to whom this hymn, which lacks the usual explanatory glosses, was dedicated, see note 29, Paragraph 5A. The many difficult translational and referential problems in this song have been discussed at length by both Seler (1902-192 3, II: 1039-10 44) and Garibay (1958: 119 -127), who often differ substantially in their views. Thelm a Sullivan did not leave a translation of this hymn; the version presented here was composed by Arthur Anderson, generally following, but with some significant modifications, his and Charles Dibble's second translation of the hymn in their revised edition of Book 2 of the Florenti ne Codex (Sahagtin 1981: 234).

20. Among the various putative places and personages mentioned in this hymn, the "pinewood shield" was interpreted by Seler, followed by Garibay, as the shield placed atop the Xocotl pole that was the highlight of the veintena of Xocotl- huetzi, dedicated to Otontecuh tli (see Paragraph 2A). Other pertinent references in this hymn are those to Tepanecatl(i), Otomi, and Cuecuextzin, the last another name for the deity as well as the spirit of the slain warrior that he symbolized. The reference to Nonoalco, a widely distributed toponym of doubtful etymology, is somewhat puzzling. Both Seler and Garibay preferred an identification with a "barrio" of that name that was situated on an islet off the northwestern tip of Tlatelolco (Caso 1956: 41), bisected by the causeway to Tlacopan, capital of contact-period Tepanecapan.

21. On Ayopechtli, "Tortoise-Bench [Turtle Shell Bed])," to whom this hymn was dedicated, see note 81, Paragraph



cozcapätica mixiuhtoc

q. n. y oncä ichä ayopechtlj oncä mixiviqujtlacatilia in cuzcatl quetzallj

Cañe cana ichä ayopechcatl

cozcapätica mixiuhtoc

cane ichä chacayoliva ya Cañe cana ichä. q. n. in vncä ichä ayopech

catl vncä quitlacatilia in cozcatl quetzallj,oncä yoliva. tlacativa.

Xivalmeva ya via xiva, xivalmeva ya aviaya yancuipilla xivalmeva ya Q. n. ximeva, ximeva in tipiltzintlj xival

meva in quin otitlacat tipiltzintlj

Aviya xivalmeva ya. viy a xiva xivalmeva ya cozcapilla xivalmeva ya Q. n. xivalmeva xivalmeva in tipiltzintlj

yn ticuzcatl in tiquetzallj

With necklace adorned she lies givingbirth.

This means, there in her home the one onthe turtle shell bed gave birth; she begot thenecklace, the quetzal [feather].

There in the home of the one on the turtleshe ll bed,

With necklace adorned she lies givingbirth.

Ther e in her hom e one is given life.Cane cana ichan means, there in her

home the one on the turtle shell bed begetsthe necklace, the quetzal [feather]. There,there is being born, the re is begetting.

Arise, arise,Newborn child, arise!This means, get up, get up, child. You,

child, you who now were to have been born.

Arise, arise, Jewel-child , arise!This means, get up, get up, you who are a

necklace, a quetzal [feather].

[fol. 278v]

*2 CiuaCoatl ycujc U Song of Cihuacoatl 22

Quavi quavi, quilaztlacoaeztica xayavaloc

viviya quavivitl vitz alochpä

The eagle, the eagle Quilaztli,Her face has been painted with the blood

of a snake.In eagle plumes dressed she comes sweep

ing the road.

5A, where the deity bears the additional name Tezcacoac ("Mirror-Snake"). As explained in that note, she appears to have been an avatar of Mayahuel, the goddess of metl , the maguey plant, whose saccharine exudate, fermented, produced octli . She was a significant member of the in terrelated complex of fertility goddesses, overlapping particularly with Chalchiuhtlicue and Teoteoinnan/Tlazolteotl |see Nicholson 1991: 170, 176-177). This hymn, which presents fewer translation difficulties (discussed in Seler 1902-1923, II: 1046-1047; Garibay 1958: 130-133) than many of the others, is largely concerned with human birth, expressed in the metaphoric mode typical of Classical Nahuatl. Seler interpreted the hymn as a whole as a "Zauberlied" to ease the labor of giving birth, and Garibay agreed that the second part of the hymn constituted a conjuration chanted by the midwife to facilitate the birth of the child.

22. On Cihuacoatl, "Woman-Serpent," a major maternal earth/fertility goddess, to whom this hymn is dedicated,

see note 67, Paragraph 5A. Some of her other names and/or aspects (e.g., Quilaztli, "P lant Generator)?)," Cuauhcihuatl, "Eagle-Woman," Yaocihuatl, "Warrior-Woman," Tonan, "Our Mother") are alluded to in the hymn, as are two places particularly associated with her, Chalman and Colhuacan—above all, the latter, of which she was the tutelary deity. Also pertinent are references to two ritual objects significant in her cult, the "rattle staff," chicahuaztli , and the mal ina l l i , broom. The dualism of her being, combining the contrastive roles of provider-nurturer and voracious destroyer, is also clearly emphasized in the imagery of the hymn, which is interpreted in detail by Seler (1902-1923, II: 1051-1058) and Garibay (1958: 138-149). Since Thelma Sullivan did not leave a translation of this hymn, this version is that of Arthur Anderson, similar but not identical to his and Charles Dibble's revised translation of the Florentine Codex version in the second edition of Book 2 (Sahagún 1981: 236-237).

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chalima avevetl ye colhoa.q. n. Jn quauheivatl, ye oxavaloc in

coaeztlj, ioá in quauhtlj yhyvio in motenevaiquauhtzon. ipan valvicoc y vmpa eolhoacá

Huiya tonaeaaexolmacentla teumilcoehicavaztica m otlaquechizca.q. n. Jnic motocaya Qentlj, in mochivaya

teumilpá, ichieavaztica ynic tlatatacaya. ynictocaya

Vitztla, vitztla nomac temivitztla, vitztla nomac temja cá teumilco ehicavazticamotlaquechizcaVitztla, q. n. nomac temj nochicavaztica

ynic nitocaya ynic nitlatatacaya.

Malinalla nomac temj,a gá teum ilco ehicavazticamotlaquechizca.malinalla, victlj. q. n. victica in tlachpa-

naya. id est. ic elimiquia, y vncá teumilpáauh ychicavaztica inic nitlatatacaya inje nitocaya.

A vmey quauhtlj, ye tonan aya chalme-catecutlj

a ytzivac ymaviztla nechyatetemillj,

yeva nopiltzin aya mixcoatla.q. n. Matlactli vmei quauhtli y notonal in

namoná auh yn ánopilhoá anchalmeca xicuitiin tzivactli xinechtemilica.

Ya tonan j yauCivatzi.aya tona yau£ivatzíaya ymaca colivaca y yvitla ypotocaya.

q. n. J niyaucivatzin y namona vmpanochan in colvaca auh in quavivitl nicte-maca yn ic oquauhtivac.

Ahuiya ye tonaquetlj yautlatocaya,ahuia ye tonaquetlj yautlatocayama nevilano tlaca cenpoliviz

aya ym aca colivaca y yvitla ypotocaya

q. n. Ca otonac ca otlatvic ma mochiva

Bald cypress of Chalma, now Colhuacanian.This means, Eagle-woman. Her face has

been painted with serpent blood, and of eaglefeathers is what is called her eagle headdress,which is on her [head]. She has been broughtthere to Colhuacan.

Fir branches of our sustenance,Maize ear in the godly field,With rattle sticks she is supported.This means, when the maize was planted,

it was done in the divine field. With rattlesticks they dug; thus they planted.

The thorn, the thorn lies in my hand.The thorn, the thorn lies in my hand.With ra ttle stick s in the godly fieldShe is supported.Vitzt la means, in my hand lie my rattle

sticks with which I sow, with which I dig.

The broom lies in my hand.With rattle sticks in the godly fieldShe is supported.M alinalla, victl i means, with the digging

stick she sweeps; that is, with it she works inthe divine field and with her rattle stick shehas dug, she has planted.

Thirteen Eagle is our mother, Chalmanlady.

He fills me with the glory of his cactusdart,

He who is my lord Mixcoatl.This means, Thirteen Eagle is my sign. I

am your mother and you people of Chalmaare my children. Take the cactus dart; fill mewith it.

Our mother, warrior-woman,Our mother, warrior-woman,Deer of Colhuacan who is covered with

feathers.This means, I am your mother, the war

rior-woman. My home is there in Colhuacan, and I give someone an eagle feather with

which she becom es an eagle.The sun has shone, war goes on.The sun has shone, war goes on.Let men be dragged up; they will come to

an end.The deer of Colhuacan is covered with

plumes.This means, the sun has shone, the day has



yauyutl ma tlamalo tlalpiliv iz nictemaca in dawned. Let there be war, let captives bequavivitl. taken, let the land be decimated. I give peo-

^ pie eagle feathers.

[fol. 279r]

Ahuia quavivitl amoxayavalljonaviya yecoyametl amoxayavalljq. n. Aahuia yn otlamaloc in quavivitl yc

moxava.

1 Jzcatqui ÿ Cuicatl chicuexiuhticamevaya in iqc atamalqualoya.

Xóchitl noyollo cuepontimanja:ye tlacoyoalle, oaya, oovayay e. vYecoc ye tonâyecoc, ye teutl tlacolteutla oaya oovayaye. Otlacatqui çenteutl tamiyoanchânjxochitlicacanj,çe y xochitlj yantala, yantata, ayyao,

ayyave til il iyao ayi ave oayyave.Otlacatqui çenteutl, atl, yayavicanj

tlacapillachivaloya chalchimichvacà. yyao, yantala, yantanta ayyao, ayyave, ti li li yao, ayy ave oayyav e.

Eagle feathers are your facial paint,Of the fighter is your facial paint.Th is means, captives have been taken. His

face is painted with eagle feathers.

1 Here Is the Song Sung Every Eight Yearswhen Water Tamales Were Eaten 23

My heart is a flower that bursts into bloom.He is the lord of the midnight hour.Our mother has come.The goddess has come—Tlazolteotl.Centeo tl was born in Tamoanchan,Where flowers stand erect;He is One Flower.

In the region of water, of mist, was Centeotl born.

In the place of the lord of the fish made of jade are the offspring of lords given being.

[fol. 279v]

Oyatlatonazqui tlavizcallevaya

inan tlachichinaya nepapà quechol,

xochitlacaca yyâtala, yantata, ayyao, ayyave, til il iy ao, ayy ave oayyave

Tlalpâ timoquetzca,tianquiznavaquj a

The sun has come forth, the morning hasdawned,

And sundry red spoonbills sip nectar fromflowers

Where flowers stand erect.

On earth you are standingBy the m arketing place.

23. This long hymn (without explanatory glosses) was apparently sung at the ceremony of Atamalcua liztli, "Eating of Water Tamales," that was performed every eight years in the veintenas of either Quecholli or Tepeilhuitl (see account in Paragraph 2B). Featuring a complicated ritual program that involved dancing and extensive impersonations of deities and a variety of insects, birds, and other creatures, plus snake swallowing, the ceremony was ostensibly performed to rest and rejuvenate the staple cultigen, maize. Because of its eight-year periodicity, Seler speculated that it was connected with the Venus calendar (eight solar years = five Venus years], and this view—in spite of the absence of elements in the ceremony that exhibit clear-cut Venusian associations—has been widely accepted. The hymn is rich in allusions to fertility deities (Tlazolteotl, Tonan, Xochiquetzal, Centeotl, Piltzintecuhtli, Quetzalcoatl) and mythical places that featured the fertility aspect (Tamoanchan, Xochitlicacan, Atlyahuican, Chalchimichhuacan), as well as some actual places (Cholollan, Oztoman, Chacallan). Of considerable interest is the reference to a magic ball court, Nahua(t)lachco, in relation to a deity, Xolotl, closely associated with the ritual ball game. For detailed interpretations of this rich hymn, see Seler (1902-1923, II: 1061-1070) and Garibay (1958: 154-172).

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teucuitlaquemitl ximoquëtiquetl ovia Q. n. Jn tiyoallavana, tixipe, totec, tleica in

timonenequj, in timoçuma in timotlatia, idest. tleica in amo quiavi.

teocuitlaquemitl xicmoquenti. q. n. ma

quiavi.ma valauh yn atl,Noteu achalchimamatlacoapan aytemoya, oy

quetzallavevetl, ay quetzalxivicoatl nechi-yayquinocauhquetl, oviya.

Q. n. Jn tinoteuh, o temo c in mauh ovalla ÿmauh. ay quetzalavevetl id est. ye tlaquetzal-patia ye tlaxoxovia, ye xopantla, ay quetzalx-iuhcoatl nechiaiquinocauhquetl. id est. ca yeotechcauh ÿ mayanaliztlj

Ma niya via, ma niapolivizniyoatzina chalchiuhtla noyollo,a teucuitlatl nocoyaitaznoyolcevizqujtlacatl achtoquetl tlaquava ya otlacatqui yautlatoaquetl oviya.Q. n. ma niauh, ma nipolivi, ÿ niyoatzï. id

est ovatl, iuhquï chalchivitl noyollo. Ateocui-tlatl nocoyaitaz. q. n. in catlevatl achto mo-

chivaz ninoyolceviz.

Apparel yourself in the garments of gold.This means, you, Night Drinker, our

Flayed Lord, why are you difficult? Are youangry? Do you hide? That is, why does it notrain?

Teocuitlaquemitl xicmoquenti means,

may it rain, may the water come.My god carries waters of jade on his back.The waterway's midpoint is not its way

down.The quetzal-plume cypress, the quetzal-

plume fire snake have left m e bereft.This means, you are my god; your water

has descended, your water has come.Ay quetzalavevetl: That is, now it be

comes the color of the quetzal feather, now itis greening, now it is spring.

A y quetzal xiuhcoatl nechiai quinocauh- quetl: Th at is, now famine has left us.

Let m e go, let me perish.I am the green stalk of maize;My hea rt is a precious green stone.I shall look at the gold:My heart will repose.The leader is hardened.The war lord's been born.Th is m eans, let m e go, let m e perish, I who

am Yoatzin, that is, the green maize stalk;my heart is like a jade.

A teocuit lat l nocoyaitaz means, whatever

is first to form, I shall be tranquil.

[fol. 280v]

Noteua ceintla co xayailiviz çonoay yoatzinmotepeyocpa mitzvalitta moteua,vizquintlacatl achtoquetl tlaquava ya,

otlacatqui yautlatoaquetl, oviya,Q. n. J noteuh cequi tlatlacotyâ in m ochiva

My lord the maize, face up!He fears in vain.He is the tender maize.Your god observes you from your hills.My heart will be at rest.The leader is hardened, The war lord's been

born.Th is means, he is my god. Some of his sus

tenance is growing where there is labor, and

Yohuallana, "Night Drinker," was a title applied to the priest who presided over the gladiatorial sacrifice, tlahuahua- na l iz t l i , the highlight of the veintena of Tlacaxipehualiztli, Xipe's particular ceremony (Sahagun 1981: 51-53). The hymn was interpreted in detail by Seler (1902-1923, II: 1073-1078) and Garibay (1958: 177-185); they often differed significantly in their translations and their exegetical analyses. In spite of many obscurities, the fertilization and growth of maize appears to constitute a basic theme of the hymn, which appropriately fits Xipe's role as a major fertility deity.

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in itonaeayuh, auh in tlein tlatlacotya achto what comes up first where there is labor,mochiva muchi tlaca tl achto mitzvalmaca . everyone gives to you first; and when every-auh in iquac ye omu chi mochiuh oc cepa no thing has now come up, once again everyonemochi tlacatl mitzvalmaca y motonacayuh. gives you your sustenance.

1 Chicom ecoatl icujc. 1 Song of Chicom ecoatl 25

Chicom ollotz in xayameva, ximigotia, ' Arise, wake up, Seven Ears of Maize,a ca tona titechicnocavazqui You, our mother, will leave us bereft;tiyavia muchi tlallocan ovia You have gone to your hom e in Tlalocan.q. n. Jn tichicom olutl. id est in ticen tlj. Th is means, you who are Seven Ears of

ximeva, xiga, xixva, ca otonmovicaya yn Maize, that is, you who are the maize, arise,mochan tlalloca wake up, sprout up, for you have taken your

self off to your home in Tlalocan.Xayameva, ximigot ia Arise, wake up,-a ca tona titechicnocavazqu j You, our mother, wi ll leave us bereft;tiyavia mocha tlalloca noviya. You have gone to your home in Tlalocan.q. n. Xayameva id est ximeva, xixva, xiga Th is means, Xayameva, that is, arise,

ca otimovicaya yn mochatzinco in tlaloca ca sprout up, wake up, for you have taken your-iuhqui titonatzi . self off to your home in Tlalocan,- you are

like our mother.

5 Totochtin incujc tezcatzoncatl Song of the Rabbits,- Tezcatzoncatl 26

Yyaha, yy a yya, yy a ayya, ayyo ovi ya, ayya Yah ahayya, ayya yya yyo vi ya, ayya yya ayya yya Yah yah yah yah yohyyo viya. O yah

Yah yah yah yah yohO yah

Yah yah yah yah yohO yah 27

25. On the subject of this short hymn, Chicomecoatl, "Seven Coatl (Snake)," the fundamental maize deity—merged here, as Tonan, "Our Mother," with the Earth Goddess—see note 25, Paragraph 5A. Chicomollotzin, "Seven Maize Cobs ," the epithet by which she is addressed in the hymn , was linked by Seler (1902-1 923, II: 1081) with the ritual carrying of the seed maize, in bunches of seven cobs (called here chichicoomollo t l ), by a procession of young girls to Cen- teopan, the temple of Chicomecoatl, a highlight of the veintena of Hueytozoztli dedicated to this goddess (Sahagun 1981: 63-64). The hymn, which also mentions Tlalocan, the paradise of the Rain God, consists of only two strophes, virtually repeated; it could be interpreted as a kind of conjuration to promote the growth of the maize crop.

26. Totochtin, "The Rabbits," were the oct l i gods in the aggregate (see note 15, Paragraph 5A). Tezcatzoncatl, "He of Tezcatzonco (Place of Mirror-Hair)," was one of the most important of these gods and was named by Sahagun (1970: 74) in one passage as the inventor of this intoxicating beverage. He was not included among the deities pictured in Paragraph 5(A), although two gods, Totoltecatl and Macuiltochtli, and a goddess, Tezcacoac Ayopechtli (= Mayahuel), that were pictured can be assigned to the octli cult (see notes 79, 81, and87, Paragraph 5A). Tezcatzoncatl was described in Chapter 22 of Book 1 of theFlorenti ne Codex (Sakagun 1970: 51, Pi. 21) and illustrated on fol. 12 of the manuscript (Sahagun 1979,1).

27 The initial passage of this hymn is composed of a series of meaningless utterances featuring the ubiquitous ya, widely employed for rhythm ic effect throughout the hymns. It constituted wh at Garibay called an "apoyo a la musica preludial del canto." Garibay (1958: 196 -197 ) also presented a cogent argument that fol. 281 of the Real Palacio manuscript had been inadvertently turned around, probably when the man uscript was bound, so that its original verso side became the recto page immediately following fol. 280 verso. This resulted in the two final strophes of the Tezcatzon-



noquacuiloa in xochayutl, in coquiayutl intevelteca, quimilhuj in iqui tonaz tlatvizanoquacuiloa ayezq, xalli tepeuhya id esttlaloca / quilmach chalchiuhpetlacallj inquitopeuh inic tepeuh.

Chalchiuhpetlacalco ninaxcaagan axca noquacuillo,atl iyollo nechvaliavicatiaquexalli itepeuhyaChalchiuhpetlacalco ninaxca. q. n. onca

ninotlati in chalchiuhpetlacalco. ayaxca ynechalhvicatiaqz y noquacuiloa atl iyoloa invmpa tlalloca

head priests with difficulty brought me theflower turtle, the mud turtle, the people ofTehuellan. He said to them, "When the sunshines, when the day dawns, you, my shorn-head priests, are to be in the place where thesand is strewn," that is, Tlalocan. They say

that he set fire to the green stone coffer; thusthey were strewn about.In the jade coffer I burn myself up.With trouble have my shorn-head priestsBrought me the water's heartFrom where the sand is strewn.Chalchiuhpetlacalco ninaxcan means,

there in the green stone coffer I burned myself up. With difficulty my shorn-head priestsbrought me the heart of the water fromTlalocan.

[fol. 281r]

Atlava ycuic.

H v ia nichalmecatl,nichalmecatlnecavalcacda, nccaval cacti a,olya quatonallaolya . ; - v? ; _ r; /Q. n. J nichalmecatl, y ninegavalcac oqui-

cauhtevac yn ioholli, yn ioya, ixquatechim al

iquatonal.

Veya, veya, macxoyauh quilazteutl yllapanimacxoyauh.Q. n. maxiyauh tiquilazteutl. nomac temj

yn macxoyauh.Nimitzacatecunotza ya chimalticpac monego ya

nimitzacatecunotza ya Q. n. in iquac onimitznotz, mochimaltic-

pac timigoya.

1 Song of Atlahua29

I am the man from Chalma,I am the man from Chalma,Nezahualcactli, Nezahualcactli.The forehead insignia is swaying;It sways.This means, I am the man from Chalma, I

am Nezahualcac. He left behind the rubber,

the jewel, his frontal rosette, his head adornment.

Your fir branch, the broom of Quilaztli,Your fir branch.This means, your fir branch, Quilazteotl,

your fir branch lies in my hand.I call you, lord reed.On top of the shield he draws blood from

himself.I call you, lord reed.This means, when I call you, you draw

blood from yourself on top of the shield.

29. On Atlahua, probably "Possessor of Spear-thrower," see note 74, Paragraph 5A. He was a hunting deity especially venerated, along with Amimitl, in Cuitlahuac in the Chinampaneca freshwater lacustrine district of the southern Basin of Mexico. Various of the references in the hymn seem appropriate to the cult of this deity, who overlaps—but in a more aquatic aspect—with the Chichimec hunting deity par excellence, Mixcoatl/Camaxtli. These references include Chalma(n] (see note 36, Paragraph 5A), Acatecuhtli, "Reed-Lord," and the split reed,acaxelihui, as arrow (= timetU; see note 76, Paragraph 5A). Two other deities important in this zone, Quilaztli (= Cihuacoatl; see note67, Paragraph 5 A ) and Opochtli (see note57, Paragraph 5 A ), are also mentioned, along with an apparent toponym, Tetoman, otherwise unknown.

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152

Ayac nomiuh timallaa ytolloca acatl nomiuhacaxelivi timalla,Q. n. atle nom juh yc notimaloa, ca vel ito-

loc in acatl nomjuh. yn acatl xelivi yn nino-timaloa.

Tetomä a moyolcan a tlamacazquin teto-metl.

agan axcä ye quetzaltototl nicyaizcalti-quetl a.

Q. n. oncä evac in tetomä, nitlacochte-tom etl. auh in axcä ye quetzaltoto tl ynic nit-lazcaltia

Y yopuchi noteuh atlavaquetl,agan axcä ye quetzaltototl nicyaizcalti-

quetl a.Q. n. tiacauh i noteuh in atlava: auh in

axcä iuhqui quetzaltototl ic nitlazcaltia.

! Macuilxochitl icuic.

Ay ya yao, xoch itl icaca vmpa nivitz a

tlamacazecatl a tlamocoyoale a.Q. n. vmpa nocha in xochitl icaca y nitla-

macazqui nimacuilxvchitl.

Ayy a yyao. a yvin tinozic aya teumechave

oya, yao tlavicoyacalle a tlamacazecatl o tlamoco-

yovale a.Q. n. Ma tihuia in tinogi in vmpa titla-

ecoltilozque vmpa tochä eztetzauhteutl a notecujo tezcatlipucaquinanquilicä ginteutl a oay.Q. n. Jn tetzavitl in tezcatlipvca ca oyaque

auh ynic tivi vmpa titlananquilizque in cen-teutl

No arrow is mine; it is [my] pride.It was said that the reed is my arrow.The split reed is [my] pride.This means, no arrow is mine; thus I am

filled with pride, for it is said that th e reed ismy arrow, the split reed; I am filled with

pride.Tetoman was your place of birth, Priest

Tetometl.Laboriously I feed the quetzal bird.

This means, there in Tetoman he rose; Iam Tlacochtetometl. And now he is a quetzal bird; therefore I feed him.

Opochtli, my god, is Atlahua.Laboriously I feed the quetzal bird.

This means, the war chief is my god, Atlahua, and now he is like a quetzal bird;therefore I feed him.

^ Song of Macuilxo chitl30

From where flowers stand erect, thencecome I,

The priest, lord of red dusk.This means, my home is there where flow

ers stand erect. I am the priest, I am Macu ilxochitl.

So also you, grandmother mine with the

thigh-skin face paint,Rosy dawn's lady [and] priest[ess], red

gloaming lady.This means, you, my grandmother, go. We

shall be served where our home is to be.God of ill omen, my lord Tezcatlipoca,Answer Centeotl.This means, he of ill omen [and] Tez

catlipoca went off, and therefore we must gothere to answer Centeotl.

30. This final hymn was dedicated to Mac uilxoch itl, the preeminent member of the Macuiltonaleque (see notes 43 and 84, Paragraph 5A). Even in its truncated and possibly incomplete form— after the transfer of its ostensible concluding strophes to the earlier hymn dedicated to Tezcatzoncatl—the hymn contains references that are appropriate to the cult of the Macuiltonaleque, including Xochitlicaca, a well-recognized synonym for Tamoanchan, and Centeotl, the young maize god who overlaps with Macuilxochitl/Xochipilli. There also appears to be a reference to the maternal earth/fertility goddess Toci, "Our Grandmother," an aspect of Teteoirman/Tlazolteotl, who wears the thigh-skin face paint featured in the rituals of the veintena of Ochpaniztli (compare the foregoing hymn to Teteoinnan). Also mentioned is the head of the pantheon, Tezcatlipoca, apparently designated by the appellation Tetzahuitl, "Omen," which was more commonly applied to Huitzilopochtli.



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ya in novia momuzco yoa in cacacalco yoátlacoquixtiloya y novia teteupá mochi tlacatlmonaeaztequia oyvin i y mochivaya.

metztli cuallo. yn otztiti catca genca mo-mauhtiaya quitoaya quilmach qu imich ti mo-cuepazque auh im pipiltotonti tlacatia inipan qualoya metztli in aca yacaquatic anofotenquatic. auh impipiltoton moximaya in ipageg entetl metztli intlacamo moximaz i coco-lizcui oyvin i im mitoaya.

mamalhuaztli. Jn iquac oya tonatiuh y yetlayacavi iquac geppa tlenamaco ic mitoayaovalvetz y iova ltecutli yacavitztli ye tequitizye tlacotiz.

Auh inic opa tlenamaco iquac yn tlaquauhtlapoyava.

Jnic. 3. tlenamacoc iquac y nete tequ izpa.

jnic. 4. tlenamaco iquac in tlatlapitzalizpa.

Auh y machiyotl y mamalvaztli yoá miecyoan tiyanquiztli yquac nepátla omomanaconima ye ic tlatlapi<jallo ic mitoaya tlatla-

and everyone drew blood from himselfeverywhere—at the crossroads shrines4 andin the Zacacalco [House of Grass]5—andtwigs were passed [through various parts ofthe body] in the temples everywhere, [and]everyone cut his ear [lobes]. Thus was it done.

Eclipse of the Moon6

The pregnant women were very fearful.They said, it was said that they would turninto mice and the children born during aneclipse of the moon would be noseless or lip-less. And th e heads of the babies were shavedeach month; if they were not shaved, theytook sick. Thus was it said.

The Fire Sticks7

When the sun departed,8 when it was nowdark, was the first tim e an offering of incensewas made. It was said, "Yohualtecuhtli Yaca-huitztli has appeared. Now he will do hiswork; now he w ill perform his labors."

And the second time an incense offeringwas made was when it was completely dark.

The third [time] an incense offering wasmade was at bedtime.

The fourth [time] an incense offering was

made was when the flutes were sounded. Andwhen the sign of the Fire Sticks, and alsothose of the Many and the Market9 reached

4. Momuzco: On the momoztli, see note 4, Paragraph 1, Chapter I.5. Qacacalco: Read zacacalco. These were structures where autosacrificial and other ritual activities took place.6. Metztli cuallo: literally, "the moon is eaten," signifying a lunar eclipse, a phrase parallel to that for a solar eclipse

(see note 2, this paragraph).7 Mamalhuaztli: This asterism, which is diagramed and labeled, is here and elsewhere (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part

VIII [Book 7]: 11) designated by two other names, Yohualtecuhtli, "Lord of Night," and Yacahuiztli, "Nose-Thorn." An apparent alternative for the first name was Yohualitqui, "Night Bringer" (Alvarado Tezozomoc 1987: 574). It has been variously identified by modern scholars; the most frequent suggestions have been: the belt and sword of Orion (Orozco

y Berra 1960, I: 27; Coe 1975: 26; Aveni 1980: 35-36), Hyades in Taurus (Gallo 1955: 19; Aveni 1980: 35), Aldebaran (Orozco y Berra 1960, I: 27; Gallo 1955: 18), and Castor and Pollux in Gemini (Anderson and Dibble in Sahagún 1950-1982, Part VIII [Book 7]: 60).

8. Tlayacavi: Possibly this should be read tlayoac. Otherwise the term might be translated as " it nosed (or pointed) some thing"— a possible reference to Yacahuiztli.

9. Miec yoan tiyanqu iztli: It has been generally agreed that these terms referred to the Pleiades, which played an important role in the mythology and ritual of many Mesoamerican and other native New World groups (see Aveni 1980: 30-34). Observation of this asterism determined the timing of the initiation of the great New Fire ceremony, toxiuh-

molpia, of 1507 (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part V [Book 4[: 143). Although not specifically labeled as such, one of the stellar diagrams clearly represents the Pleiades (e.g., Seler 1904: 357).



pica l izpa . ■

Inic. v. tlenamaco yquac y mitoaya ticatlaiquac nezovaya vitztli mocui nevitzmanalo.Auh y machiyotl y mamalvaztli yoa miec

yoa tiyanquiztli omopiloto.

Jnic. vi. tlenamaco yquac y valcholoa citlali.

Auh inic. 7 tlenamaco yquac yn tlatlalchi-pava auh y machiyotl quipatla in gitlali ymiec.- /

gitlalpul. tlanextia. ' - It shines brightly - : - : : - : -

The Comet

About it, it is said that wherever it is, therewill soon be a rebellion [against the ruler],war will be made, or some esteemed nobleman will die.

The Shooting Star

It does not appear without purpose. When itstrikes a rabbit or a dog, a worm is extendedinside it. [The animal] is not eaten. All of itbecomes like this; other worms find theirway inside it.

[fol. 282v|

Th e S-Shaped Cons tellation12

xonecu illi. tlanextia It shines brightly.

10. Tlatlapicallo, tlatlapicaliztli: read tlatlapitzalo and tlatlapitzaliztli.11. Citlalpul: literally, "great star," the standard Nahuatl appellation for the planet Venus, recognized as both the

morning and evening star. This planet played a major role in Mesoamerican calendrics, ritual, and divination (see Seler 1904; Coe 1975: 19-20; Aveni 1980: 23-26).

12. Xonecuilli: This asterism, which is diagramed and labeled, has been identified with different constellations: Ursa Minor (Anderson and Dibble in Sahagun 1950-1982, Part VIII [Book 7]: 66; Aveni 1980: 37), Ursa Major (Aveni 1980: 37), the Southern Cross (Seler 1904: 358; Aveni 1980: 36), and a stellar configuration in Hercules and Draco (Seler 1904-1909 I: 261-262). Sahagun (1950-1982, Part VIII [Book 7]: 13; 1988, II: 483-484) states that this constellation took its name from its resemblance to an S-shaped maize or amaranth seed cake ritually eaten on the days named Xochitl (Flower) in the 260-day divinatory cycle,tonalpohualli. See discussion of the xonecuilli in Seler 1 904 -190 9,1: 259-263.

citlalin tlamina. amo nequica ago tochtlianogo chichi in quimina ytic moteca ocuiliamo qualo mochi iuh mochiva yn oc ccquiocuilti ytic calaqui.

citlalin popuca. ipa mitoaya cana ye val-motzacuaz yauyutl mochivaz anogo aca veytlacopilli miquiz.

their zenith, then the flutes were sounded.Thus it was called the time of the soundingof the flutes.10

The fifth [time] an offering of incense wasmade was at what was called midnight, whenthere was bleeding of oneself; maguey thorns

were taken; there was the offering of thorns.And the signs of the Fire Sticks, and theMany, and the Market were going to set.

The sixth [time] an offering of incense wasmade was when the [morning] star appeared.

And the seventh [time] an offering of incense was made was when it began to dawnand the [morning] star took the place of thesign, the Many.

The Morning Star11

Paragraph1

155



colutl. çan onoc tlanextia.

Scorpion13

It is only there; it shines brightly

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PA R A G R A P H 2

Tnic ome parrapho ypâ mitoa in jntoca yntlacpac eecaticpac muchiva.

eecatl.

Jn ic çentlamâtli y eecatl çiuatlâpa itz tiv iz.auh inic ontlamâtli eecatl chalcopa itzivitziquac motzineva quauitl anoço calli xitini.

Jnic . 3. eecatl m ict lâpa itztivitz. Jnic. 4. eecatltiquitoa chichimecapa itztivitz çenca ic mi-cova. auh yn eecatl mitoaya quetzalcoatl tiquitoa quintlachpania in tlaloque.

tlapetlanilutl.

Second paragraph, in which are told thenames of what are found on high, on thewinds.

The Winds1

Th e first wind comes from the west, and thesecond wind comes from the direction ofChaleo. At that time trees are uprooted orhouses crumble. Th e third wind comes fromthe north. The fourth wind we say comesfrom the region of the Chichimeca; with itthere is much death. And the wind that iscalled Quetzalcoatl, we say, sweeps the roadfor the Tlalocs.

Lightning

tlatlatziniliztli. tiquitoa quichiva in tlaloquequitquitiviçe in tlapetlanilutl ic tlauitequi iniquac cana tlauiteco.

quiyavitl.

tiquitoa quichiua in tlaloque.

The Bolt of Lightning. We say that the Tlalocs produce it. They go bearing2 the lightning bolts with which they strike thingswhen something is struck [by lightning]

somewhere.

• Rain

We say that the Tlalocs make it.

13. Colotl: Again, modern students differ concerning the identification of this constellation (called colotl ixayac,

"scorpion face," by Alvarado Tezozomoc [1987: 574]), which is diagramed and labeled. Suggestions have included Arc- turus (Seler 1904: 357), Ursa Major (Anderson and Dibble in Sahagún 1950-1982, Part VIII [Book 7]: 66; Gallo 1955: 19-20), and the Old World Scorpio (Orozco y Berra 1960,1: 28; Coe 1975: 26; Aveni 1980: 37). On the symbolic ideological connotations of the scorpion in pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica, see Seler 190 2-192 3, IV: 740-750.

1. The Tepepolco provenience of this scheme of the winds seems to be evidenced by the designation of the southern wind as that from the direction of Chaleo, which lies almost directly south of the Tepepolco zone. Comparing this scheme with that obtained later by Sahagún in Tlatelolco and included in the Historia (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part VIII [Book 7]: 14; 1988, II: 484), some interesting differences are apparent. The latter presents the formally structured scheme that assigns the winds to the four cardinal directions, listed following the standard counterclockwise ritual circuit: east-north-west-south. Here, the description of the winds commences with that from the west, followed by that from the south. Two winds are assigned to the north (Mictlampa, Chichimecapan), and although it is not explicitly stated, the "Quetzalcoatl wind" must have been considered to have come from the east, in keeping with the usual directional assignment of this deity.

2. Quitquitiviçe: read quitquitivitze.



ayauhcoga]malvtl. Rainbow

Yn omoquegaco tiquitoa ye quicaz yn quia-vitl ye quigazque in tlaloque. auh in ipà mo-quefa metl ayauhcogamalutl macuegaligivi.

£etl.

tiquitoa itztlacoliuhqu i gexiuhtica y vallauhin ccvetzi ypá gempovallapoalli ochpaniztli.Auh chicuacempovaliluitl i gevetzi ipà quicagempovallapo valli tiquitoa tit itl tiquitoaoquiz in getl ye toquizpa. ye tlatotonia. yequalca.

When it comes rising3 we say the rain willcease, that now the Tlalocs will stop [raining]. And when the rainbow rises4 over amaguey, the leaves become reddened.

Frost

We say that the frost is Itztlacoliuhqui.5 During the year the frost comes in the twenty-day period of Ochpaniz tli.6 And for one hundred and twenty days there is cold. It ceasesin the twenty-day period we call Tititl.7 Wesay, "The cold has ceased. Now it is the timeof the green leaves of maize,- now it is warm;now the weather is good."

[fol. 283r]

mixtli.

yn iquac tepeticpac omotlatlalli tiquitoa caye quiaviz ye vige in tlaloque omotlatlalli ymextli.

gepayavitl.

gan itlauical yn getl iuhquin quiyauitl ypápovi in iquac gepayavi tiquitoa pixcoz.

tegivitl.

ic muchiva in iquac motlatlalia mextli tepeticpac cenca iztac mitoa ca ye tetiviz. Auhnimà quitaya in tegiuhtlazque quitoaya ca yetetiviz. auh quitlacoa in tonacaiotl.

Clouds

When they have settled on the tops of themountains we say that now it will rain, thatnow the Tlalocs are coming;8 the cloudshave settled.

Snow

It is the companion of the frost. It is prizedlike the rain. When it snows we say there

will be a harvest.Hail

It occurs when the clouds that settle on themountaintops are very white. It is said thatnow it will hail. And then when the hail-ejectors9 had seen it, they said, "Now it willha il." And it damages the fruits of the earth.

3. Omoquequecaco: read omoquequetzaco.4. Moqueca: read moquetza.

5. Itztlacoliuhqui: "Curved Obsidian Blade." This name was applied to the male maize deity, Centeotl, in the context of the role of his ritual impersonator during the Ochpaniztli ceremony. It was also the name of a strange, enigmatic deity that served as the regent of the twelfth trecena of the tonalpohualli commencing with 1 Cuetzpallin (Lizard). See the analyses and interpretations in Seler 1900-1901: 90-93; 1904-1909, II: 246-252; Sullivan 1976a.

6. Ochpaniztli: The duration of this veintena at the time of the Conquest was from September 2 to September 21 (Caso correlation of the Mexica calendar [Caso 1939]).

7 Tititl: According to the Caso correlation of the Mexic a calendar (Caso 1939), at the tim e of the Conquest thisveintena ran from December 31 to January 19.

8. Vice: read vitze.9. Teciuhtlazque: These "h ail-ejecto rs" or "hail-throw ers" used their supernatural powers to protect the fields from

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toque mochiuaya. Auh y macevalli ipan tla-catia motlamachtiz tecouaz tealtiz nanaca-cuaz yoà ipà necaltiloya yoà tecutlato yez yoàipà tlamaloia. Auh intla giuapilli vncan tla-catia iuhquin tlatoani mochiva Auh intlamacevalli cihuatl cenca tlamachiuani ez yoà

motlamachtiz.

were then born became rulers. And a commoner born on it would become rich. Hewould invite people to feasts,2 he would sacrifice slaves,3 he would eat mushrooms.4 Andalso on [this sign] houses were built and onewould be a judge, and at that time captives

were taken. And if a noblewoman was bornthen, she became like a ruler. And if thewoman was a commoner, she would be5 agood embroiderer and she would become rich.

[fol. 286v]

Qe itzcuintli. [illus.]vme vcomatli. [illus.]yei malinalli. [illus.]navi acati, [illus.]macuilli vcelutl. [illus.]

chicuacen quauhtli. [illus.]chicome cuzcaquauhtli. [illus.]chicuey olii, [illus.]Chicunavi tecpatl. [illus.]

matlactli quiavitl. [illus.]matlactli oge xuchitl [illus.]matlactli omome gipactli. [illus.]matlactli vmey. yecatl. [illus.]

Jnin mat lactetl omey tonalpovalli amoqualli tonalli mitoaya tequatonalli. Jn aquinpilli ipan tlacatia ago yaomiquiz anoco te-tlaximaz anoco monamacaz. Auh cà no ivi ymacevalli in aquin ipan tlacatia ago yaumi-quiz ago tetlaximaz anogo monamacaz ago ichtequiz quigacutiyez. in itlatlacul Auh ynaquin ipan tlamaya mitouaya ga netolini-liztli yn oacic macivin tequiva monamacazatle quiquani ez acan ichan yez teumiquiz.

One DogTwo MonkeyThree GrassFour ReedFive Jaguar

Six EagleSeven VultureEight MovementNine Flint Knife

[fol. 287r]

Ten RainEleven FlowerTwelve Crocodilian MonsterThirteen Wind

This thirteen-day period was of bad fortune. It was called a beastly day sign. Whenthe person born on it was a nobleman, hewould either die in battle or commit adultery or sell himself into bondage. It was thesame when the person born on it was a commoner. Either he would die in war or com mitadultery, or sell himself into bondage, orsteal, [and] they would jail him6 for histransgressions. And he who took captives atthis time, it was said, attained poverty. Eventhough he was a seasoned warrior, he would

sell him self into bondage. He would becomeone who had nothing to eat; his house wouldbe nowhere; he would be sacrificed.

2. Motlamachtiz: literally, to bring people together.3. Tecouaz t ealtiz: literally, to bathe people. Prisoners were frequently ritually bathed before they were sacrificed.4. Nanacacuaz: Hallucinogenic mushrooms, teonanacatl, were often served to guests at banquets.5. Ez: read yez.6. Quicacutiyez: read quitzacutiyez. -

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164

One WindTwo HouseThre e LizardFour SerpentFive DeathSix Deer

[fol. 298r]

chicom e toch tli. [illus.] Seven Rabbitchicuey atl. [illus.] Eight Waterchicunavi itzcuintli. [illus.] Nine Dogmatlac tli vgomatli. [illus.] Ten Monk eymatlac tli oge malinalli. [illus.] Eleven Grassmatlactli omome acatl. [illus.] Twelve Reedma tlactli omey vcelutl. [illus.] Th irteen Jaguar

Jnin matlactetl omey ton alpoalli catca gan This thirteen-day period was sim ilarly anno iuhqui amo qualli tona lli in aquin ipan adverse day sign. He who was born in ittlacatia tetlax imaz anogo monamacaz yau- would com mit adultery, or he would sellmiquiz intla gihoatl ahavilnemiz atle vellaiz him self into bondage, [or] he would die ingan no iuhqui y magehoalli monam acaz te- battle. If she was a woman, she would lead atlaximaz in iuhqui tlacpac omito. licen tious life, she would do nothing well. By

the same token, a commoner would sellhimself into bondage [or] commit adultery,as mentioned above.

[fol. 298v]

One Eagle

Two VultureThree MovementFour Flint KnifeFive RainSix FlowerSeven Crocodilian MonsterEight WindNine HouseTen Lizard

[fol. 299r|

Eleven SerpentTwelve DeathThirteen Deer

This thirteen-day period was said to be agood day sign. He who was born at that timewas very diligent; he was rich; he was a tillerof the soil; there was a great deal for him toeat. In the same way, if a woman was born

matlactli oçe couatl. [illus.]matlactli omome m iquiztli[illus.]matlactli omey maçatl. [illus.]

Jnin matlactetl omey tonalpoalli mote-neuaya qualli tonalli yn aquin oncan tlacatia.Çenca yiel catca motlamachtiaya çaca-mouani çenca vnca quicuani Çan no iuhquiintla çihoatl yn oncâ tlacatia çenca yiel tla-

£e quauhtli. [illus.]

vme cuzcaquauhtli. [illus.]yei olli. [illus.]navi tecpatl. [illus,]macuilli quiauitl. [illus.]chicuacé xvchitl. [illus.]chicome cipactli. [illus.]chicuey ecatl. [illus.]chicunavi calli. [illus.]matlactli cuetzpalli. [illus.]

£ e ecatl. [illus.]vme calli. [illus.]yei cutzpalli. [illus.]navi couatl. [illus.]macuilli miquiztli. [illus.]chicuage magatl. [illus.]



machiuani yoâ mochi quipiaya in tonacaiutlyn izquican icac ÿ cenili, yn etl. in vauhtli ynchia yoâ vncate ytlacava motlamachtia.quipia quachtli.

Çe tochtli. [illus.]

vme atl. [illus.]yei itzcuintli. [illus.]navi vçomatli. [illus.]

then, she was a very diligent embroidererand she had all the sustenances of life, themaize, the beans, the amaranth, the chia thatgrew everywhere; and [where] her peoplewere, they were rich; they had large mantles.One Rabbit

Two WaterThree DogFour Monkey

[fol. 299v]

macuilli m alinalli. [illus.]chicuaçë acati, [illus.]chicom e vcelu tl. [illus.]chicuey quauhtli. [illus.]chicunavi cuzcaquauhtli. [illus.]matlactli olii, [illus.]m atlactli oçe tecpatl. [illus.]matlactli omome quiauitl. [illus.]matlactli omey xuchitl. [illus.]

Five GrassSix ReedSeven JaguarEight EagleNine VultureTen MovementEleven Flint KnifeTwelve RainThirteen Flower

[fol. 300r]

Jnin m at lactet l omey tonalpoalli ÿ çeçemil-huitonalli yn çe çipactli mitoaya yectlitonalli. Jn aquin ipâ tlacatia pilli tlatoanimochiuaya yoâ motlamachtiaya. Çan no iuh-qui intla çihoatl ipâ tlacatia iuhquin tlatoani

mochiuaya motlamachtiaya. Auh intla çanmaçevalli ipâ tlacatia no motlamachtiaya.yoan mitoaya maçivin qualli ipan tonalli o-tlacat y. Çequintin çan quicochcauaya quit-latziuhcauaya ic motolinia atle ÿtlatqui mochiuaya, çâ motolinitinemj.

Çe çipactli. [illus.]vme ecatl. [illus.]yei calli, [illus.]

navi cuetzpalli. [illus.]macuilli couatl [illus.]chicuaçen miquiztli. [illus.]chicome maçatl. [illus.]

Each day sign [in] th is th irteen-day period,One Crocodilian Monster, was said to be agood sign. He who was a nobleman who wasborn in it became a ruler and was rich. Similarly, if a woman was born in it she became

like a ruler; she was rich. And if just a commoner was born in [this sign], he also wasrich. And it was also said that although theyhad been born9 under a good day sign, someneglected their tasks by sleeping, they neglected their duties out of laziness,- hencethey were miserable; nothing became theirpossessions,- they just lived in misery.One Crocodilian MonsterTwo WindThree House

Four LizardFive SerpentSix DeathSeven Deer

Paragraph4

9. Octacat: This verb is in the third person singular. 165



[fol. 300v]


and theUnderworld

166

chicuey tochtli. [illus.]chicunavi atl. [illus.]matlactli itzcuintli [illus.]matlactli oge vgomatli. [illus.]matlactli omome malinalli. [illus.]matlac tli omey acati, [illus.]

Jnin matlac tetl omey tonalpoalli mitoayaamo qualli tecuantonalli. Yn aquin pilli ipàtlacatia yaumiquia yoà tetlaximaia motene-vaya teuhtli tlagolli quichihuaya. £a no iuhqui intla gihoapilli tetlaximaya mitoaya iuhqui ipan tlacat. Auh intla gan magevalli noiuhqui ipá mochiuaya auh intlanel aca tiya-cauh muchiuaya vel monamacaya tlacotlimochiuaya iuh mitoaya ca iuhqui itonal.

Auh ga vei quigaya in tiyacauh in amo monamacaya iehoatl in amo tlacochcauaya moga-vaya migoya.

Eight RabbitNine WaterTen DogEleven MonkeyTwelve GrassThirteen Reed

This thirteen-day period was said to be adverse; it was a beastly day sign. He who was anobleman, who was born in it, died in battleand also committed adultery; it was said thathe made filth, dirt. Similarly, if it was a noblewoman, she committed adultery; it was saidthat thus it was at the time she was born. Andif it was just a commoner, the same happenedto him. And even though someone became a

brave warrior, he sold himself into bondage,he became a slave. So it was said that suchwas his lot. And the brave warrior who wassuccessful, who did not sell himself into bondage, did not neglect his duties because of sleeping. He fasted, he drew blood from himself.

[fol. 289r]

Qe vgelutl [illus.]vme quauhtli. [illus.]yei cuzcaquauhtli [illus.]navi olli [illus.]macuilli tecpatl [illus.]chicuagen quiauitl. [illus.]chicome xvchitl [illus.]chicuey gipactli. [illus.]chicunavi ecatl. [illus.]matlactli calli. [illus.]

One JaguarTwo EagleThree Vulture

Four MovementFive Flint KnifeSix RainSeven FlowerEight Crocodilian MonsterNine Wind10Ten House

matlactli oge cuetzpalli. [illus.]matlactli vmome couatl. [illus.]matlactli vmey miquiztli. [illus.]

[fol. 289v]Eleven LizardTwelve SerpentThirteen Death

10. A Spanish /Nahuatl gloss beside Nine Wind reads: Set i embre xxv. d e 1560 a°s.: fn a xca cemi l hui t l chi ucnau j ecat l /y pa m i ercol es cepoal i ómacui l l i a yp á Set i e de 1560 a°s. — "Today, Nine Wind, is on the 25 th of September, 1560." This statement clearly indicates that at least this portion of the Primeros Memorial es was composed during the period of Sahagún's Tepepolco residence, 1559-1561. The assignment of September 25, 1560, to thetonalpohualli day 9 Ehe- catl does not agree with the currently most favored correlation of the contact-period Central Mexican calendar with the European calendar, the Caso correlation (Caso 1939).



Jnin tonalpoalli matlactetl vmey mote-nevaya Çe maçatl iuh mitoaya qualli tonalli. Jn aquin ipä tlacatia pil li tlatoani mochiuayayoä motlamachtiaya çan no iuhqui intlaçihoapilli ipä tlacatia no iuhquin tlatoanjmochivaya motlamachtiaya. Auh intla maçe-

valli ipä tlacatia no motlamachtiani mochiuaya mocuiltonoanj. mochiuaya. yehica caiuhqui ipä tlacat.Çe maçatl. [illus.]vme tochtli [illus.]yei atl. [illus.]navi itzcuintli [illus.]

[fol.

macuilli vçomatli. [illus.]chicuaçe malinalli. [illus.]chicome acati, [illus.]chicuey vcelotl [illus.]chicunavi quauhtli [illus.]matlactli cuzcaquauhtli. [illus.]matlactli oçe olii, [illus.]matlactli vmome tecpatl. [illus.]matlactli vmey quiauitl. [illus.]

This thirteen-day period was called OneDeer. Thus was it said: It was a good day sign.He who was born in it who was a noblemanbecame a ruler and was rich. It was the sameif a noblewoman was born in it. She also became like a ruler [and] she was rich. And if a

commoner was born in it, he also became arich man, he became a wealthy man, becausesuch [was the day sign] in which he was born.One DeerTwo RabbitThree WaterFour Dog

Five MonkeySix GrassSeven ReedEight JaguarNine EagleTen VultureEleven MovementTwelve Flint KnifeThirteen Rain

[fol. 290v]

Jnin tonalpoali matlactetl omey motenevaya.

Ce xvchitl amo qualli yoä mitoaya achiqualli yn aquin ipä tlacatia pilli cuicanimochiuaya papaquini. Auh in aquin pilli ipämimatia in icuac cuica pactinemi. Auh inaquin amo ipä mimatia in atle ipä quitayaquitlaveliaya in tonalli aço teucocoliztliitech motlaliaya aço ixpopoiutia anoço quex-ilivia çâ no iuh ipä mochiuaya intla ma-cevalli no cuicani mochiuaya. Auh intlaçihoapilli ipä tlacatia vey tlamachiuhquimochiuaya auh intlacatle ipä quitta no

iuhqui ipä mochiuaya quitlaveliaya in tonalliÇan no iuhqui ipä mochiuaya in iuhqui tlac-pac omopouh yn izquitlamätli coculiztli yoäaviani mochiuaya iuh mitoaya ca iuhquiitonal ipä tlacat.

This thirteen-day period was called One

Flower. It was an adverse [day sign], but itwas said to be somewhat good. He who wasborn in it who was a nobleman became asinger; he was happy. And he who was anobleman, who was devoted to [his daysign], lived happily when he sang. But forhim who was not devoted to it, who misprized it, the day sign was angry with him.Either leprosy settled on him, or he wentblind, or the groin was disordered. The samehappened to one if he was a commoner; he

also became a singer. And if a noblewomanwas born in [this sign], she became a greatembroiderer, but if she disdained it, thesame would befall her. The day sign wasangry with her. The same befell her as is recounted above. [She would be stricken by]all kinds of maladies, and she would becomea pleasure girl. So was it said. Such was theday sign in which she was born.

Paragraph4

167



rich, became a lord. But if he did not liverevering it, so was it said, [if] he only neglected [his duties] by sleeping, he did notbecome rich but misery befell him, or leprosy, or he became blind. It was the same ifhe was a commoner. All kinds of maladies

also befell him. Only if he turned out well, itdid not thus befall him.One DeathTwo DeerThree RabbitFour Water

[fol. 292v]

Five DogSix MonkeySeven GrassEight ReedNine jaguarTen EagleEleven VultureTwelve MovementThirteen Flint Knife

[fol. 293r]

Jnin tonalpoalli matlactetl omey in mo-tenevaya £e quiaujtl amo qualli tonalli in

aquin ipan tlacatia pilli navalli mochiuayagan tlaveliloc. Auh in macevalli ipan tlacatiatlacateculotl mochiuaya tetlatlanonochiliaiuh mitoaya amo qualli in itequiuh. Can noiuhqui intla cihoapilli no iuhqui itequiuhmochiuaya genca motoliniaya acan incha im-manel pilli anogo giuapilli moch iuhquiimpa mochiuaya mitoaya ca iuhqui itonal inipa tlacat.

— (Je quiauitl. — [illus.]— vme xvchitl. — [illus.]—. yei gipactli. — [illus.]—. navi ecatl. — [illus.]—. macuilli calli. — [illus.]—. chicuage cuetzpalli — [illus.]—. chicome couatl. — [illus.]

This thirteen-day period was called OneRain. It was not a good day sign. He who was

born in it who was a nobleman became a sorcerer; he was a wicked man. And the commoner born in it became a devilish one; hewas a magician. Thus was it said: His workwas evil. Similarly, if she was a noblewoman,her work was the same. She was very miserable. She was homeless. Even though he wasa nobleman or she a noblewoman, all this befell them. It was said that such was the daysign at the time that one was born.One Rain

Two FlowerThree Crocodilian MonsterFour WindFive HouseSix Lizard ParagraphSeven Serpent 4

macuilli itzcuintli. [illus.]chicuage vgomatli. [illus.]chicome malinalli. [illus.]chicuey acati, [illus.]chicunavi vcelotl. [illus.]matlactli quauhtli. [illus.]matlactli oge cuzcaquauhtli. [illus.]matlactli omome olii, [illus.]matlactli vmey tecpatl. [illus.]

ipà mimatinemj iuh mitoaya ca ga no qui-cochcauh amo motlamachtiaya can netolin-iliz tli ipà mochiuaya ago teucocoliztli anogoixpopoiutia. Qan no iuhqui intla magevalligà no iuh ipà mochiuaya in izquitlamantlicocoliztli ga vey quigaya yn amo iuhqui ipà

mochiuaya.

£e miquiztli [illus.]vme magati [illus.]yei tochtli. [illus.]navi atl [illus.]

169



[fol. 293v]


and theUnderworld

170

chicuey miquiztli. [illus.]chicunavi maçatl. [illus.]matlactli tochtli [illus.]matlactli oçe atl. [illus.]

matlactli omome itzcuintli. [illus.]matlactli vmey vçomatli. [illus.] Jnin tonalpoalli matlac tetl omey in mote-

nehuaya Çe malinalli mitoaya tequantonalliamo quali in aquin ipan tlacatia im pilli iuhmitoaya amo qualli itequiuh yez aço navallimochiuaz. Auh intla maçevalli ipan tlacatiamitoaya tlacateculotl muchiuaya. Çan noiuhqui intla çihoapilli ipá tlacatia amonoqualli itequiuh catca: yn ipâ tlacatia. y. intlapilli anoço çihuapilli anoço maçevalli çencamotoliniaya acan inchâ atle quicuaya ic mitoaya ca iuhqui ipan tlacat, iuhqui ytonal,

Eight DeathNine DeerTen RabbitEleven Water

Twelve DogThirteen MonkeyThis thirteen-day period was called One

Grass. It was said to be a beastly day sign, adverse. As to a person then born who was anobleman, so was it said, his work would beevil; perhaps he would become a sorcerer.And if a commoner was born then, it wassaid that he became a devilish one. Similarly,if a noblewoman was then born, her workwas also evil. If a nobleman or a noblewomanor a commoner was then born, he was verymiserable; he had no home; he had nothingto eat. For it was said that thus was he born,thus was his day sign.

[fol. 294r]

Qe malinalli. [illus.]vme acati, [illus.]yei vgelotl. [illus.]navi quauhtli. [illus.]macuilli cuzcaquauhtli. [illus.]

chicuagen olii, [illus.]chicome tecpatl [illus.]chicuey quiauitl. [illus.]chicunavi xuchitl. [illus.]

One GrassTwo ReedThree JaguarFour EagleFive Vulture

Six MovementSeven Flint KnifeEight RainNine Flower

[fol. 294v]

matlactli çipactli. [illus.]matlactli oçe ecatl. [illus.]matlactli vmome calli. [illus.]matlactli vmey cuetzpalli. [illus.]

Jnin tonalli mitoaya Çe couatl yec tlitonalli in aquin pilli ipâ tlacatia tlatoanimuchivaya mocuiltonoani catca çan no iuhqui intla çihuapilli ipâ tlacatia mocuiltonoani catca miec quipiaya in tonacaiotl. Çanno iuhqui intla maçevalli ipâ tlacatia nomocuiltonoani muchivaya. Auh maçivi inqualli tonalli ipâ tlacatia Çequintin çan qui-tlatziuhcavaya quicochcavaya motoliniaya

Ten Crocodilian MonsterEleven WindTwelve HouseThir teen Lizard

This day sign was called One Serpent. Itwas a good day sign. He who was born at thattime who was a nobleman became a ruler; hewas a rich man. Similarly, if a noblewomanwas born at that time, she was rich, she had anabundance of foodstuffs. By the same token, ifa commoner was born at that time, he also became a rich man. But although it was a goodsign at the time that they were born, some



atle quiquanime catca.

Çe couatl. [illus.]vme miquiztli. [illus.]

only neglected things out of laziness, they neglected them by sleep. They were miserable,-they were those who had nothing to eat.One SerpentTwo Death

[fol. 295r]yei magati, [illus.]navi tochtli. [illus.]macuilli atl. [illus.]chicuagen itzcuintli. [illus.]chicome vgomatli. [illus.]chicuey malinalli. [illus.]chicunavi acati, [illus.]matlactli vgelotl [illus.]matlactli oge quauhtli. [illus.]matlactli omome cuzcaquauhtli. [illus.matlactli vmey olii, [illus.]

Three DeerFour RabbitFive WaterSix DogSeven MonkeyEight GrassNine ReedTen JaguarEleven EagleTwelve VultureThirteen Movement

[fol. 295v]

Jnin tonalpoalli matlactetl omey compeval-tiaya in itoca Çe tecpatl mitoaya yectli to-nalli in aquin pilli ipan tlacatia tlatoanimochiuaya motlamachtiani catca. Çan noiuhqui intla çihuapilli ipâ tlacatia no mo-cuiltonovani catca. auh intla magevalli ipantlacatia no motlamachtiaya anogo gihuatl

magevalli ipâ tlacatia no mocuiltonoanicatca: auh in gequintin gan quitlatziuh-cavaya magivi in qualli tonalli ipâ tlacatiamotolinitinëca.

Çe tecpatl. [illus.]vme quiavitl. [illus.]yei xvchitl. [illus.]navi gipactli [illus.]macuilli ecatl. [illus.]chicuagen calli. [illus.]chicome cuetzpalli. [illus.]

Th is thirteen-day period began on [the daysign] called One Flint Knife. It was said to bea good day sign. He who was a noblemanwho was born at that time became a ruler;he was a rich man. Similarly, if a noblewoman was born at that time, she also wasrich. And if a commoner was born at that

time, he, too, was rich. Or if a woman whowas a commoner was born at that time, shealso was rich. But even though it was a goodday sign at the time they were born, somewho neglected things out of laziness lived inmisery.One Flint Knife :Two RainThree FlowerFour Crocodilian MonsterFive WindSix HouseSeven Lizard

[fol. 296r]

Eight Serpent :Nine DeathTen DeerEleven Rabbit :

chicuey couatl [illus.]chicunavi miquiztli. [illus.]matlactli magatl. [illus.]matlactli oge tochtli [illus.]

Paragraph4

171



[fol. 303r]


and theUnderworld

17 4

chicunavi, coatl. [illus.]matlactli, miquiztli. [illus.]matlactli oçe. maçatl. [illus.]matlactli omome, tochtli. [illus.]matlactli vmey atl. [illus.]

Oc ceppa compevaltia yn itoca Çe itzcuintli ynic tlayavalotiuh Çe xivitl.

Nine SerpentTen DeathEleven DeerTwelve RabbitThir teen Water

Once again [the count] began with [the daysign] called One Dog. Thus it went making around of one year.

PARAGRAPH 5A[fol. 303v]

Jn ic macuilli parrapho ypâ mitoa in tetzavitlÿ temictli.

Jnic centlamantli tetzauitl yehoatl yn aca

quicaquia tequani choca, mitoaya ye yaumi-quiz, anoço monamacaz.

Jnic vntlamantli tetzauitl yehoatl yn vactlivevetzca mitoaya ye yaumiquiz

Jnic etlamantli yehoatl yiovalteputztliiuhquin aca tlaxeloa quauhtequi iuh mitoayaaço ytla ipâ muchivaz.

Jnic nauhtlamantli in teculotl choca ytlapâtenco mitoaya aço yaumiquiz anoço ipil-tzin miquiz.

Jnic macuillamantli yehoatl in chicuatli incalixquatl quivitequi mitoaya ye miquiz ÿchañe.

Jnic chicuaçentlamantli yehoatl yn chi-chtli, yn aca ychan calaquia mitoaya ye te-tlaximaz. .....

pifth paragraph, in which are told theauguries, the dreams.

The first augury1 is this: When someone

heard a wild beast cry out it was said that hewould soon die in battle or sell himself [as aslave].

The second augury is this: When a black-crowned heron2 laughed, it was said that hewould die in battle.

The third augury is this: The night-ax, asif someone were splitting, were cutting wood.Thus it was said that perhaps somethingwould happen to one.

The fourth augury: When a horned owl3cried at the edge of the roof it was said thateither one would die in battle or his childwould die.

The fifth augury is this: When a barn owl4struck the façade of a house it was said thatthe owner of the house would soon die.

The sixth augury is this: When a barnowl5 entered someone's house it was saidthat soon he would commit adultery.

1. Tetzauit l (tetzahuitl ): Molina (1944, Part II: lllr) defines this term as "cosa escandolosa, o espantosa, o cosa de agüero." It is usually translated into English as "augury" or "omen." Sahagún (1950-1982, Part VI [Book 5]: 151-196; 1988,1: 286-306) also devoted Book 5 of theHistor ia to omens, the majority of them similar to those in this paragraph but usually described in somewhat greater detail.

2. Vactli (huactli ): Ny cti coraxnycti corax (Linnaeus) (Friedmann et al. 1950-1957 Part II: 31). According to Sahagún's (1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 39; 1988, II: 704) informants' statement in theHistor ia , this heron's name was derived from the sound, huac, huac, of its song.

3. Tecolotl: probably Buho virginianus (Linnaeus) (Garibay 1944-19 47: 309). 14. Chicuat li : Tyto al ba prat íncola (Bonaparte) (Friedmann et al. 1950-195? Part II: 137).5. Chich t l i : According to Sahagún (1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 47) in theHistor ia , this was another name for the

chicuatli, the barn or scr eech owl. . . . . .. .



in nextlavalli, auh in nextlavalli catca, amatl, made [to the gods]. And they burned the pay-copalli, olli. ment [to the gods]; and the payments were

papers, incense, [and] rubber.

PARAGRAPH 6

[fol. 84r col. A|♦

Jn ic chicuaçe parrapho ypâ mitoa yn izquit-lamantli yn ompa tlamiloia yn mictlan.

Mictlantecutli, mictecaçivatl, in ompa qui-qua mictlan xocpalli, macpalli: auh yn imul,pinacatl, in iatol temalli, ynic atli, cuaxicalli

in aqui çenca quicuaya tamalli yexixilqui,yn ompa quicua mictlan pinacatl ynic yexixilqui in tamalli.

Jn aquin nican tlalticpac quiquaya. aioco-molli, yollotli yn ompa quiqua mictlan.

Aun çan moch yehoatl in tequani xivitl ynompa cuallo: yoâ in ixquichtin yn ompa vimictlan mochintin quicua chicalotl; yn ix-quich nican tlalticpac amo quallo yn ompamictlan cuallo. yoâ mitoaya, aoc tie qualloçenca netolinillo yn ompa mictlan.itztli ecatoco.

xalli ecatoco.quavitl ecatoco.tzivactli.tecpatl ecatoco.

nequametl.

1. Mictlan: the region of the dead; literally, among the dead. This paragraph constitu tes the m ost detailed description in any Central Mexican primary source of the horrors of the afterworld, the ultimate destination of the great majority of mankind, and especially of what was eaten there. In Chapter 1 of the Appendix to Book 3 of the Histo i ia , Sa- hagún (1978 : 41- 46 ; 1988, I: 21 9-2 22 ) provided a longer account of Mictlan bu t one that concentrated much more on the funerary rituals preparing the soul of the deceased for its journey to Mictlan than on the nature of the place itself.

2. Mictlan tecutli, M ictecaçivatl: T he preeminent death deities, "Lord of the Region of the Dead" and "Wom an (i.e., Goddess) of Those of the Region of the Dead," respectively.

3. Pinacatl: Called pinacate in Mexico today, this is a species of wingless beetle of the genus Eleodes.4. Chicalotl: A rgemon e mexicana or A igemone ochiol euca Sweet (Martinez 1936: 142 ff. ).5. It ztli ecatoco, xalli ecatoco, quauit l ecatoco: These lines probably constitute a reference to the Itzehecayan,

"Place of the Obsidian-bladed Wind," one of the hazard stations that had to be traversed by the soul of the deceased on its journey to Mictlan (Sahagun 1978: 43;Cod ex Vaticanus A 1979: fol. lv). ,

6. Tzivactli (tzihuactli j: See note 31, Chap ter I, Paragraph 5A. ; -7 Nequametl : Agave mexicana (Sahagún 1975: 938; cf. Hernández 1959-1984, VII: 174-175).

Sixth paragraph, in which are told all thedifferent things that were consumed there inMictlan.

In Mictlan,1 Mictlantecuhtli and Micte-caciuhatl2 eat feet, hands, and a fetid beetlestew. Their gruel is pus,- they drink it fromskulls.

One who used to eat tamales a great deal,eats what is full of a foul smell there in Mictlan; the tamales are full of a foul smell offetid beetles.3

He who on earth ate a stew of black beanseats hearts in Mictlan.

And all the poisonous herbs are eatenthere, and everyone who goes to Mictlan,everyone eats prickly poppies.4 Everythingthat is not eaten here on earth is eaten therein Mictlan, and it is said that nothing else iseaten, that there is great want in Mictlan.

The obsidian knives are carried off by thewind.

The sand is carried off by the wind.The trees are carried off by the wind.5[There are] Cerrn s garambull o cacti.6The flintstone knives are carried off by the

wind.[There are] Mexican agaves.7

Paragraph6

177



Jn iquac omic in tlatoani nimä tlatiloya yninacayo. Auh navilhuitl tlamanililoya inmictlantecutli yn oncan otlatiloc miqui cö-manaya in tlaqualli, xochitl, yietl, tilmatlicactli.

Auh inic macuililhuitl icuac tetech pachi-

via no contlamaniliaya icuac tlacualoya occepa quichichiva in ixiptla ocotzontectli occeppa vmpa contlatiaya in ompa tlatlac inixpä vitzilopuchtli tlacualoya netlauhtiloya.

Auh cempovalilhuitl in chocovaya yoanpialoya in tlatoani mitoaya ocempoalti.

Auh in icuac. y. oc ceppa mochichivaya inixiptla oc no ceppa vmpa ontlatlaya in ixpâvitzilopuchtli. Auh in iquac xinia in çem-poaltica oquineçavilique.

Auh in iquac cexiuhtiz oc no iuh mochi-chivaz. Jnic oxiuhtiz no iuh mochichivazYnic exivitl çan no ivi. Auh ynic nauhxivitlvmpa ontzonquiçaya inic molnamiquia ÿ tla-toque. Çan no iuhqui ÿpâ muchivaya in çi-huapipilti ÿ nauhxivitl tzunquiçaya in tlamanililoya mictlantecutli.

When a ruler died his body was cremated.For four days offerings were made to Mict-lantecuhtli at the place where the deceasedwas cremated. They made offerings of food,flowers, tobacco, capes, sandals.

And on the fifth day, at that time they

drew close to him. They also made offeringsto him. At that time there was feasting. Onceagain they arrayed the image hewn of pinewood. Once again they cremated him wherehe had burned before Huitzilopochtli. Therewas feasting, there was speech-making.

And for twenty days the ruler was weptand guarded. It was said: "He has beentwentied."

And at this time a figure of [the deceased]was arrayed once again. Once more it burnedbefore Huitzilopochtli.2 And when it collapsed, they performed acts of abstinence inhis honor for twenty days.

And when a year would pass, [a figure]would again be arrayed in the same manner.When two years would pass, [a figure] wouldalso be arrayed in the same way. The thirdyear, i t was the same. And on the fourth year,the remembrance of rulers stopped. Thesame was done for the noblewomen; in fouryears offerings to Mictlantecuhtli stopped.

U N N U M B E R E D PA R A G R A P H [fol. 84r col. B]

€ s t a historia mjlagrosa o pfecia acótecio enmexico reynádo mutectzuma vltimo destenóbre diez o doze años antes q venjesé los españoles a esta tierra.

Jn iehoatl in mochiv i moquivitzin yci-

CZhis miraculous story or prophecy1 happened in Mexico in the reign of Motecuh-zoma, last of that name, ten or twelve yearsbefore the Spaniards came to this land.2

This befell Moquihuixtzin's3 daughter-in-

2. This emphasis on Huitzilopochtli might seem to imply a Mexica origin for the information in this paragraph. However, the abundant evidence that the Hu itzilopochtli cult had been deeply implanted throughout Acolhuacan , beginning with the reign of the half-Mexica Nezahualcoyotl (1431-1472), appears to provide sufficient explanation for the role played here by the Mexica patron deity.

1. Pfecia: read pr of ecía. -2. Th is heading is written in Sahagún's own hand. N ot included within the paragraph structu re of the chapter, the

passage was clearly a later addition to it, perhaps added after Sahagún's move from the Franciscan monastery of Tepe- polco to th at of Tlatelolco in 1561. This version should be compared with the slightly differing versions of Arthur Anderson (1988a, 1988b) contained in two articles on the concept of Tlalocan, which include other relevant Nahuatl passages that describe this afterworld of the rain deity, with analysis and interpretation.

3. Moquihuix was the ruler of Tlatelolco, Tenochtitlan's twin city, from 1467 to 1473. Married to a sister of Axaya-

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vamo, acago ye q'mictia ceca ytla ic qualla,amo, ma, imac mic, ca vel q'tlacamicti velquicoco, ic nimá ie mamina quinoqui, Auh yyehoatl, yn ioq'chvi chalco pixcato amo, maixpá y mic can icápa auh in omic nima iequitoa yn itava ca vmic in tomatzin, ma tic-

tlatican auh nima ie cequiti quitoa macamotlatla ma gan tictocaca auh in ocetiac in tla-tolli in q'tocazque. Auh nima ie ic quilpia,gan cototzcatca, miec in tilmatli inic cencavel quiquimiloqz, auh miec in amatl inicquichichiuhque ca iuh mochivaia y ye ve-cauh ynic micoaia: Niman quitlatataquiquece nequetzali ynic vecatla, auh inic quito-caqz cenca vel quiquequezque, auh cenca veitetl cenca cenca patlavac, auh cenca tillavacin ipan quimanque quiquilqz in inavac initenco, Auh nauhyoal nauilhuitl, yn uncácatca y vel mic:

Auh izcatqui in iuh tlachix, in quimonex-tili iuhquima telpuchtli cocoxcatzintli tla-velilocatzitli, iuhquima teachcauh inic mox-ima tlamanale, nimá q'notz, quilhui, auhteacapane, quetzalpetlae, otiquihiyovi, tíaoque xocuica nimá ie cuica, yvi, in queuh intlacatecvlutl icuic. Cozcatla chimalico ieva

noca ia: cozcatla chimalico ieva noca ia maga cemilhuitl toiamiquica ma toiamiquica.

Jehoa i in quevi in quetzalpetla in oconeuhnimá ie ic quivica iuhquima quilpitztia,mictlápa, quitztiltitia ga vei in quitocti ix-tlavatl gacatla atle calli yn vnca quiquixti:Nima ie quimitta cuecuetzpalti, necoc omac

law. He may have killed her. Her uncle wasvery angry because of it. She did not die athis hands, [but] indeed he half-killed her,4indeed injured her, so that at once she had aflux, diarrhea. And her husband had gone togather a harvest in Chaleo; she died in his ab

sence; he was away. And when she died, herelders then said: "Our niece5 has died: let uscremate her." But then some said: "She mustnot be cremated; we must just bury her."And the decision was unanimous that theyshould bury her. And then they boundher up. She was flexed; in many capes theywrapped her very well and in many papersthey adorned6 her as was done of old whenthere was a death. Then they dug a grave asdeep as a man's height. And when they hadburied her they stamped [the earth] downvery well, and they laid over it, at its edgethey set up by it,7 very large, very wide,8 andvery thick stones. And for four nights [and]four days she was there; she had indeed died.

But behold what she saw. There appearedbefore her one like a sickly, deformed youth,his hair cut like that of a master of youths.He had gifts. Then he called to her; he said:'And you, first-born, Quetzalpetlatl, you havesuffered. Come on! Sing!" Then she sang; itwas as if she intoned a devil's song: "The

jewel on the shield is with me: the jewel onthe shield is with me. Let us die for only aday. Let us die."

This was what Quetzalpetlatl asked him.9When she had intoned [the song], then [theyouth] took her away. It was as if he blew uponher. He went guiding her to the land of thedead; he made her follow the great plains, the

catl, the Tenochca ruler, his alleged mistreatment of her, along with other, more substantial political problems, including probably economic rivalry with Tenochtitlan, led to the Mex ica "civil war" in 1473 that resulted in the killing of Moquihuix, perhaps by Axayacatl himself, and the defeat and subjugation of Tlatelolco (see Davies 1982: 128-139). If Moquihuix was at least partly responsible for Quetzalpetlatl's death, therefore, this would conflict seriously with the statement in the heading that her death occurred ten or twelve years before the Conquest (1509-1511). Perhaps another, otherwise unknown Moquihuix is the referent here, but this seems unlikely.

4. Q'tlacamicti read tlacomicti.5. Tomatzi: read tomachtzin.6. Nequetzali: derived from quetza, meaning, inter alia, to stop?7 Compare iqu i l t i a , rev. of icac.8. Cenca is repeated in the text.9. Compare euia. -

,, ¡.31



in tetemi in quimopanavi, auh no cuel cecniquimopanavi necoc omac in cacate givaiquiti conilhui ma tiquinotz auh nima ie icq'vica in tlaloca niman quimopanavi tama-golti in iuhqui xopantla motlatlalia tlaltzo-tzontli ipan cacate tamagolme vnteme, itech,

aantoc tetevitl ic viltectoc in otli ic nimavncalac inic tlachia, yn vca ca iuhquimaaiavhtimani, cecni yavaliuhtoque i cana, inipan tlatlatzini y vitecoque inic micque,

Nima ye conilhuia in telpuchtli ayaetiq'ximati

houseless grasslands.10 When he took herfrom there, they then saw the lizards;11 onboth sides one entered where it was filledwith stones, which they traversed. And again,farther on, they traversed [where] on bothsides one entered where women were weav

ing. [The youth] said: "Do not call to them."And then he took her to Tlalocan. Then theytraversed where there were frogs, as in thespringtime. They were seated on a wall; on itwere two frogs. From it lay extended rubber-spotted streamers with which the road ended.Then they entered where they saw that, farther on, a mist seemed to lie surroundingthose who, struck by lightning when it thundered somewhere, had thus died.

Then the youth said to her: "Do you notknow anyone who was struck by lightning

[fol. 84v col. B]

Ma vitecoc in anogo atla micque; conilhui caquemaca ca nopilotzin in atlami. Nima' ieconilhuia ca ie qualli ca mitznotzaz ma tic-notz, auh in oitech acito niman ie vallatoa inomic, niman ic q'valilhuia nican timovicatz:auh amo ma conotz, ca ipapa ca ie inavatil inoiuh quilhui in telpuchtli

auh nima ie opa quivica in ompa vnoctlalocatectli, quilhui tla tiq'ttali in totechiuh-cauh ie no vel mitznavatiz; auh niman itechagito in q'tac ie veve otlacocoto cenca miecin olli in ixco vnoc ic mixtlilhuitoc in que-nami, inezca in inechichival catca tpc intlaloc vel iuhqui in quitac.

Auh niman ie quinotza, in telpuchtli in

or died in the water?" She said to him: "Yes,my nephew met his end in the water." Thenhe said to her: "It is well. He will call to you.Do not call to him." And when they reachedhim, he who had died then spoke forth; hethen said to her: "Here you come." But shedid not call out to him, because those wereher orders, as the youth had told her.

And then he took her there where the lordof Tlalocan was. He said: "Let us see ourchief. He also will command you." And thenthey arrived where they saw one already old,toothless. Much [liquid] rubber was on hisface; his face was blackened with it. Whatthey saw was just what Tlaloc's features[and] adornment were like on earth.12

And then the youth called out to the lord

10. Ixatl vatl gacatla atle calli : This specification of great plains and houseless grasslands in the area of Mictlampa well fits its assignment to the north in late pre-Hispanic Central Mexican cosmology, for this direction was known to be characterized by extensive plains and open deserts. Tlalocan itself was assigned to the east (Sahagun 1950-1982, PartVIII [Book 7]: 14).

11. Cuecuetzpalti: This mention of lizards at this location may be connected with a hazard station that had to be surmounted by the soul of the deceased on its way to Mictlan— one calledxoxouhqui cuetzpalin in xochitonal , "the blue-green lizard, the Xochitl (Flower) tonall i (day sign)" (Sahagun 1978: 43).

12. The attribution here of toothless old age to Tlaloc is interesting and unusual. He was normally depicted with a thick labial band from which issued prominent tusks. It is known from archaeological evidence that he was one of the most ancient deities of Central Mexico. His blackened face was a standard feature of his iconography (see Chapter I, Paragraph 5A).

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tlalocatectli, conilhuia moceloquichtle, maximeviltitie

quivalilhui, auh xole quen otivalla qui-valilhui aq'n no tiqualhuicac,

quilhui, ea maceoalli,

q' lhui, Cuix o cévalla

quilhui ca amo, ca gan tlachiaco, auh ga camitzmotilico,

auh niman quivalnotz, Jn tlalocatecutli,q'valilhui tía xioalauh gioatontle, in axcámopal mitotia in tlaloque in tpc o tía xiqui-mitta, ca ig onoque,

auh in quimitta ceq' vevei cequinti qui-qualtoton in tlamacazqz,

auh niman ie conittitia in opa, cecni cal-tentoqz in pipiltin in ipilhoan in oc pipilto-tonti miqui, ca much quimiliuhtoque, cencaconixnamic conixima, in ichavaconeuh octepiton y mic, aocmo ma quinotz, ga conitac,

auh nimá ie quinaoatia, Jn tlalocatecutli,q'lhuia tía xivalauh macevalle oc onyaz invitzitli oc ontlacazcaltitiuh, oc ontlacavapa-vatiuh in vitzi tl in tpc, :

Niman niman ie conilhuia, in telpuchtli,

ma nogo itla xicmotlavcolili, i maceoalliniman gem iztetontli im petlacaltontliyelpa conaquili, auh nima centetl xoxuhqui ixicalli in q'macaqz

nimá quilhuique o ca iehoatl i, in tiquaz intiquiz inic titepatiz in tpc acan ticpinauhtizin tlalocatecutli amo ga ie yo in unca in iaxca

of Tlalocan; he said to him: "Greetings, Ounique man."13

[This one] said to him: 'And how have youcome, young man?" He said to him: "Also,whom have you brought here?"

[The youth] said to him: "She is a native."14

[The other] said to him: "Does she comeforever?""No," he replied, "she has come only to

observe, and she has come only to see you."And then the lord of Tlalocan spoke forth;

he said to her: "Come, little woman. Nowthe Tlalocs are dancing for you on earth.Look at them, for they live here."15

And she saw a number of great [and] anumber of ordinary16 offering priests.

And then he showed her that over there,apart, the sons of noblemen, who had diedwhile still young children, lay crowded. Allof them lay wrapped. She came close to [and]recognized her stepson, who had died whilestill small. She did not call to him; she onlylooked at him.

And then the lord of Tlalocan commandedher; he said to her: "Come here, nativewoman; the hummingbird17 will yet gothere,- one will yet rear, one will yet educatethe hummingbird on earth."

The n18 the youth said [to the lord of Tlalo

can]: "Show the native some favor."Then [Tlaloc] placed a small coffer of asmall span's length on her breast, and thenthey gave her a blue-green gourd vessel.

Then they said to her: "Th is is what you areto eat, what you are to drink. With it you are toremedy [the lot of] people on earth. Nowhere

13. M oceloqui chtle: Anderson, in his English translation of this passage in his 1988a article on Tlalocan, rendered this word as "m y jaguar ma n," bu t in his 1988b article on Tlalocan he translatedi t as "O unique man ." If the first translation is preferred, it may be significant that Tlaloc does seem to have had some jaguaroid associations (discussion in Seler 1902-1923, H: 987-988],

14. M aceoall i (macehual li ): This word is usually translated, as it is here, as "commoner," contrasted with "noble," p i l l i . Anderson agreed in his 1988a article, but in his 1988b article opted for "native," which might be more appropriate in this context. Quetzalpetlatl, as the daughter-in-law of a paramount ruler, a t la toani (Moquihuix), was certainly a member of the native nobility, a cihuapi l l i . -

15. I c: read iz.16. Quiqual to ton: read cualt oton. ' :- 17 Vitzi l l i (hui t zi l i n): Th e hummingbird here appears to stand for the soul of Quetzalpetlatl's stepson, yet to be born

again jcf. Anderson 1988b: 159-160).18. N i ma n is repeated in the text.



in itlatqui i motlamachtia im mocuiltonoamochi tlacatl i motolinia in ticpatiz iehoatl i:

Jnic quinavati,

niman no cuel gecni, quivicac quilhui o tla

xiquimittaqui ca niman vnoque in tlatoqz intlachia atle calli gacatla in oncà onoqz ix-tlavacà cenca eeca in oncà cate nimà no intech onagic iehoatl in teacantica y Veve Mo-tegvmatzin auh nimà iehoatl,

are you to offend the lord of Tlalocan. It is notonly property, the goods of all the people whoprosper, who live in abundance; [with it] youare to remedy [the lot of] all who are in misery." Thus he commanded her.

Then also he took her farther on. He said

to her: "Look at them. Here live the rulers."She saw that they had no houses. They livedin the grasslands, in the plains. A great windblew where they were. She also approachedthose who had been leaders of the people,Motecuhzoma the Elder,19 and then . . ,20

19. Veve Omtecomatzin (Huehue Motecuhzoma): The great grandfather of the second Motecuhzoma, he reigned from 1440 to 1469 and was considered the greatest of the rulers of Tenochtitlan.

20. The narrative continued on the following page, but, due to the unfortunate loss of this page, it remains incomplete. Anderson (1988a: 156) suggested that the passage in Chapter 1 of Book 8 of Sahagun'sHistor ia (1950-1982, Part IX: 3; 1988, II: 498) that describes the death and resurrection of a Tenochca noblewoman who returned from the dead to prophesy to Motecuhzoma II the coming fall of Mexico might have constituted the finale of the story (cf. Anderson 1988b: 159-160). In any case, Quetzalpetlatl must have returned to life and uttered some kind of ominous prophecy.

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Chapter III:Rulership

186

ioa vitziliuitl: quiualtoquili teeca mochiuh,in itoca chimalpvpucatzin: auh in tlatocat ga matlacxiuitl, auh ipan vmpeui y yavyutl, yye intech nexicolo tenochca:

Auh in omomiquili chimalpvpucatzin niman ic ualmotlatocatlali yn itzcoatzL te-nauhca mochiuh: yn ipan tlatocayutl: auhyehoatl ypan mochiuh yn yavyutl yehoatlquinpeuh in tepaneca: auh in tlatocat itz-coatzin castolxiuitl yc ipan tzinpeuh ynyavyutl inic nouian tepeuhque.

Auh in omic itzcoatzin niman valmotlaliin Motecugomatzin veue iluicaminatzin:auh in tlatocat cempoalxiuitli vncastolli: inipan mochiuh yehoatl in mitoa nece-tochhuiloc. i. ypan mochiuh mayanaliztli in

cexiuhtonali ce tochtli.Auh in omic veue Motecugomatzin nimanic ualmotlali y Aaxayacatzin in ipan tlatocayutl: auh inic tlatocat matlacxiuitl, ioannauhxiuitl: auh

had died, who became [ruler] following themin third place, was named Chimalpopoca-tzin. And he ruled only ten years. And in histime wars began. There was anger toward theTenochca.5

And when Chimalpopocatzin died, Itzcoatzin6 was installed as ruler; he becamefourth in the rulership. And in his time warwas made; he conquered the Tepaneca. AndItzcoatzin ruled fifteen years. In his time wasthe beginning of wars,- they made conquestseverywhere.

And when Itzcoatzin died, Motechuzo-matzin the elder, Ilhuicamina, was installed,and he ruled thirty-five years. In his time occurred what was called being one-rabbited;that is, in his time there was a famine in the

one year sign One Rabbit.7And when Motechuzomatzin the elderdied, then Axayacatzin was installed in therulership, and he ruled fourteen years.

[fol. 51v col. A]

yehoatl ipan mochiuh, ynic peualoque tla- And in his time it happened that the Tla-tilulca. telolca were conquered.8

Auh in iquac omic Axayacatzin niman ye And when Axayacatzin died, then Tizozi-oalmotlalia in Tizozicatzi in tlatocat Tigozi- catzin was installed. Tizozicatzin ruled five

5. Ye in t ech nexicol o t enochca: This is a reference to the troubles between the Mexica and their Tepanec overlords of Azcapotzalco that resulted in the murder, at the hands of the Tepaneca, of Chimalpopoca, or else his suicide (see Davies 1982: 60 -61 ). Th is was one of the incidents that led to the "Tepanec War" in which Azcapotzalco was conquered (1428) by a coalition of tributary city-states led by Itzcoatl of Tenochtitlan and Nezahualcoyotl of Tetzcoco. This overthrow eventuated in the form ation of a new political order, the Triple Alliance of Mexico Tenochtitlan, Tetzcoco, and Tlacopan, wh ich went on to forge, by conquest, the empire that ruled much of western M esoamerica at the tim e of the Conquest.

6. Itzcoatzin (Itzcoatl): This fourth official ruler of Mexico Tenochtitlan is the first to be pictured wearing the turquoise mosaic diadem, the xiuhtzont l i (x iuhui tzol l i j , the standard headgear of the lords in late pre-Hispanic Central Mexico. His three predecessors, in contrast, wear the headpiece of the more rustic Chichimeca lords, the cozo-

yahualolli , the circular fan device of yellow parrot feathers. Interestingly, this is the only source that assigns this badge of Chichimec s tatus to the earlier Tenochca rulers, while they were tributaries of Azcapotzalco. Itzcoatl is also the first to be shown reclining on the backed mat throne, the tepotzoicpalli; his three predecessors sit on the cylindrical bundle of reeds, the tolicpalli , a seat of lesser dignity. The assignment of the x iuh tzon t l i and the tepotzoicpalli to Itzcoatl signaled his status as a paramount, independent ruler. See Nicholson 1967b: 71-73.

7 1, ypan mochi uh mayanalizt li in cexiuht onall i ce tochtl i: See Davies 1982: 92-94 for a summary account, based on primary sources, of the devastating famine of the mid-fifteenth century th at culminated in the year 1 Tochtli, 1454.

8. Peualoque tl ati lul ca: Tlatelolco, Tenochtitlan's twin city, was politically autonomous, under its Azcapotzalco- derived dynasty (vs. the Colhuacan-derived dynasty of Tenochtitlan), until 1473, when it was conquered by the Tenochca under Axayacatl, the brother-in-law of Tlatelolco's ruler, Moquihuix. See Davies 1982: 128-132.



catzin macuilxiuitl yehoatl quiuauan in teu-calli tenochtitlan.

Auh in omic Tigozicatzin niman oalmo-tlatocatlali y Aauitzotzi: in tlatocat castol-xiuitl, ypan exiuitl: yehoatl quitzonq'xtinquieco in teucalli tenochtitlan: iehoatl tla-mamalcalchali: auh in ica tlamamaliuac: ye-hoantin tziuhcoaea, peualoque: auh yehoatlquiquetz yn acuecuexatl, yn ica pachiuhquemexica.

Auh in omic Avitzotzin niman ic ualmo-tlali in Motecugumatzin in ipan oagico casti-llan tlaca españoles: auh in tlatocat castol-xiuitl ipan vnxiuitl no ipan mochiuh inmayanaliztli moteneua netlauluiloc.

Auh in omic Motecugumatzin niman oal-motlali in ipan tlatocayutl Cuitlauatzin na-poaliluitl in tlatocat ye ipan in castillantlaca.

Auh in omic Cuitlauatzin niman oalmo-tlatocali in Quauhtemoctzin iehoatl ipanmochiuh yn yauyutl ineuanti CouanacochtliAcolhuacá ynic poliuhque mexica auh in tlatocat Quauhtemoctzin chiquacexiuitl

Auh in omic Quauhtemoctzin niman icoalmotlatocatlali yn Motelchiuhtzin yn col-

hoacá miquito quiuicaca in guzmani in tlatocat gan chicoxiuitl.

Auh in omic Motelchiuhtzin niman oal-

9. In t eucal l i tenucht i t l an: The final major renovation of the Tenochtitlan Templo Mayor of Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc was commen ced by Tizoc, probably in 1482, and completed five years later, in 148? by his younger brother and successor, Ahuitzotl.

10. Qui tzonq’xt i n quizco in teucal l i tenocht i t l an: The dedicatory rituals—including, as was standard, the drilling of New Fire—for the final major enlargement of the Tenoch titlan Templo Mayor in the year 8 Acatl, 148? are described in numerous primary sources (see Davies 1982: 164-168 ). Th e conquest of Tziuhcoac (Tziccoac) on the southern border of the Huaxteca in northern Veracruz was ninety-fifth in the "official list" of Tenochca conquests (see Barlow 1990: 1-7).

11. Qui quetz y n acuecuexatl , yn i ca pachiuqu e mexica: Ahuitzotl's construction of the aqueduct of Acuecuexatl in

the year 7 Acatl, 1499, which tapped springs in the vicinity of Coyoacan and Huitzilopochco, south of Tenochtitlan, and which allegedly caused a disastrous flood, is described in numerous primary sources (see Davies 1982: 192-197).

12. In mayanal izt l i mot eneua net l aulu i l oc: This refers to another famine in the years 13 Calli, 1505, through 1 Tochtli, 1506, which in the native view was linked to the great famine fifty-two years earlier in another year 1 Tochtli.

13. Oalmotlatocal i : read ualmotlacot lal i .14. M otelchiuhtzin (Andrés de Tapia Motelchiuh): This noble Tenochca warrior (cuauhpilli), not a member of the

royal family, was installed in 1526 by the Spanish administration as native ruler of Tenochtitlan. He accompanied the Ñuño de Guzmán expedition to western and northwestern Mexico ("Colhuacan"), where he was killed in 1530. See Gibson 1964: 168-169 for the chronology and affiliations of the colonial native rulers of Tenoch titlan through Cristóbal (de Guzmán Cecepatic), who died in 1562.

years. He designed the temple in Tenochtitlan.9

And when Tizozicatzin died, Ahuitzotzinwas installed as ruler. He ruled eighteenyears. He finished, he completed, the templein Tenochtitlan.10 He ignited the fire [withthe fire drill] to dedicate the building, and forthis fire-drilling, the Tziuhcoaca were conquered. And he confined the waters of Acue-cuexco, with which the Mexica were inundated.11

And when Ahuitzotzin died, Motecuhzo-matzin was installed. In his time the peopleof Castile, the Spaniards, came to arrive.And he ruled seventeen years. In his timealso there was famine,12 which was calledbeing maize-grained.

And when Motecuhzomatzin died, thenCuitlahuatzin was installed in the rulership.He ruled eighty days. It was at the time thepeople of Castile [were there].

And when Cuitlahuatzin died, then Cua-uhtemoctzin was installed13 as ruler. In histime, together with that of Coanacochtli ofAeolhuacan, the war was fought in whichthe Mexica were destroyed. And Cuauhtemoc ruled six years.

And when Cuauhtemoctzin died, Motelchiuhtzin14 was installed as ruler. He went

away and died in Colhuacan; Guzman hadtaken him away. He ruled only seven years.

And when Motelchiuhtzin died, then

Paragraph1A

187




188

modali in Xochiquentzin exiuitl in tlatocat.

Auh in omic Xochiqntzin niman oalmo-tlatocatlali in Vanitzin in tlatocat macuil-xiuitl.

Auh in omic in Vanitzin niman ic

Xochiquentzin was installed. He ruled threeyears.

And when Xochiquentzin died, thenHuanitzin15 was installed as ruler. He ruledfive years.

And when Huanitzin died, then

[fol. 52r col. A]

oalmotlatacatlali in teTeuetzquititzin, in tlatocat matlacxiuitl omei.

Auh in omic Teuetzquititzin auh oxiuitlça cactimâca vncâ catca Juez.

Auh niman oalmotlali yn axcá tlatoaniDon xpoal ye exiuitl in tlatocati.

Auh ye ic mocepoa ynic otlatocatiuacmexico tenochtitlan yn ixquichica axcan ynipan i xiuitl ticate in motenevaya orne acati.

Tehuetzquititzin was installed as ruler. Heruled thirteen years.

And Tehuetzquititzin died, and for twoyears [rulership] just remained vacant; a judgewas there.

And then the present ruler, don Cristobal,was installed. He has ruled three years.

And with this is the complete account ofwhen there was rulership in Mexico Tenochtitlan until now, the year in which weare, which was called Two Reed.16

PAR AGR AP H IB

Jzcate in tetzcoco tlatoque iniçizqui xiu itltlatocatque

Quipeoalti in tlatocayutl in tetzcoco ye-hoatl in tlaltecatzin ça napoaliluitl in tlatocat atle ipan mochiuh chichimeca tlatoque y.

Aun ynic ome tlatoani mochiuh in quioal-toquili in Tlaltecatzin yehoatl yn Techo-tlalatzin chichimecatl auh in tlatocat yepoal-xiuitl yoan matlacxiuitl amo tie ipá mochiuh.

Auh inic ei tlatoani mochiuh acolhoacâyehoatl in veve yxtlilxochitl in tlatocat

17T^ere are the rulers of Tetzcoco; here areall the years they ruled.

Tlaltecatzin18 started the rulership in Tetzcoco. He ruled only eighty days. Nothinghappened in his time. They were Chichimec

rulers.And the second who became ruler, who

followed Tlaltecatzin, was Techotlalatzin,the Chichimec. And he ruled seventy years.In his time nothing happened.

And the third to become ruler was Ixtlil-xochitl the elder. He ruled sixty-five years.

15. Vanitzin: After the demise in 1536 of (Pablo] Xochiquen, who had been only a noble administrator(calpixcapilli) in the pre-Hispanic government, Diego Huanitzin, grandson of Axayacatl and nephew of Motecuhzoma II—then ruling Ehecatepec, north of Mexico City—was appointed nativet la toani of Tenochtitlan, thus restoring the leadership of

the former Mexica imperial capital to its legitimate royal dynasty.16. Om e acatl : This correlates with 1559 in the indigenous year count and clearly dates the preparation of this paragraph of the Prim eros M emori ales to the period when Sahagun was residing in Tepepolco. Later, probably just after he moved to Tlatelolco, Sahagun collected another, more detailed account of the ruling dynasty of Mexico Tenochtitlan, dated 1560, which he included as Chap ter 1 of Book VIII of theHis to i i a (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part IX [Book 8[: 1-5,■ 1988, II: 494-497), with somewhat different illustrations of the rulers and their name signs and with reign lengths that often differ from those of the Primeros Memorial es version (see Castillo Farreras 1974: chart, p. 166).

17I n i f i z q u i : read in i zqui or in i z izqui .18. Tlaltecatzin: His other name, Quinatzin, is the one usually employed for this ruler. No other source gives any

thing like such a limited reign for him.



epoalxiuitl yoan macuilxiuitl amo tie ipanmochiuh.

Auh inic naui tlatoani mochiuh tetzcocoyehoatl y Negavalcoyutzin in tlatocat epoalxiuitl yoan matlacxiuitl yoan ce xiu itl auhy yehoatl i y negaoalcoyutzin ypan peuh ynyauyutl ym omextin yn tenoch titlan tlatoaniItzcoatzin ynic q'peuhque tepaneca auh inovian tepeuhque quiehoatl quipeualti yNegaoalcoyutzin yn quitecac in petlatl in ic-pali yn acolhoacan tetzcoco.

Auh inic macuili mochiuh tlatoani yehoatl in Necaoalpilli auh in

In his time nothing happened.

And the fourth to become ruler in Tetzcoco was Nezahualcoyotzin.19 He ruledseventy-one years. And in the time of Nezahualcoyotzin, wars began when the two, [heand] Itzcoatzin of Tenochtitlan, conqueredthe Tepaneca, and they conquered all places;it was he, Nezahualcoyotzin, who began it,who set down the mat, the seat, in Acolhua-can Tetzcoco.

And the fifth to become ruler was Neza-hualpilli, and

[fol. 52v col. A]

tlatocat vmpoalxiuitl vmatlactli yoa exiuitl

in ipan mochiuh in yavyutl, y nouian ictepeualoya auh y yeoatin ym omextin y negaoalcoyutzin yoan Negaoalpili yn iquac tla-tocatq tzacuticatca in tlaxcalla ioan vexo-tzinco auh in Negaoalpilli ipan peuh yn tleinoalmoquequetzaya ylhuicatitech in iuhquitlanextli in iuhqui tlemiaoatl y ceyoal tla-nextiticaca auh nauhxiuitl yn ipa mochiuhypan xiuhtonalli chicome tecpatl yn yan-cuican negico auh in poliuh ipan xiuhtonalimactlactloce tecpatli auh inic tlamancanauhxiuitl miecca xitin tepetl in texcali auhin iquac poliuh in tlein oalmoquequetzayavc iuh nauhxiuitl agiquiui in espanolesmeauh qc mic in Necaoalpili aucmo ixpan.

Auh inic. vi. tlatoani mochiuh tetzcocoyehoatl in Cacamatzin in tlatocat nauhxiuitl

he ruled fifty-three years. In his time wars

were made; people were conquered everywhere. And it was when these two, Nezahual-coyotl and Nezahualpilli, ruled that Tlax-callan and Huexotzinco20 were contained.And in Nezahualpilli's time commenced whatkept rising up in the sky, which was like alight,21 like a flame of fire, that shone eachnight. And it occurred for four years. It was inthe year sign Seven Flintstone that it appearedfor the first time, and it vanished in the yearsign Eleven Flintstone, and thus it lasted fouryears. In many places the mountains, the cragssundered. And it was four years before theSpaniards arrived that what had kept rising upin the sky vanished. It was then that Nezahualpilli died;22 he was no more.

And the sixth to become ruler in Tetzcocowas Cacamatzin. He ruled four years. In his

19. Neijaualcoyutzin (Nezahualcoyotl): This outstanding ruler, who, in partnership with Itzcoatl of Mexico Tenochtitlan, established the independence and power of Tetzcoco (1431), is the first of the dynasty to be shown seated on the tepotzoicpalli and wearing the royal diadem, the xiuhtzont l i . The metaphoric couplet, in pet l at l in i cpal l i was the standard expression for royal authority. His reign length has obviously been confused with the duration of his life (1402-1472).

20. Tzacuticatca in tl axcalla ioan vexotzinco: The powerful city-states of Tlaxcallan and its almost equally powerful ally, Huexotzinco, east of the Basin of Mexico, were never conquered by the Triple Alliance but were surrounded and besieged until the time of the Conquest. See Davies 1982: 225-232.

21. Tlanext l i : This column of light seen in the east, which, according to the statement here, lasted from 1512 to 1516, was considered to have been one of the principal omens of the Conquest. It is described elsewhere in the Histo- ri a as well (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part IX [Book 8]: 3-4, 17-19; 1975: 1-3; 1988, II: 496, 501, 817-818). It is also mentioned in other primary sources, although it is usually dated somewhat earlier.

22. M ic in Necaoalpi l i : Most of the primary sources give 10 Acatl, 1515, as the year of Nezahualpilli's death, but a few agree with the statement here that it was in 11 Tecpatl, 1516. As in the case of his father, Nezahualcoyotl, the reign length given here was confused with his life span, 1464-1515/16.

ParagraphIB

18 9




190

time the people from Castile came toarrive.

The seventh to become ruler was Coana-cochtzin.23 He ruled five years. In his timeit came to pass that the Mexica were conquered; both he and Cuauhtemoctzin of

Tenochtitlan [were rulers].The eighth to become ruler was Teco-

coltzin. He ruled one year in the presence ofthe Castilian people when the marquis wasin Tetzcoco, where he readied himself forwar [and whence] he conquered the Mexica.

The ninth to become ruler was Ixtlilxo-chitl. He ruled eight years. And when theMexica were conquered, he went accompanying the marquis; he was one of his party,and he accompanied him to Huey Molían.24In his time it happened that the city was wellestablished. The marquis together with Co-anacochtli put things in order.

[fol. 53r col. A]

Inic x. tlatoani mochiuh iehoatl in yu-yontzin in tlatocat ce xiuitl.

Inic. xi. tlatoani mochiuh yehoatl y te-tlavevetzquititzin yn tlatocat macuilxiuitl.

Inic. xii. tlatoani mochiuh yehoatl in Donanto ° tlavitoltzin in tlatocat chiquacexiuitl.

Inic. xiii. tlatoani mochiuh yehoatl in axcátlatoani Don hernando pimentel in tlatocatiecastolxiuitl in axcan ipan ticate.

Auh ye ixquich cauitl quipia in tlatocayutlyn acolhoaque y ye ic mocempoa castol-poalxiuitl yoan napoalxiuitl yoan nauhxiuitlyn ixquichica axcá ipan ticate xiuhtonallivmacatl.

23. Coanacotzin: Coanaeochtzin was a son of Nezahualpilli. He succeeded his half-brother, Cacama, to the throne of Tetzcoco after the latter's death in 1520 while a Spanish prisoner. He was executed in 1525 together with Cuauhtemoc in Campeche by Cortés during the latter's expedition to Honduras.

24. Vei m ol an: Huey Molían referred to the north coast of Honduras, the goal of Cortés's expedition of 1524-1526, when he was accompanied by a large retinue of native leaders. It included Ixtlilxochitl, another son of Nezahualpilli, who was appointed native ruler of Tetzcoco after the death of his half-brother Coanacochtzin. On the other colonial native Tetzcocan rulers featured in the Primeios M emorial es list, including their dates and familial relationships, see Gibson 1964: 170-171.

25. Om e acatl: see note 16, this paragraph. Sahagún included a virtually verbatim version of this Primeros M emo riales account of the Tetzcoco dynasty in the Histor ia (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part IX [Book 8]: 9-11; 1988, II: 499-510], with copies of the Primeros M emori ales illustrations. However, all of the rulers are shown seated on the tepotzoicpalli and wearing the xiuh tzont l i , differing from the Primeros M emori ales version, in which the first three rulers wear the cozoyahualolli and are seated on the tolicpalli.

The tenth to become ruler was Yoyontzin.He ruled one year.

The eleventh to become ruler was Tetla-huehuetzquititzin. He ruled five years.

The twelfth to become ruler was don Antonio Tlahuitoltzin. He ruled six years.

The thirteenth to become ruler is the present ruler, don Hernando Pimentel. He hasbeen ruling eighteen years in our time.

And all the time that the Acolhuaque heldthe rulership was three hundred and eighty-four years until the present time in which welive, the year sign Two Reed.25

yehoatl ipan mochiuh inic agico nican casti-llan tlaca.

Inic. vii. tlatoani mochiuh yehoatl in Coanacotzin in tlatocat macuilxiuitl yehoatlipan mochiuh inic peoaloque mexica neoan-tin quauhtemoctzin tenochtitlan.

Inic viij tlatoani mochiuh yehoatl in tTe-cocoltzin in tlatocat ce xiuitl ye imixpan incastillan tlaca ye iquac in tetzcuco catcamarques vncan moyauhchichiuh in i quin-peuh mexica.

Inic. ix. tlatoani mochiuh yehoatl iN ix-tlilxuchitzin in tlatocat chicuexiuitl auhin iquac peoaloque mexica quivicatiuia inmarques ytlan omoquetz ivan quivicaya invei molan yehoantin ymixpa mochiuh ynicvel motlatlali altepetl inic tlavelalali marques neoan coanacuchtli.




iuitl quieoatl ipan mochiuh inic motecacpetlatl icpalli tetzcuco inic motecutlalineçaoalcuyutzin monamicque tlaçolyavtzinvexotla.

Jnic. x. tlatoani itoca tzontemoctzin 1 tlatocat castolxiuitl.

Jnic. xi. tlatoani itoca Cuitlaoatzi tecutliin tlatocat vmpoalxiuitl ioan ce xiuitl. Jnic. xii . tlatoani itoca Tzapocuetzî in tla

tocat matlacxiuitl ioan exiuitl. Jnic xii] tlatoani ça no itoca Cuitlaoatzin

ça tetoca in tlatocat matlacxiuitl ioan exiuitl.

Auh ye ixquich cauitl axcâ ipan i xiuitlticate y ye ic mocempoa y mopia tlatocayotlvexotla ye centzonxiuitl ioan chicuepoalixiuitl ioan vnxiuitl in ixquichica axcâ ipanxiuhtonalli vmacatl.

the mat, the seat were set down in Tetzcoco.When Nezahualcoyotzin was installed aslord, [he and] Tlazolyaotzin of Huexotla contended against each other.

The tenth ruler was named Tzontemoctzin. He ruled fifteen years.

The eleventh ruler was named Cuitlahu-atzin tecuhtli. He ruled forty-one years.The twelfth ruler was named Tzapocue-

tzin. He ruled thirteen years.The thirteenth ruler was also named Cuit-

lahuatzin. It was a name [of noblemen]. Heruled thirteen years.

And in all the time until the present, inthe year in which we live, the entire count [ofyears] in which the rulership was held inHuexotla is five hundred and sixty-twoyears, until now, in the year sign Two Reed.31

PAR AGR AP H 1A ILLUS TR ATIONS [fol. 57r col. B]

acamapichtliicuçuyavalol

mitlyyeoatilmaitolicpal

Vitziliuiycoçoyaoalol

yyeoatilmaytolicpal

chimalpopocaycoçoyaoalol

yyeoatilmaytolicpal

yzcoatzinixiuhtzonixiuhyacamiuhixiuhtilmatenechilnavayoitepotzoicpal

Acamapichtlihis circular fan device of yellow parrot

feathersarrowshis leather capehis reed seat

HuitzilihuitlHis circular fan device of yellow parrotfeathers

his leather capehis reed seat

Chimalpopocahis circular fan device of yellow parrot

feathershis leather capehis reed seat

Itzcoatzinhis turquoise [mosaic] headdresshis turquoise nose-rodhis turquoise [ blue] capeedged by a red border with circleshis seat with back rest

31. Ome acatl : see note 16, this paragraph. As in the case of the account of the Tetzcoco dynasty, Sahagunthis version of the Huexotla dynasty in the Histor ia (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part IX [Book 8[: 13-14; 1988, II: 500), with

192 copies of the illustrations.



vanitzin Huanitzin


194

[fol. 52r col. B]

don Diego tevetzquititzindon xpoual

Don Diego TehuetzquititzinDon Cristóbal

PA R A G R A P H I B I L L U S T R AT I O N S

tlaltecatzinicoçoyaoalol

ytlauitolymaçayevatilmayquauhxiuicpal

techotlalatzinicoçoyaoalol

itlauitolymaçayeoatilmaiquauhxiuicpal

ixtlilxuchitlicoçoyoyavalol

itlauitolimaçayevatilmaixiuicpalneçavalcoyotl

ixiuhtzonixiuhyacamiuhixiuhtilmatechilnavayoytepotzoicpal

neçavalpiliixiuhtzonixiuhtilmatechilnavayoitepotzoicpal

Tlaltecatzinhis circular fan device of yellow parrot

feathershis bowhis deerskin capehis seat of tree branches

Techotlalatzinhis circular fan device of yellow parrot

feathershis bowhis deerskin capehis seat of tree branches

Ixtlilxochitlhis circular fan device of yellow parrot

feathershis bowhis deerskin capehis herbage seat

Nezhaualcoyotl

his turquoise [mosaic] headdresshis turquoise nose-rodhis turquoise [ blue] capeedged by a red border with circleshis seat with back rest

Nezahualpillihis turquoise [mosaic] headdresshis turquoise [ blue] capeedged by a red border with circleshis seat with back rest

[fol. 52v col. B]

Cacamatzinixiuhtzonixiuhtilmatetlapalitepotzoicpal

coanacochtliixiuhtzon

Cacamatzinhis turquoise [mosaic] headdresshis turquoise [ blue] capered (or colored) borderhis seat with back rest

Coanacochtlihis turquoise [mosaic] headdress



ytlatlapaltilmaytepotzoicpal

tecocoltzinytlatlapaltilmaytepotzoicpal

ixtlilxuchitlytlatlapaltilmaytepotzoicpal

his varicolored capehis seat with back rest

Tecocoltzinhis varicolored capehis seat with back rest

Ixtlilxochitl

his varicolored capehis seat with back rest

[fol. 53r col. B]

yoyontzinytlatlapaltilmaitepotzoicpal

tetlavevetzquititziitlatlapaltilmaitepotzoicpal

Don ant°. tlauitoltzinitlatlapaltilmaytepotzoicpal

Don hernando pimentel. yuianitlatlapaltilmaytepotzoicpal

Yoyontzinhis varicolored capehis seat with back rest

Tetlahuehuetzquititzinhis varicolored capehis seat with back rest

Don Antonio Tlahuitoltzinhis varicolored capehis seat with back rest

Don Hernando Pimentel the temperatehis varicolored capehis seat with back rest

PAR AGR AP H 1C ILLUS TR ATIONS

maçatzinycoçoyaoalol

ytlauitolymaçayevatilmayxiuicpal

tochintecutliycoçoyavalol

ytlauitolymaçayeoatilmayçacaycpal

ayotzintecutli

ycoçoyavalolitlauitolymaçayeoatilmaixiuicpal

quatlauiceycoçoyaoalol

ymaçayevatilma

Mazatzinhis circular fan device of yellow parrot

feathershis bowhis deerskin capehis herbage seat

Tochintecuhtlihis circular fan device of yellow parrot

feathershis bowhis deerskin capehis grass seat

Ayotzintecuhtli

his circular fan device of yellow parrotfeathershis bowhis deerskin capehis herbage seat

Cuatlahuicehis circular fan device of yellow parrot

feathershis deerskin cape

Paragraph1C

195



icacaiepai his grass seat -totomutzin Totomochtzin

igocoyavalol his circular fan device of yellow parrotfeathers

imagayevatilma his deerskin capeigacaicpal his grass seat

yautzin Yaotzinitlatlapaltilma his varicolored cape .ytepotzoicpal his seat with back rest

[fol. 53v col. B]

xilotzinicoçoyaoalol

ixiuhtilmatechilnavayoitepotzoicpal

ytlacauhtzinicoçoyaoalol

ixiuhtilmatechilnavayoitepotzoicpal

tlaçolyautzinixiuhtzonixiuhtilmaitepotzoicpal

tzontemoctzin

ixiuhtzonixiuhtilmatechilnaoayoitepotzoicpal

Cuitlavatzinixiuhtzonixiuhtilmatechilnavayoitepotzoicpal

itzapocuetzinitlatlapaltilmaitepotzoicpal

ça no cuitlaoatzinitlatlapaltilmaitepotzoicpal

Xilotzinhis circular fan device of yellow parrot

feathershis turquoise [ blue] capeedged by a red border with circleshis seat with back rest

Itlacauhtzinhis circular fan device of yellow parrot

feathershis turquoise [blue] capeedged by a red border with circleshis seat with back rest

Tlazolyaotzinhis turquoise [mosaic] headdresshis turquoise [blue] capehis seat with back rest

Tzontemoctzin

his turquoise [mosaic] headdresshis turquoise [ blue] capeedged by a red border with circleshis seat with back rest

Cuitlahuatzinhis turquoise [mosaic] headdresshis turquoise [ blue] capeedged by a red border with circleshis seat with back rest

Itzapocuetzinhis varicolored capehis seat with back rest

[Another] also [named] Cuitlahuatzinhis varicolored capehis seat with back rest




198

in poliuiz altepetlyauyutlmiquiztlicuicatl maçeoaliztlitlapializtlitlachtli vlli

tianquiztlipatollitetlatocatlaliliztlitetecutlaliliztliin aço mayanaloin aço necvcvlonextlavalozcopaltemalozaltepepializtlivtli tlacuiliztli 'tlachpanaliztHnetequioacatecozyn aço teumicoaz in aço ce maçeuali

miquiz yn ixpan diablo.

That cities be destroyed.War.Death.Singing, dancing.Guarding.The ball court; the rubber [ball].

The market.The pato l l i game.The installing of a ruler.The installing of lords.If there is a famine.If there is a plague.That payment [to the gods] be made.2That copal be offered.The guarding of the city.Removing [filth] from the roads.Sweeping.The assembling of the seasoned warriors.If there was to be sacrificing of captives; if

a commoner was to be sacrificed before thedevil.

[fol. 54v col. A]

tlacazcaltiliztli tlacaoapavaliztlitlenamaquiztlitlatzmolintlineçoliztlitlacoquixtiliztli

neçoçoliztli

The education of people; the instruction ofpeople.

Offerings of fire.Offering of shoots.Drawing of blood.

Passing of twigs.Stringing together.3

[fol. 54r col. B]

Jntencopa in tlatoqz iehoan quitzontequi,auh in oqtzotecque, niman quioalnotza intlatlacateca in tlatlacochcalca yautequioaqz,nima ie ic quinaoatia micqui polozque, ce;altepetl inic mochioaz yavyutl auh in oaçitoyn ompa mochioaz yavyutl nimân oc cepa

iehoati tlamama in tlatlacateca in iuh mo-

By order of the rulers, these made the decision [to wage war against a certain city],and when they had made the decision, theysummoned the commanders of men, thechiefs of the house of arrows, the seasonedwarriors. Then they ordered death—that the

city be destroyed, that war be made. And

patoll i . Sahagun later, in Tlatelolco, compiled more data covering much the same ground, and, as was his usual custom, preferring them to this Primeros Memorial es material, he incorporated them in Book 8 of theHistor ia (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part IX; 1988, H: 493-536).

2. Nextlavaloz: This "paym ent" connoted sacrificial rituals, particularly the offering of hearts and blood, the food and drink of the gods. See note 2, Chapter I, Paragraph 2A.

3. Negofoliz t l i : Possibly this means the stringing together of flowers, as in the veintena of Tlaxochimaco (see Sahagun 1981: 108; 1988,1: 141).



Chapter IE:Rulership

200

que yn oquinanamictiqz niman quitlatlaliatlachquac nenecoc. nima ie ic momana qui-momaca in queceoatl i maiehoatl i nelpiloninimá ie ic peoa vllamalo auh in teulalataquenecoc tlachticpac vnoqz xeliuhtoqz mocheoanti in pipilti anogo tetecuti anogo te-

quioaqz auh i necoc tlachticpac vnoqz ce-cétlapal intech pui mollama in mixnamicti-mani auh necoc vnoc in tlachmaitl itechmamani mitoa tlachtemalacatl cocoyoqui;auh in ac iehoatl tlacalaquiz vtetla iehoatlquicuiz in ixquich tlatquitl Auh mitoayaneneuhqui y yavyutl in ollamaliztli vei vncánemimictilo nequatzatzayanalo auh intla acaatlei quitlanitoa namacoya tlacotli mochioaz.

Jnic quimocuitlaviaya in tlatoqz iehoanquimatia in iuh tlapatiyoaz in ixquich mona-maca tianquizco quinaoatiaya in puchte-catlatoque in quenin tlapatioaz iehoantiquimati in puchtecatlatoqz in iuh tlamaniztianquizco yn ayac texixicoz auh intla itla

ytlacaviz iehoanti quitzacutiazque in puchtecatlatoqz.

Auh in patolli ga vei neneuhqui in tlachcomochioaya yn ollamaniztli ga no vmpa mo-chioaya in patolli micuiloa in tlalpantlianogo petlatl in omicuilo vncá quipoa inicnetlanivaya yn etl nauhtetl cecetlapal mix-coyouia y patoaya q'maxaqualoa anogoquicemana inic motlania yn iuh mochioayain tlachco Qa vei no iuh mochivaya nemimictilo nequatzatzayanaloya.

green stones, or gold, or quetzal feathers, or aslave,11 or else duck feather capes. And whenthey had decided, when they were in accord,they placed them on both ends of the court.Then the leather hip-guards, the leathergloves, the belts were given out; [the players]

took them up. Then the playing of the ballgame began. And the spectators12 sat abovethe ball court on both sides; all the noblemen, or lords, or seasoned warriors sat divided into two sections. And on each sideabove the ball court, each on his own side,sat the contenders to whom the ball gamepertained. And to each side of the court13was attached a [circular stone] called t lach temalacatl, which had a hole [in the center].And he who put [the ball] through it, wonthe game. He took all the goods. And it wassaid that the ball game was like war: one indeed was frequently killed there; heads wereconstantly split open. And if someone whohad nothing lost in the game, he was sold; hewould become a slave.

The rulers saw to, they determined howall that was sold in the market was to bepriced. The merchant-rulers ordered what theprices were to be; the merchant-rulers determined how the customs were to be established in the market. No one was to cheat an

other, and if anyone did anything wrong, themerchant-rulers were to punish him.

And patoll i14 is much similar to the ballgame played on the ball courts,- patolli is alsoplayed there. [Widely spaced lines] werepainted on the ground, or a reed mat waspainted. There they counted [the score] bywhich [the game] was won. There were fourbeans; holes were bored on the surface of eachside. When they played patolli , they rubbedthem [from] between their hands or they castthem in order for the game to be won. Just aswas done on the ball court, so also indeed wasit done [here]; there was continual injuring;heads were constantly split open.

11. Tlacotl i : possibly to be read t lacotl i , "precious things."12. Teulalataque: read as te-ollalla-ittaque. • 13. Tlachmait l : Mait l , hand, and by extension arm, also meant side or flank. Compare Molina 1944, Part II: 1 v,acal-

mait l, costado de navio.14. Patolli: On this most popular of the contact-period Central Mexican games of chance, see Caso 1924 -192 7



acuçiltin atozneneme. Jn maceoali quiquatlaxcalpapayaamo chipaoac tlaxcali tomamoli inamicmetzalaxcali chilmoli inamicpulocatlaxcali iztayotl inamic.

nopalveve :exotlaxcalimexcalitlaquauhyut!çimatlichpulitziviquilitl.izcauitlcuculivcuiltamalivcuilaçolimichpiltamalitecuitlatl

aoauhtliaxaxayacatlvcuiliztac

Freshwater shrimps;13 "water parrots."Th e commoner eats: cBits of tortillas.Dingy tortillas with tomato sauce.Maguey pith tortillas with chili sauce.Tortillas of [amaranth] chaff14 with brine.

Old nopal cactus [fruit?].String bean tortillas.Baked maguey.Hardened things.Cimat l [root].15Sow-thistle.16[Unidentified cooked] water plant.Water worms.Waterfly larva nests. „ ■Worm tamales.Worm excretions.Fish roe tamales.Cakes of dried waterfly eggs that adhere to

rocks.17Waterfly eggs.18Wat erf lie s.19White worms.

PA R A G R A P H 5 [fol. 55v|

Jlnic v. parrapho. ipan mitoa in izquitlamantli

in inechichioaya in tlatoque ioä in cioa-pipiltin.

pifth paragraph, in which are told the kinds

of ways of adornment of rulers and noble-women.

13.Acogilt in: Cambams, Cambarell us mont ezumae (Santamaría 1959: 26).14. Pulocatlaxcali: polocatl: tamo, paja menuda (Molina 1944, Part II: 83v).15. See note 16, Paragraph 3.16. Ichpuli : defined in Molina (1944, Part II: 32v) ascerr aj a, yerua .17 Tecuit la t l : so according to Santamaría 1959: 1020. In Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 65, it is a congealed

mass of lake scum roasted on ashes.18.Aoauht l i : Santamaría 1959: 42; Alcocer 1938: 372-373; Hernández 1959-1984, II: 392.19.Axaxayacatl : Ephidra californi ca Torrey or possibly Coixca sp. (Sahagún 1950-19 82, Part XII [Book 11 j: 64).1. This paragraph lists the names of thirty-seven male capes, t i lma t l i , and eight female shifts, huipil l i , along with var

ious techniques of male and female adornment. The colorful, highly variegated designs on these capes and shifts, worn by members of the upper class, particularly on ritual occasions, connoted significant ideological concepts connected w ith the religious-ritual system. Later, in Tlatelolco, Sahagún collected a similar list of the names of fifty-sevent i lma t l i —adding thirteen loincloths, maxt la t l —that overlaps with this one putatively gathered in Tepepolco. It was included as Chapter 8 in Book 8 of theHistoria (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part IX [Book 8]: 23-25; 1988, II: 505-506 [much truncated]). He also collected another list of the names of thirteen huipil l i —adding nine skirts, cueitl, and five types of ear plugs,nacochtli —plus various female beautification methods, to which he devoted Chapter 15 of theHistor ia (Sahagún 1950-1.982, Part IX [Book 8]: 47-48; 1988, II: 521-522 [truncated]). Only three of thehuipil l i and six of the cueitl were illustrated in the Florentine Codex. In the cognate colonial pictorials, Codex M aghabechiano (1903, 1904, 1970, 1983: fols. 2v-8v) andCod ex Tudela (1980: 85v-88v], a number of decorated capes are illustrated, forty-five (named in Nahuatl and Spanish) in the former and

Paragraph5

203




204

Cape with water-face design.2Cape with flying eagle design.Cape with design of stone discs, worked in

feathers.Cape with water-face design.3Cape with ahuitzotl design.4 , .Cape with ball court eagle design.Cape with sun design.Cape edged by a red border with circles.Cape edged with a border of Bourreria

flowers.5Cape with philodendron flowers.6Cape with the lordly red flower design.Cape with Loeselia flower design.7Cape with red border.Cape with eagle head design.

Jaguar skin cape.Wolf skin cape.8

Mountain lion skin cape.Bobcat skin cape.Coyote skin cape.Cape with dahlia design.9Cape with melon cactus design.10

thirty-six (unnamed) in the latter, both sets derived from a common source (see Anders 1970: 47-50; Tudela de la Orden 1980: 152-162; Boone 1983: 168-174). A number of othert i lma t l i , rendered as annual tribute to Mexico Tenochtitlan, are depicted in the M atr ícula de Tri butos (1980) and its cognate, Part 3 of theCodex M endoza (1992; see Anawalt in Vol. 1, pp. 129-145, Appendix I-J). The classic discussion of upper-class Central Nexican contact-period costume and adornment, focusing on the decorated t i lma t l i —including his German translations of the Nahuatl nomenclature of this paragraph and that of Chapter 8 of Book 8 of Sahagún'sHistoria —is that of Eduard Seler (1902-1923, II: 512-535).

Two large illustrations accompany this paragraph: a lord attired in a rich blue cloak, a variant of the xiuh t la lp i l l i , the "royal cloak" (Anawalt 1993b) with the distinctive "eyed"(tenixyo) border. He also wears the quetzalt la lpiloni , the hair binder with double quetzal feather tassels (see Seler 1902-1923, II: 536), gold ear plugs, an elaborate gold and greenstone necklace, and a multicolored loincloth. Fronting him are depictions of two capes with complex, multicolored designs, the upper one also displaying the tenixyo border. T he o ther illus tration is of a noble lady wearing a striped huip i l l i , a multicolored checkered skirt, and an elaborate gold necklace.

2. Axayacayo: or, possibly, waterfly. See note 18, Paragraph 4. : -3. Axayacayo: This is a repeat of the designation of the first cloak in the list.4. Ahui tzo t l : a partly fantastic creature but possibly based principally on the water opossum, Chi ron ectes pana-

mensis, as Eric Thompson suggested (see Nicholson and Quiñones Keber 1983: 120). Compare Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 68:Lutra fehna.

5. Teuixqui xuchio (izquixochit l): "popcorn flower," Bourreria formosa, B. huani t a, B. li tt orali s (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 202).

6. Vacalxuchio (huacalxochit l): probably Philodendron affine Hemsl. or Phil odendron pseudoradiat um Matuda (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 209; Nicholson 1988a: 126-129).7 Vizi tzi lxuchio (huit zit zil xochitl ): Loeseli a coccini ea Don or Tolui fera pereir ae (Klotz) (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part

XH [Book 11]: 192).8. Cuetl achevati lmatl i (cuetl achtl i ) : This animal has been variously identified, but the strongest case can probably

be made for the wolf, an animal now extinct in Central Mexico but once common there (see Nicholson and Quiñones Keber 1983: 149; Leopold 1959: 399-405).

9.A cucuxuch o (acocoxochit l): Dahl ia coccínea Cav. (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 199).10. Teucuyo (teocomit l):M ami ll ari a tetracancantha Salm-Dyck;Ferrocactus sp. (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book

11]: 218). - — - : ; - -

Axayacayo tilmatli.quauhpapatlacyo tilmatliyuitemalacayo tilmatli

axayacayo tilmatliavitzoyo tilmatlitlachquauhyo tilmatlitonatiuhyo tilmatlitenchilnavayo tilmatliteuizquixuchio tilmatli .

vacalxuchio tilmatltlapaltecuxuchio tilmatlivitzitzilxuchio tilmatlitentlapalo tilmatliquauhtzontecomayo tilmatlivceloevatilmatlicuetlachevatilmatli.

miceoatilmatlivcutocheoatilmatlicuyoeoatilmatliacucuxuchio tilmatliteucuyo tilmatli



cacaloxuchio tilmatlivmixuchio tilmatlitlacuxuchio tilmatlihecauitequi tilmatlixicalculiuhqui tilmatlicuetlaxuchio tilmatli

coatzontecomayo tilmatliitznepaniuhqui tilmatliquapacho tilmatlixiuhtlatl pili tilmatlculutlatl pili tilmatliquapachtlaxuchyo tilmatlixumoyuitetlapalo tilmatliiztac xumoyuitl tilmatlitlapaliuitemalacaio tilmatliiztac yuitilmatli tliltic iuitilmatli.

[fol. 56r]

xumoiuiuipilli xicalculiuhqui cueitl qui-namiqui.

acucuxuchio vipilli miavacueitl .q.

aculamachyo vipili tenacazyo cueitl .q.

putocatlacunepaniuhq' vipili tlilpitzavaccueitl .q.

cacaluxuchio vipili cacamoliuhq' cueitl .q.

xuchiteyo vipili iztac cueitl .q.quapachyo vipili vcelucueitl .q.ypiluyo vipili quapachyo cueitl .q.vel moximayamatzotzocultiaya

motlateteçiluiayamixquatecpiltiayamotzotzoquaquauhtiayaquiayacanepanoa in itzon

Cape with plumeria flower design.11Cape with polianthes flower design.12Cape with bouvardia flower design.13Cape with wind-struck design.Cape with step meander design.Cape with poinsettia design.14

Cape with snake head design.Cape with crossed obsidian knives design.Tawny cape.Cape with blue knots.15Cape with scorpion knots.16Cape with tawny stripes.Cape with duck feathers and red border.Cape with white duck feathers.Cape with red feather circles.White feather cape; black feather cape.

Duck feather shift with step meander skirt.

Shift of dahlia design with skirt of maizeflower design.

Shoulder-embroidered shift with cornerstone design.

Shift of crossed feathered twig design withskirt designed with fine lines.

Shift of plumeria flower design with theskirt like a bed covering.

Flower-bordered shift with white skirt.Tawny shift with jaguar skirt.Shift with its pendants with tawny skirt.Well did they beautify themselves.They arranged themselves with the long

girl's lock of hair on one side.They cropped their hair.They left a tuft of hair over the forehead.They made hornlike tufts of hair.They cut their hair short to reach their

noses.

11. Cacaloxuchio (cacaloxochitl ): Plumeri a rubra, Tigridia pavonia (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 205).12. Om ixu chio (omixochit l): Poli anthes tuberosa, P. mexicana (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 198).13. Tlacuxuchio (t lacoxochit l): Bouvardia tormi folia Schl. (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 208).14. Cuetl axuchio (cuetl axochitl j: Euphorbia (Poinsett ia) pulcherri ma Willd. (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book

11]: 203).15.X i u h t l a t l pi l i t i l m a t l : read xiuh t la lp i l l i t i lma t l i .16. Culu t la t l i p i l i : read colotla lpil l i .

Paragraph5

205




206

mopalinemi, xiuhquiltica

mixtecuçauiamixtlapaloatzaluia tecuiluaztica

motlatlamiaoa.motlanochezvia.tziquaquatinemi

They go about staining themselves withindigo.17

They apply yellow ochre to their faces.With a stamp they apply red coloring to

their faces. ;Teeth are darkened.They stain their teeth with cochineal.They go about chewing chicle.

PA R A G R A P H 6

}nic. vi. parrapho ypan mitoa in izquitla-mantli in inechichioaya tlatoque in iquacmaçeva.

quetzalalpiloniteucuitlamatlepitztliteucuitlanacochtli

chalchiuhtêtetlteucuitlatepiloliteucuitlayacaquaztlichalchiuhcozcatlquetzalmacopiliteucuitlacotzevatlxupepetlactliquetzalmacpanitlquetzalquaquauitlteucuitlachipulcozcatl.

Sixth paragraph, in which are told the kindsof ways of adornment of the rulers whenthey danced.1

[Head] band with quetzal feather tassels.2Hand cast in gold.Golden ear plugs.

Green stone lip plug.Golden lip pendant.Golden nose plate.Necklace of green stones.Quetzal feather arm band.Golden band for the calf of the leg.Gleaming anklet.Quetzal feather banner held in the hand.Quetzal feather horns.Necklace of golden beads and small sea-

shells.

[fol. 56v]

Tlepiazyo maxtlatlyvitemalacayo maxtlatlnochpalli maxtlatlpuztequi maxtlatltepuçuqui maxtlatlyacatlamachyo maxtlatl

Breechclout with torch-holder design.Breechclout with disc design in feathers.Carmine colored breechclout.Bicolored breechclout.Breechclout with filigree border.Breechclout with embroidered ends.

17Xiuhqui l t ica (x iuhqui l i t l ) : indigo (I ndi gofero añi l ) (Santamaría 1959: 639[jiquilite]).1. This paragraph consists of a listing of thirteen luxurious items of adornment (including headdresses, ear, lip, and

nose plugs, arm and leg bands, and a necklace) worn by the lords during ritual dances. They were crafted from prized feathers, gold, and precious green stones (chalchihuitl) . Seler (1902-1923, II: 535-36) was the first to translate and discuss some of the designations for these adornment items in his classic article on pre-Hispanic attire and insignia of social and military rank. In addition, nine types of decorated breechclouts conclude the list. Typically, Sahagún later collected in Tlatelolco an overlapping but somewhat more extensive listing, which he included in the Histor ia as Chapter 9 of Book 8 (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part IX [Book 8]: 27-28; 1988, II: 506-508).

2. Quetzala lpiloni: As indicated in note 1 to the preceding paragraph, the sumptuously attired lord who illustrates Paragraph 5 wears this hair ornament, which features the delicate, shimmering feathers of the rare quetzal bird—feathers that symbolized, along with jade, the quintessence of preciousness in pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica.



quatzontli xiyotltanatli malacatltzatzaztli totochomitlvmitzotzopaztlitlacuilolquauitl

yuitl çiyomitlmecamaxali cacalacamatlalcaxitl

yuitecomatl çaoaleaxitl

tlamatzotzomatlitilmaamatl tiçatlyvitanatlitochomitanatlimalacatanatli quauhchiculi

tochomimalacatlyvimalacatl neanoni

pitzavatzavaloni malacatl

Jn macevali çioatl in ic tlatequipanoaymetlacucutli

tlachictetliçutultanatliichicpautlatlichicpatzotzopaztli :teutlatl yn inequal

tomavac in iquatzô in ixiouhtlaçimalvapali

yhitztapalquequetzaztlitlaculoaztliymatlaquauhytlatesyuco.


The skein; the heddle.The basket; the spindle whorl.The warping frame .2

Rabbit hair.The batten made of bone.Colored wood.

Feathers; hare hair.The divided cord which crackles.The bowl for blue dye.

[fol. 57r|

The earthen bowl for feathers; the spinning bowl .3

Bandages.Paper for capes; chalk.The basket for feathers.The basket for rabbit hair.The basket for the spinning whorl; the

wooden hook.The spindle whorl for rabbit hair.The spindle whorl for feathers; the device

by which [the loom] is held.The distaff for fine spinning; the spindle

whorl.What the female commoner works with.Her maguey (fiber).The hollow gourd for extracting juice from

the maguey.

Stone used for scraping the maguey plant.Her palm leaf basket.Stout cane for maguey threads.Batten for maguey threads.A stout cane is her [instrument to work

the maguey threads ].4

Her skeins, her heddles are thick.Board on which maguey leaves are pre

pared for combing and cleaning fibers.Her paving stone.The instrument for beating.The instrument for folding things.

Her long pole.Her jar of a ground maize preparation for

dressing textiles.

208

1. To: Evidently the next word started in error.3. Tacalcaxitl: read tzaualcaxitl .4. Identification is tentative.



PA R A G R A P H 9

Jnic. ix. parrapho ipan mitoa in tecpancalitlatocacali.

Tlatocacali

tequioacacalitecalipilcaliachcauhcalicuicaoacacalitequitlatocacalitelpuchcalimalcali

[fol. 57v]

Jail.House for training young men in higher

education .5

PA RA G RA PH 1 0

Centh paragraph, in which are told thekinds of articles required there . 1

Wolf skin seat. Jaguar skin seat.Varicolored seat.

Wolf skin mat. Jaguar skin mat.

s," connected with community government and education. Later in Tlatelolco Sahagún co llected a considerably more extensive body of information that pa rtially overlapped with the subject of this paragraph, to which he devoted Chapter 14 of Book 8 of theHistoria (Sahagún 1950-1982, PartIX [Book 8]: 41-45; 1988, II: 517-522).

2. Cuicaoacacali: For a recent discussion of the educational role and function of the cuicacalli and its relationship with the telpochcalli and the calmecac, both also listed in this paragraph, see Calnelc 1992: 88-90.

3. Telpuchcali: These "bachelo r houses"—good exemplars of a type of institution widespread in early societies and long recognized for their imp ortance by social anthropologists—provided the most fundam ental kind of education for the largest number of young men in the urban centers of Central Mexico, with emphasis on military training. Acco rding to Sahagún in the Historia (1950-1982, Part IX [Book 8]: 58), there was one in every "barrio"(calpolli/tlaxilacallij .

4. Followingmalcali, teucali (temple) has been crossed out.5. Calmecac: literally "rope of houses." These institutions served as the residences of the professional priesthood

and as "colleges" for the education—with emphasis on religion and preparation for leadership positions in their c ommun ities— of young men, largely confined to the nobility. Sometimes called "temple schools," they were connected with major religious establishments (cf. Calnek 1992: 88-89 ).

1. This paragraph, a follow-up to the previous one, is devoted to a listing of items that belonged in the establishments of the rulers, including various types of thrones and mats, especially those draped with animal skins. Sahagún later in Tlatelolco gathered similar data, wh ich he included in the Historia as Chapter 11, Book 8 (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part IX [Book 8]: 31; 1988, II: 509).

Jnic. x. parrapho ipan mitoa in izquitla-mantli tlatquitl yn onca moneneq'.

Cuitlacheoaicpalivcelueoaicpalicuicuiliuhqui icpali

cuitlacheoapetlatlvcelueoapetlatl

1. This paragraph lists eleven terms for structures,

quauhcalli.calmecac.

T)inth paragraph, in which are told the palaces, the rulers' houses .1

Ruler's house.

War leaders' council house.Palace court house.Noblemen's house.Constables' house.Song-dance houses for young men .2

Tribute bosses' house.Young men's house .3

House for war captives .4

Paragraph10

209




210

cuicuiliuhqui petlatlchipaoac petlatlchipaoac icpallicuyoyeoaicpalicuyoyeoapetlatlmiçeoapetlatl

miti tlacuchtlivevetl ayacachtlitepunaztli tetzilacatlxuchitl yyetltlaçotli tlaqualicacavatl mavizticapatlecaxitltlequaztlitlemaxupilixicalli anavacayutlaquavitl ayotochtli

Varicolored mat.Pretty mat.Pretty seat.Coyote skin seat.Coyote skin mat.Mountain lion skin mat.

Arrows; spears.Upright drums; gourd rattles.Horizontal drums,- small bells.Flowers,- tobacco.Costly food.Marvelous cacao.Large braziers.Braziers.Incense ladle.Gourd vessels of Anahuac style .2

Stirring sticks; tortoise-shell cupschocolate).

(for

PARAGRAPH 11 [foi. 58r col. A]

Jn ic. xi. parrapho ipan mitoa in itlaveliloca-toca in oquichtlaveliloque.

Naoalitlaçiuhquiteciuhtlazquitecutzquaniteyoloquanitetlepanquetzquitetlacatecolouiateuquiquixti

Eleventh paragraph, in which are told thebad names of the bad men .1

Sorcerer.Diviner.Caster of hail.Caster of spells.Bewitcher of people.He who stands someone in the fire.He bedevils people.He who takes out the gods.

2. Anavacayutl (Anahuacayotl):Anahuac literally meant "coastland" and referred to the coastal areas of both the Gulf of Mexico (Veracruz/Tabasco], or Anahuac Xicalanco, and the Pacific (Tehuantepec/Chiapas), or Anahuac Ayot- lan. Because of the comm on use of gourd vessels as goblets for drinking cacao and the importance of this prized plant in the Chiapas coastal region (Soconusco), the reference here may be to this area.

1. This paragraph provides, in the left column of the original manuscript, the terms for the many types of oquich- t lahueliloque, "bad men," a remarkably broad category that included sorcerers, diviners, magicians (including sleight- of-hand performers), prophets, and deranged and/or dissolute persons. In the right column is a running text that describes the activities of many of the kinds of sorcerers, diviners, and magicians included in the list. Various of these

terms were also included in the 1571 Nahuatl-Spanish dictionary of Fray Alonso de Molina (1944). Sahagún employed some of them in appropriate contexts in the later Histor ia , but this paragraph was not included in it.

Eduard Seler, in his 1899 study of magic and magicians in ancient Mexico, translated into German and discussed many of the terms listed in this paragraph. The entire paragraph was paleographized and translated into German in Seler 1927: 356-364. Garibay (1944-1947: 167-174, 235-254) also paleographized the paragraph and translated it into Spanish, adding copious notes. In 1956, he included his Spanish translation, omitting the notes, of the running text as an appendix to his edition of Sahagún's Histor ia (Sahagún 1956, IV: 307-312; 1975: 904-907). Nicholson's (1971: 438-443) summary account of the religious-ritual system of late pre-Hispanic Central Mexico contained a section on magic and its practitioners that included many of the data in this paragraph (cf. López Austin 1967).



amamalacachomotetequiitilmaco miçequiatecalatia cueçaltica

quiauhtlaça iztauhyatica

teutlipan moquetzaya itech q'neoa,

yolopuliuhqui : , _ amo mozcaliaamo tlachiaamo tlacaquiatlanonotzaliatlazcaltiliatlacaoapavaliatimozcaliaati tlachiaatitlacaquiatitlanonotzaliatompapultiyolotlaveliloctaaquitichocholoquiotiquaivinticotiquaxucomictimoquatlaztinemitimoquaviuixutinemititlapaltontlititlapaquatinemi.titlavacapuliuhqui nanacatl tiquatinemi

tixolopipul

Water-whirler.He dismembers himself.He pops maize on his cape.He burns someone's house with flames

of fire.He casts rain with wormwood.

He appeared as a god; [the god] possesseshim.

Madman.He is senseless.He does not see.He does not hear.One who is uncounseled.One who is unreared.One who is uneducated.You are senseless.You do not look.You are incorrigible.You are uncounseled.You are a fool.You are crazy _ i - ';- ■'You are deranged.You are running wild.You have become dizzy.You have become a complete drunkard.You go proudly shaking your head.You go shaking your head.You are a little man.You go about with a broken head .2

You are a great lunatic.It is as if you went about eating mush

rooms .3

You are a great imbecile.

[fol. 58v col. A]

tixulupitanapultitopuxpultitenipultinacazcocoyocpultinacatzatzapul

timeltzotzontinemititlanquiquizcuicatinemititecacaltitlauiatiquauhtlaveliloc

You are a great empty-head.You are an addlepate.You are a great boor.You are one who has great ear holes.You are one who has great stopped-up ears .4

You go about beating your breast.You go about whistling and singing.You wander about from house to house.You are a bad piece of wood. Paragraph

11

2. Tit lapaquat inemi: read titlapanquatenemi.3. Nanacatl: Obviously the hallucinogenic mushroom, usually designated teonanacatl, is meant.4. Tinacatzatzapul: read tinacatzatzacpul. 211



colia in altepetl, anoço tlatoani, in q'nequima polivi in altepetl, in tlatoani i ma miqui.Yoan ic tlanavatiaia in tlacevetziz ioan in açoteçiviz q'toaia in axcâ cexivitl ça mocheoatlin tetl in topa vetziz, ic no tlanavatia in te-çiuhtlazqz, ma mochicavaca ma q'xicauhti i

maceoalli. Auh aiac icivauh catca ca no çancatca in teopa moçauhq in itlâ neca. ic mi-toaia navali tlaçiuhq'.

Jn tecotzquani mitoa tetlaielevilia , ioantecocolia, in iquac quelevia in tlatquitl, nimâquicotzqua in tlatq'va, auh in tlatquiva nimaq'notza, inic quipatiz quimacaz in itlatqui.Auh ça no iuhqui in q'cocolia aço, ocavac,anoço oqmicti ic nimâ quicotzqua inicmiquiz in q'cocolia.

Ça no iuhqui in teiolloquani im motenevain iuh omoteneuh.

Jn tetlepanquetzqui mitoa temicaqtzaq'chichiva in quavitl amatl ica ioan amapan-itl yoaltica nauhyoal in quichiva, nimantlaqualli mochiva, inic quitlamanilia, ça noyoaltica in quitlatia in aq'qz cenca quiquala-

nia i cenca quicocolia nimâ quinotza in tla-vizcalpa in otlatvic, niman iehoatl quimacain ive in oquimanili yoaltica iehoatl quiqua,intech qualani intech moxicoa inic quitoama içiuhca miquica inic monetlamachtia.

Auh ça no iuhq' intla altepetl itech moxicoa. Vmpa iaz novian nemiz in teteupan ioanin ichan in tlatoqz ioan in maceoalti inichan, cacalaquiz Jn quinequi ma polivi in altepetl intla yauyutl, momanaz quinequi i mavpa mochtin miquica in tlatoque in pipiltiioan in maçeoalti inic poliviz inic xiniz inaltepetl. Auh intla machoz intla ittoz intla

hated a city or a ruler, if he wished that a citybe destroyed, that a ruler die. And for this heordered that there be frost or that it shouldhail. He said: "Now for a year all that willfall down upon us will be stones." T he casterof hailstones also ordered: "Let the com

moners fortify themselves,- let them not neglect it." And no one was his wife. He stayedonly in the temple,- he lived in it. For thesereasons he was called a sorcerer, a diviner.

He who was a caster of spells, it was said,desired something from people and hatedpeople. When he wanted [someone's] possessions, he cast a spell over the owner of thepossessions. And the owner of the possessions then called him,- in order that he curehim [he said] he would give him his possessions. In like manner, when someone hatedhim or quarreled with him or mistreatedhim, he then cast a spell over him so that theone who hated him would die.

Likewise what has been said of the be-witcher of people was what was stated [of thecaster of spells].

It was said that he who stood someone inthe fire set people up as corpses. He adornedpieces of wood with paper and with paperflags. At night, for four nights, he did this.Then food was prepared with which he made

offerings to them. Also at night he burnedthem. Those with whom he was very angry,whom he hated greatly, he then called atdawn, when it was daybreak. Then he gavethem his offerings, those he had offered [thefigures] at night. Those with whom he wasangry, those with whom he was vexed, atethem. As he said: "May they soon die," sowere they afflicted .7

And in the same way, if he was vexed witha city he would go there. He would go abouteverywhere in the temples, and he wouldenter the rulers' homes, the commoners'homes. When he wished that a city be destroyed, if war prevailed, he wished that allthe rulers, noblemen, and commoners woulddie there, so that the city would disappear, so

Paragraph11

1. M onetla machti a: read monentlamacht ia . 213



Chapter IE:Rulership

214

axivaz Vmpa temac miquiz anogo ichanmiquiz quitzacutiaz.

Jn tlacateculutl, in aqui quicocolia inquimiquitlani ipan micoia ioan in tlatquitlin quinequi i ma polivi in quiolquixtia ipanmigotinemi, conitztiuh comatocatiuh, amoma quicuia intla quicuiz averno vel yaz inichan vncan ipan tlatviz miquiz. ca cencamotolinia. Jnic tetlaeateculouia vel tegotlavaiuh mitoa tlalli quimictia niman tlatlacuiloaincaltech anogo tepan migoz inic monextizinic quinequi ma miqui in chane auh intlaitla quicuiz averno no vel yaz igiuhca miquiz.

Jn teuquiquixti mitoa iuhquima tlatla-xochtli vncá in tlatoca calaquia itvalco mo-quetzaia niman quitzetzeloa in ixiquipil qui-vivixoa quinotza in onca cate in xiquipilconimá valquiquiga iuhquima pipiltototi ce-quinti giva vel quali in inechichiuh in giva inicue in ivipil ga no iuhqz in oquichtin velmochichiva quali in imaxtli in itilma in

icozqui mitotia cuica queua in tlei quineq' iniollo in iquac in ocochiuhqz niman oc cepaquivivixoa in ixiq'pil nimá cacalactivetzimotlatia in xiquipilco. auh ic motlauhtiayain iehoatl i moteneva teuquiquixti.

Jn amamalacacho moteneva ga no vncá intlatoca calaq' xicali pechtic quimecayotiavncan quiteca in atl quitemitia nima ie qui-mamalacachoa amo ma noquivi y manogochichipica amo que mochiva ga no ic motlauhtiaya ym motenevaya amamalacacho.

Jn motequia mitoa ga no tlatoca in q'chi-

that it would fall. But if he were to be recognized, if he were to be seen, if he were to becaught, he would die there by someone'shands; or he would die in his house, hewould be the last.

When the devilish one hated someone,when he wished him dead, he bled himselfon him. And when he wanted [someone's]possessions to be destroyed, he molested him,he went bleeding himself on him, he wentgazing at him fixedly, he went touching himwith his hands. He did not take anything. Ifhe took something he would not be able toleave his [victim's] house; he would die atdawn. He was very poor. In order to bedevilpeople, he made them swoon. As was said,he brought about deep night. Then he painteddesigns on the walls of their houses. Or hebled himself over someone. Thus it would beshown that he wanted the owner of the houseto die. But if he took something, he wouldnot be able to leave; he would soon die.

He who took out the gods was said to belike a sleight-of-hand performer. He enteredthe house of the ruler. He stopped in thecourtyard. Then he shook his pouch, he fluttered it, he called to what was inside thepouch. Then there kept coming forth whatappeared to be little children. Some were

women; their women's adornments—theirskirts, their shifts—were very fine. Likewisethe men were well adorned: their breech-cloths, their capes, their necklaces were fine.They danced, they raised their voices insong, whatever [the conjuror] desired. Whenthey had done this, once again he flutteredhis pouch. Then they entered quickly, theyconcealed themselves in the pouch. And forthis he was given gifts, he who was called theone who takes out the gods.

He who was called the water-whirler alsoentered the house of the ruler. He tied cordsto a broad vessel; he poured water into it, hefilled it. Then he whirled it around. [Thewater] did not spill out nor did drops of waterfall. It was undisturbed. Because of this he,too, was given gifts, he who was called thewater-whirler.

He who was said to dismember himself




216

motlapolviani, niman quinechicoa, in ical-navactlaca in itech mochicomati in açoiehoati oq'cuiqz in itlatqui, auh iehoatl intiçitl niman quicenteca in macevalti inoqcencaltilli, nimâ ie q'nonotza quimilvianican amonoltitoqz nopilhoane y iehoa i,

inic aca in amocotoca in amovilteca, inicmotequipachoa in oq'polo in iaxca in itlatq' inican acate at aca, oquicuilli in iaxca in i-tlatq' ma çan ivia, quimaca in amocneli, ca ievalqçaz in tiçitl iehoatl mitznextiz. auh inaiac tlatoa ca ic omoquixti, nimâ ie con-tlapoa, in caxitl in oquitlapo, oyol, in coatí,caxteco valmoteca, avie, tlachia, q'mitta, inonoqz in maceoalti çeçeiaca q'mitta, nima iehoalquiça, in coati, nimâ ie teixtlan q'ça, iniquac in oquitac in aq' in oichtec nimâquitlecavia ipâ moteca nimá ic conana,quilpia, iquac quimocuitia in oichtec. Auhintlacaiac quitta çan ópa mocuepa çan opamotecatiuh in caxic amo neltia in tlatolli çanic pachivi in iiollo i motlapolviani.

And then the one who missed something gathered together the neighbors he suspected, thosewho perhaps had taken his possessions. Andthen the soothsayer assembled the commonerstogether; he brought them into one house.Then he addressed them,- he said: "Here you are

seated, my children. One of your relatives, oneof your kin, is afflicted because he has lost hisproperty, his possessions. You are present herebecause perhaps someone has taken his property, his possessions. Give them to him calmly;do yourself a service, for the soothsayer willnow appear; he will find you out." And if noone spoke, [if no one] followed his conscience,then he uncovered a vessel. When he had uncovered it, a serpent came alive. It stretched itself out on the rim of the vessel. It looked in alldirections. It looked at the commoners seated[there]; it looked at each one. Then the serpentslithered off; then it passed in front of the people. When it saw the one who had committedthe theft, it climbed up him, it stretched itselfout upon him. Then it held him, it tied him up.Then [the culprit] confessed that he had committed the robbery. But if [the serpent] lookedat no one, it just returned; it just went to liedown in the vessel. It did not confirm the [accuser's] words. With no more than this, the onewho had lost something was satisfied.

PA RA G RA PH 1 2 [fol. 59r col. A]

}nic. xii. parrapho ipan mitoa in itotoca in C^welfth paragraph, in which are told theçioatlaveliloque in auianime. names of the bad women [and] the pleasure

girls .1

1. This paragraph of the original Pri meros M emor ial es manuscript is similar in format to the preceding one, containing two distinct sections. The first, in the left column, is an extensive listing of terms for women of ill repute. "Pleasure girls," prostitutes, head th e list, but man y of the labels apply to the kinds of female behavior that were considered generally shameless, lewd, and immoral. The second, a running text in the right column, consists of descriptions of various techniques of medical divinatory and curative techniques practiced by the tepatiani, the female healers, who, perhaps because of fear of their reputed supernatural powers, were grouped with these cihuatlahueliloque, "bad wo men." Although some of the individual terms occasionally appear, nothing in Sahagun's later Historia really corresponds to this paragraph.

Seler (1899b) discussed some of the divinatory and therapeutic techniques described in the running tex t. Seler 1927: 364-367 included a transcription and German translation of the entire paragraph. Garibay (1944-1947: 240-243) also paleographized it and translated it into Spanish, with useful notes (second section repeated in Sahagun 1956, IV: 31 2-3 14; 1975: 908 -909 , sans notes). ‘



Tauianiauianititequixocotitequimogeltzicuecuetzoctitziyoyomocpultiteixnotztinemi

titeixvetzquilitinemititenenepiluitinemititetlanquiquixilitinemititemaquiquixilitinemi

titemanotztinemi

timotetzitzquilitinemititecuilonaoatinemi

t i c ioacuecue ltichpuchcuecueltigioatlaveliloctimotlatlamiauhtinemitimotlanochezvitinemititlatlaxupeuhtinemititlatlauilantinemititziquaquatinemiotli tictotocatinemitaquetzquitaquetztinemitanenquiatimochanitatitexuchiuiatiteyolomalacachoatitenavalnotza.tit e vetz quilitinemititecamanaluitinemi.timoquequetza tianquizco.

You are a pleasure girl.Pleasure girl.You are a great disdainer.You are a great loner.You are agitated .2

You are a great itching rump.You go about motioning to people with

your head.You go about smiling at people.You go about using your tongue on people.You go about whistling at people.You go about whistling through your fin

gers at people .3

You go about beckoning to people withyour hand.

You go about feeling people's pudenda.You go about permitting sodomy .4

You are a base woman .5You are a base girl.You are a wicked woman.You go about excelling [in evil].You go about painted with cochineal.You go about kicking things with your feet.You go about dragging things.You go about chewing gum.You go about following the road.You are shameless .6

You go about shamelessly.You are restless.You do not see your home.You are a seducer of people.You corrupt people .7

You summon people secretly.You go about smiling at people.You go about joking with people.You wander about the market.

[fol. 59r col. B]

Jn tlao lli q'tepevaia, intla aca iconeuh moco-

coa nimá q'nochilia quitlapovia ixpá qui-

She who cast kernels of maize: If some

woman's child was sick, she then invoked [the

2. Tzicuecuetztoc: read ticuecuetzoc.3. Tit emaquiqui xil i t inemi: chif l a i o si luar, t l anquiquici; chif lar con los dedos, mapipichoa (Molina 1944, Part I:

fol. 35v). By analogy, since literal lyt lanquiquic i is to whistle through one's teeth, maquiquic i must be to whistle with one's hand (i.e., fingers).

4. Tigioacuecuel: read ticihuacuecuech or -cuecuetz, as in Seler 1927: 3675. Ti t la t laxupeuht inemi : or, possibly, you go about sowing discord.6. Taquetzqui: literally, you are one who holds her head high.7 Titeyolomalacachoa: literally, you turn people's hearts.

Paragraph12

217



tlalia in piltontli quinapaloticate, nimá iecótema in tapachcaxic in tlaolli nimá q'cem-ana in tlaolli, auh inic quicemana tlatlapa-tivetzi in tlaolli, inic quiteilhuia miquiz inpilton tli ipapa in tlatlapaca, t laolli. Auh intlapatiz moquequetzvetzi in tlaolli ioá motla-piviaya. in tlaolli.

Auh in oc centlamantli quichivaya mi-toaya in atla teittaya quiquaqua in tlaollicotepeoa in atla xoxouhq' xicalco. nimácontzatzaqua, niman ie cótlapoa in conittaieuhqui in tlaolli averno tlatlapaqui auh inicquihuia in pilva amo tlanaviz patiz auh intlamiquiz averno iuhqui in tlaolli mochioaz za

atlixeo moyavatimani q'toa tlanaviz miquiz.

Jn mecatlapuhqui nimá quiylpia in ime-cauh iyxpá in quitlapvia, nima quitilini-tivetzi in mecatl intla motontivetzi iehoatlin quitoaya patiz in mococoa /Auh intla camocacatzilpitivetzin iehoatl in tlanaviz inanogo miquiz inic q'toaya

Jn tetlacuicuiliqui in aqui mococoa inquinotza inic quitlacuicuiliz achto quiquaqua in iztauhyatl ic calpichia ic quixaxa-qualoa nimá ie quimamatoca, in cani quima-toca in quicocoa uncá conana, in ago tecpatl,anogo itztli, anogo amatl anogo ocutl, anogoin tlein, Auh intla oquitlacuicuilli cequi icpatia ceq' amo ic patia.

Jn techichinani iehoatl in ielch iquiuh m ococoa in piltontli niman quichichina iz-tauhyatica ago eztli in quichichina anogo

Chapter III: timalli in quichichina cequi ic patia cequiRulership amo ic patia.

gods], she cast a spell for him, she exhibited itbefore the little child whom they were holding in their arms. Then she placed kernels ofmaize in a shell vessel. Then she scatteredthe kernels, and when she scattered them[and] the kernels fell scattered about, thenshe told the people that the child would die,because the kernels of maize were scatteredabout. But if it was to get well, the kernelsfell in rows and the kernels were piled up.

And another thing that she did was calledlooking at people in the water. She chewedthe kernels of maize [and] cast them intowater that was in a green vessel. Then shecovered it. Then she uncovered it. She sawthat the kernels were not as if scatteredabout, and so she said 8 to the parents: "He

will not be very sick; he will be well." But ifhe was to die, the kernels of maize were nolonger like this; they were only scattered onthe surface of the water. She said: "He willbe very sick; he will die."

She who practiced divination by cords atonce knotted her cords when she worked herspell before one. Then she quickly pulled thecords. If they quickly came undone, she said:"The sick one will be cured." But if theyquickly became only more tightly tied, whatshe said was that he would become very sick,or he would die.

She who removed something from someone: When someone who was sick summoned her in order to remove somethingfrom him, first she chewed wormwood. Withit she sprinkled him; with it she rubbed him.Then she touched him with her hand. Fromthe place where she had touched the sickperson she picked off perhaps flint, or obsidian, or paper, or wood, or some other thing.And if she removed something, some werethus cured, some were not thus cured.

She who sucked someone: When a smallchild's chest ailed, she sucked [his chest]with wormwood. Either she sucked outblood or she sucked out pus. Some were thuscured, some were not thus cured.

218 8. Quihuia: read quilhuia.



Jn teapatiani inic quipatia in pipiltotontiquitzonicpiloa quivivixalvia in itzontecoioan quivalpachilhuia inic opac / cequi /quiyyoana ga no quivalpachoa inic opac ioanichcatica quitzacuilia cequi ic pati cequi amoic pati /Auh ca neneuhqui inic motzoponia

in pipiltotonti iniqu igiuhca miqui, auhiniqu igiuh quipapachoa iztatica anogotomatl inic quipapachoa in pipiltotonti.

The healer cured children in this way: Sheheld children upside down, she moved theirheads, and she pressed them. Thus, theywere cleansed. From some she drew thingsout with her breath. She also squeezed them.Thus they were cleansed. And she covered

them with cotton. Some were thus cured,some were not thus cured. And [she did] thesame when the children were pierced, as a result of which they soon died. And for thisshe massaged them; she massaged the children with salt or [with] tomato.

PA RA G RA PH 1 3 [fol. 59v col. A]

Jn ic xiij. ipan mitoa in itelpopochti ioan ynichpopochtin ynic moapavaya.

Jn ichpopochtin, yn telpopochtin, ccncncaq'ncuitlauitinenca: yn telpochtlato yehoatlquimatia, yn telpochtlato yn aquin, qui-macaz, ynic quimomecatiz, yehoatl yn iel ymotlamachtia, yn mocuiltonoa; no iehoatlyn noquichtli, yn tequiua, y yauc nemi; auhayac ma gan conanaya yn giuatl ynic quimomecatiz, yntla machoz momecatia yn giuatl:yn anogo oquichtli, quitzacutiaz, quachichi-noloz, vivitecoz; ioan namoyallo poliui yn itlat-

qui yn ical; auh intla omopilhoati yn givatlyn oq'chpochpan nemi: aucmo ichpochtliquixtilo: auh in imecauh, vcatca, yntlac cepaitech agiz tzacuiltiloya quachichinollo vivi-teco; moteneua omilamaui, auh yehoatl i, ynichpochtli: yehoatl quimati yn ita yn agocana cocchotiz: auh yn iconeuh yn giuatl,amo, quiuicaya, gan conanaya, yn itta mote-neuaya, ytelpochpiltzin.

C^hirteenth [paragraph], in which it is toldhow youths and maidens were reared .1

Maidens and youths lived together. Themaster of youths, who knew them, lived taking charge of them. The master of youthswas one to whom [the youth] who was careful, who was rich, who was wealthy, was togive gifts so that he could take a paramour.The manly [warrior and] the seasoned warrior who engaged in war also [did so]. But noone just took a woman as a paramour. If itwere known that one took a woman as a

paramour, or [a woman] a man, [the culprit]would be punished: his head would be passedthrough the fire, he would be beaten, and hispossessions, his house would be taken; theywould be destroyed. And if a woman had achild while she still lived as a maiden, nolonger was she considered a maiden, and hewho was her lover, if he were to have sexualrelations with her, was punished; his headwas passed through the fire, he was beaten. Itwas called being old-ladied. And as for thegirl, when her father knew that perhaps

1. This paragraph is concerned with the education of both boys and girls. Sahagun later in Tlatelolco collected more extensive data on education, with the telpochcalli and the calmecac treated separately, w hich he included in the His- to i i a as Chapters 4-8 in the Appendix to Book 3 (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part IV [Book 3]: 49-65; 1988,1: 223-229). Chapter 20 of Book 8 of theHistoria is also ostensibly devoted to an account of how the sons of lords and noblemen were reared. However, it is much more concerned with the honors and rewards that accrued to the young princes and nobles, following their education in the calmecac, based on the number of enemy warriors they had captured on the battlefield.

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219



Jn telpopochtin, ioan yn ichpopochtin, yn-tequiuh catca, in coatequitl quauhquetzaia,in inchan tlatoque; ioan in vmpa mexico, un-quauhquetzaia, ioan in otli quichichiuaia;

ioa in cana tetzaqualli, motecaya, ioan incana ayauhcalli, motlaliaya: vel intequiuhcatca, in cuicoyanolloia in telpopochti, in ioayn ichpopochtin. Auh inic cuicoyanolloiamochichiuaya, mocaia: ga mecaaiatl in qui-molloloaya, yc negia, in quexquich veyac,maxtlatl macoya,- ioan in teucuitlatl, in in-tepilol: ioan in inacoch, xiuhtica tlatza-qualli. Auh in tequiuaque, ic mochichiuaia,ym pilli, quetzalalpilloni, yn contlaliaya, yx-iuayauh, cogauhq' in tegacatl conaquiaya:Auh in gan quauhtli, quauhtlalpilloni, incontlalia: Auh in ichpochtli mochichiuaiayancuic yn icue, ioan yn ivipil: mopotoniaya,tlapaliuitica, moxauaia, intzatzallan aactiuiain telpopochtin ynic mitotiaya, in iquac,cuicoyanolloia iquac; in panquetzaliztli,ioan, yn tlacaxipevaliz, ioan in tecuiluitl,ioan toxcatl, ioan xocotl vetzin, ioan veitogoztli.

labor; and the seasoned warriors ate themwhen far away there in battle.

The work of the youths and maidens wascommunal labor. They made bundles of woodfor the houses of the rulers and there in Mexico they made bundles of wood and they fixed

up the roads as well as wherever stone enclosures were built and wherever mist houseswere located. The real work of the youths andmaidens was that they sang and danced holding hands. And when they sang and dancedholding hands, they adorned themselves, theydaubed themselves with paint, they coveredthemselves only with rope net capes. Thusthey appeared. They were given rather longbreechcloths and their gold lip pendants andtheir ear plugs covered with a turquoise [mosaic], And the seasoned warriors were arrayedas noblemen,- they set in place headbandswith [two] quetzal feather tassels,- theydonned their turquoise-colored net capes[and] yellow labrets. And the mere eagle warriors donned headbands with eagle feathertassels. And the maidens arrayed themselves;their skirts and shifts were new. They pastedthemselves with red feathers, they paintedtheir faces, they trotted around among theyouths. Thus they danced when they sangand danced holding hands at the time of [the

celebration of] Panquetzaliztli and Tlacax-ipehualiztli and Tecuilhuitl and Toxcatl andXocotl Huetzi and Huey Tozoztli.

PAR AGR AP H 14 [fol. 60r col. A]

♦

Jm c xiiij parrapho ipan mitoa inic chico- fourte en th paragraph, in which it is toldmuztoc valquizqz in chichimeca how the Chichimeca came forth from the

Seven Caves .1

1. Together with Paragraph 1 (A—C) of this chapter, this is the only portion of thePii meros Memorial es that contains any significant amount of history, however brief and legendary. The "Ch ichim ec" ancestry of the major Late Postc lassic Central Mexican ethnic groups is highlighted, as well as their origin in the traditional "Seven Caves," Chicomoz- toc. When, as here and in other relevant primary sources, emergence from this mythical homeland constituted the initiation of pre-Hispanic Central Mexican history, it often featured the structuring of the peoples of the region into a seven-part ethnic scheme. The groups assigned to these different schemes vary considerably within the shared seven- division pattern.

This particular scheme is unique. Its constituent ethnic units appear to reflect the historical experience and geopolitical position of Tepepolco, a Triple Alliance tributary located in the northern region of the superprovince of Acol-

Paragraph14

221



Jzcatqui in quimatia in totava in toculhua.in quitoaya itech quitlamiaya: chicomuztocvalquizque inic quitoaia vncan quizque,vncan yolque: chicótlamantli,

quiyacatia quitoaya tecpilchichimeca ioanaculvaca chichimeca,

auh inic vntlamanti yehoanti in colhoacachichimeca, auh maço ivi in chichimeca,quivalvicaqz: in inteuh quitoaya tona, qui-llaztli,

Auh inic etlamantli mitoa, chichimecaiehoanti in vtontlaca, auh no quivalvicaquein inteuh iehoatl in otontecutli. mitoaya,

Auh inic nauhtlamàtin, chichimeca iehoan-tin in mitoa, mexica chichimeca, maço iui inchichimeca: quivalhuicaque yn inteuh in

mitoa: vitzilopuchtli,Auh inic macuillamâtin in mitoa cuextecachichimeca,

Auh inic chiquaçentlamanti iehoanti inmitoa tenime: chichimeca,

Here is what our fathers, our grandfathersknew. They said, they claimed that theycame forth from the Seven Caves. Thus theysaid that from there seven groups cameforth, that there they were born.

They said that the Tecpilchichimeca andthe Acolhuacan Chichimeca came first .2

And second were the Colhuacan Chichimeca, but nevertheless they were Chichimeca. They brought their goddess, whomthey called Tonan Qu ilaztli .3

And the third group called Chichimecawere the Otomi, and they brought their godwith them,- he was called Otontecuhtli .4

And the fourth group of Chichimeca werethose called the Mexica Chichimeca; nevertheless, they were Chichimeca. They

brought their god, called Huitzilopochtli .5And the fifth group were called Cuexteca

Chichimeca .6

And those of the sixth group were calledTenime Chichimeca .7


222

huacan (see Nicholson 1974). Thus, the first group to emerge and arrive from Ch icomoztoc is specified as the Acolhua, also designated Tecpilchichimeca, "noble Chichim ecs." Two other groups not comm only included among the émigrés from Ch icomoztoc are the Cuex teca (Huaxtecsj and the Totonaca. Speakers of these languages occupied territories to the north and east of Acolhuacan; the Tepepolca must have been particularly cognizant of them.

The "historical" portion of this paragraph is quite brief. The bulk of it is devoted to a detailed specification of the

privileges and prerogatives of the rulers and the nobility that were considered to be their due as a result of their success as courageous conquerors. Nothing really comparable to this paragraph was included by Sahagün in the final Hist o r i é . It constitutes a vivid and eloquent expression of the fundamental rationale for the privileged status and great power wielded by the upper class of the Triple Alliance city-states (Mexico Tenochtitlan/Tetzcoco/Tlacopan) in the highly stratified, aristocratic society of Central Mexico at the time of the Conquest.

2. Tecpil chichim eca, aculv aca chichi meca: This group, with its earlier capital at Coatlinchan and its final capital at Tetzcoco, dominated the eastern Basin of Mexico.

3. Colhoaca chichi meca: Colhuacan, in the southern Basin of Mexico, played a major political and cultural role in Central Mexico between the fall of Tollan and the rise of Azcapotzalco (ca. 1250-1350?). During this period, and later, the Colhua heavily influenced both their former subjects, the M exica of Mexico Tenochtitlan, and the Acolhua of the eastern basin. Various sources describe Colhua migratory movements into Acolhuacan (Nicholson 1974: 149) and throughout the basin after the loss of the political power of Colhuacan, probably around 1350. It is well established (Nicholson 1988c: 78, 88) that their particular patron deity was the paramount maternal fertility goddess known as Tonan Quilaztli, among other nam es (see Chapter I, Paragraph 5A). Although the Colhua were often contrasted with

the less civilized Chichimeca, in certain sociopolitical contexts they were also assigned to this group.4. Chi chi meca . . . Otont laca: The Otomi, often geographically interdigitated with the Nahua speakers, were con

centrated in the northern Basin of Mexico and areas farther to the north. On Otontecuhtli, see Chapter I, Paragraph 5A.5. M exica chichi meca: The Mexica were frequently designated Chichimeca, especially during their migratory pe

riod. On Huitzilopochtli, see Chapter I, Paragraph 5A.6. Cuexteca chi chi meca: The Huaxtecs, who were concentrated in northern Veracruz and southern Tamaulipas,

spoke a Mayanee language, but their culture was quite distinct from the other members of this linguistic family, from whom they were separated by a considerable distance (see Stresser-Péan 1971).

7 Tenim e chichi meca: Tenit l (singular of t en ime )is defined by Molina (1944, Part II: fol. 99r) as "hombre de otra nation o bocal." English "barbarian" seems to fit it fairly well. In any case, these Chichim ecs may have belonged to one



Auh inic chicontlamanti iehoanti, inmitoa totonaca chichimeca,-

o ca yvin i, in quitoaia. in totavan, in to-culhoan:

Auh inic quitoaya techiuh, techyvcux,techima, titlayvcuyaloan: in topiltzin, inquetzalcoatl, Auh quiyvcux in ilhuicatlin tonatiuh, in tlaltecutli; o ca iuhquin i inquitoaya in quitoaya, inic quimatia, inicvalaqz inic agico, inic quimagevaco. in tlalli:

auh in oquimageuhque, yn omutecaqz y yeinchan inic quitoa; ye novian ymaxca in-tlatqui inic intlalmagevalpa,

Auh y yehoatl inic peuh y yauyutl ynaquiqz aquintlacamati: nima ye ic muchiva yyavyutl, niman ie pevallo. Auh in opeval-oque ic veix in tlaca llaq'lli yn aquin muxicoayc veya yn itla

And those of the seventh group werecalled Totonaca Chichimeca .8

Thus our fathers, our grandfathers spoke.

And they spoke as follows: TopiltzinQuetzalcoatl 9 created us, formed us, fashioned us; we are his creations. And he created the heavens, the sun, the lord of theearth. Thus they spoke; they said 10 that theyknew that thus they came forth; they thuscame to arrive; thus they came to merit theland.

And when they had merited it, when theyhad assembled in their homes, they saidthus: that everywhere they had their property, their possessions, since they were intheir land, which they merited.

And this is the way wars began. War was atonce waged against those who did not obeythem; then they were conquered. And whenthey were conquered, the tribute was increased. Those who were angered when theirtribute was thus increased

[fol. 60r col. B]

calaquil, in pevalacatl muchiva: o ca iuhq'n i,ynic otepevaya, in mexicatl, in acolhoa, intepanecatl, inic oquitoaya yn gemanavacatl,

ycentlatqui, in mexicatl, in acolhua, in tepanecatl, inic onovian tepevaya gemanavac:

o ca iuhquin i, inic tlamanca, ynic vnoviacalaquia: in mexicatl, in acolhoa, in tepa-

became conquered men. Thus the Mexica,the Acolhua, the Tepaneca 11 conquered people. They said that the inhabitants of thewhole world were the common property ofthe Mexica, Acolhua, the Tepaneca, for theyhad conquered people in all parts of theworld.

Thus they established the custom that theMexica, the Acolhua, the Tepaneca pene-

or more groups that, according to some sources, populated parts of the Basin of Mexico after the fall of Tollan and were considered to be distinct from the Acolhua, the Tepaneca, the Otom i, and other groups.

8. Totonaca chichi meca: The Totonaca occupied a fairly extensive area of northern Puebla and Veracruz, comprising both highland and lowland zones (see Kelly and Palerm 1952). Their main urban center was Cempohuallan, near

the coast.9. In topilt zin, in quetzl coatl: On the deity Quetzalcoatl, see Chapter I, Paragraph 5A. The designation Topiltzin

Quetzalcoatl was more com mon ly applied to the legendary ruler of Tollan than to the creator/wind god, Ehecatl Quetzalcoatl. At least by the tim e of the Conquest, however, their personas had intertwined to the exten t that it is difficult to sharply differentiate them (Nicholson 1979). Here, the deity's fundamental role as creator of the universe and mankind is clearly expressed.

10. In quitoaya is repeated in the text.11. in mexicat l, in acolhoa, in t epanecatl : The importance of the Triple Alliance of these three powerful Basin of

Mexico city-states, which dominated much of western Mesoamerica at the time of the Conquest, is emphasized throughout the paragraph.

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[fol. 60v col. A]

yn ixquieh in tonacayvtl, in chia, in etl, invauhtli, inic mitoa intonal in tlatoque:

Auh <ja no iuhqu i in canin muchiva ichca tl

no ytonal vmpa mani, in imichcamil vncámvchiva: in izquican icac in ichcatl.

auh ca no iuhqui, in izquican icac intlagotli tilmatli muchiva muchi intonal.Auh in izquican icac, yhuitilmatli muchiitonal: in izquican icac in tochvmio tilmatli,muchi ytonal, in quiacatia yehoatl: in tlach-quauhyo, in xom uyvitilma tli, in iztac xomv-yvitilmatl niman yehoatl, in tlapalivitil-matli, niman yevhatl in tlamvhuipalliivitilmatli, niman iehoatl in tlaztalevalli ivi-tilmatl, niman yehoatl in matlaltic yvitil-matli: in tlapallivi tegacanecuilo ivitilmatli;niman iehoatl in tliltic yuitilmatli: Jnin camvchi intonal catca in tlatoque, ayac velquicuia: ayac, vel, itech,a 5ia;

ga no iuhqui in tlagotli xicalli muchiitonal catca ye atlia yn izquican icac, xicalli,

ga no iuhqui in tlagotli quavitl mvchiitonal: in veca vnoc, yehoatl in tepunaztlimuchiva, yehoatl in vevetl in veyac vevetl, inveveyavalli: intonal in tlatoque,

ga no yuhqui, in cv ztic tevcuitlatl intonal,incvzqui mvchiva, intéteuh muchiva ynacuchmvchiva, in tlatoque: ga no iuhqui, in iztactevcuitlatl, yn intonal in tlatoque:

ga no iuhqui in givapipilti mvchi intonal:in intonal cueitl vipilli pepechtli veveitilmatli, in matlacmatl, in chicuematl y ma-

all the sustenance of life— chia, beans, amaranth—were said to be the rightful due of therulers.

And similarly all the places where cotton

was produced were also their rightful due—wherever their cotton fields were, where[cotton] grew, all the places where there wascotton.

And similarly , 16 in all places where therewere precious capes, all of them becametheir rightful due. And in all the placeswhere there were feather capes, all were theirrightful due. In all the places where therewere rabbit-hair capes, all were their rightfuldue. First were the ones with the ball courttree design , 17 the duck feather cape, thewhite duck feather cape. Then was the capeof red feathers; then the dark blue feathercape ;18 then the pink feather cape; then theblue feather cape, the cape of colored feathers with the twisted straw design on the border,- then the black feather cape. All thesewere the rightful due of the rulers; no one[else] could take them, no one [else] couldhave them.

Similarly the precious drinking vessels.All the vessels from which they drank in all

places were their rightful due.Similarly the precious trees: all were their

rightful due. Those which were in far-offplaces, from which the two-toned drum wasmade, the upright drum, the tall skin drum,the upright drum on a circular support 19were the rightful due of the rulers.

Similarly gold was their rightful due: theirnecklaces that were fashioned, their lipplugs, their ear plugs that were fashionedwere the rulers'. Similarly silver was the

rightful due of the rulers.In like manner, all was the rightful due ofthe noblewomen. The skirts were theirrightful due, the shifts, the bed coverings,

16. Ca: read ga.17. In t l achqua uhy o: "Ball court eagle design" might be another possibility (cf. Seler 1902-1923, II: 515).18. Tlamvhuipall i : read tl a-mohui (tic)-palli (dark blue).19. Veveyavalli (huehueyah ual l i): Yahualli literally means a jar rest, usually of grass.

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226

cuilmatl y nam atl mvchi intonai catea in gi-vapipiltin; yn igivava in tlatoque,

ga no iuhqui, yn izquican icac, quavitl intonai in tlatoqz yehoatl in tlaquavac quauitl,y yamanqui quavitl, ca yveycal; vevey, vapalli

vey elquauhyvtl mvteneva vevey, tlaquetzal-li muteneva vevey tlaixquaitl moteneva, Qa.

the great cloths that [measure] ten, eight,five, four fathoms,- all were the rightful dueof the noblewomen, the wives of the rulers.

Similarly, the wood that was everywherewas the rightful due of the rulers: the hardwood, the soft wood, the great houses, the

great beams, what are called the great pillars,what are called the great lintels,-

[fol. 60v col. B]

no iuhqui quamimilcali muteneva vevey,quamimilli yn vntemi mvteneva tlaquetzal-mimilli, ga no iuhqui mimiltic in tlaixquaitl, o ca iuhquin i in m uchi yntonal catcain tlatoque:

ga no iuhqui yn tetl yn izquican icac tetl,tlilti c tegontli, in chichiltic tegontli, yn iztactetl yn mvteneva texam itl: Auh in mvtenevavevey tlaquetzaltetl in tli ltic t etl yn vei yztactetl, ca muchi intonal catca. y. yn tlatoque:

Auh ga no ivi y yehoatl tolli yn izquicanicac ca no intonal in tlatoqz in tiquitoa petla-tolli petlatl mochiva ypetlayo in vevey calliAuh in oztopilli teputzoicpalli petlaixtlimvchiva, auh in tolquiyutl tlacuexcalli mu-chiva tlacuextli muchiva, ioan in veca mu-chiva petlatl in cuicuiliuhqui petlatl in cui-

cuiliuhqui tanatli, in cuicuiliuhqui icpallimuchi y tonal catca, in tlatoqz:

ga no iuhqui in tlagotli xvchitl Jn izquitla-mantli xvchitli yn nepapà xvchitl ca mvchiintonai catca. Auh ga no iuhqui in tlagotli yyeti yn vcan mvtlaliaya, in intlatocayeyamuchi imixpan mutemaya:o ca iuhquin i inmuchi intonai catca in tlatoqz:

Auh ga no iuhqui in tlagotli, tlaqualli caintonai muchi, yn izquican icac tlagotlimvlli intonai,

auh y ye muchi in ixquich tlagotli tlaltic-pac vnoc yn nepapan tlagotli ca muchiyntonal catca in tlatoque:

Auh ga no iuhqui yn izquican icac eoatl in

similarly the log houses, what are called thegreat logs which are laid down, what arecalled cylindrical pillars; likewise cylindrical lintels. All these were the rightful due ofthe rulers. - . ■

Similarly the stones, the stones that wereeverywhere: black pumice stone, red pumicestone, white stones called stone adobes, andwhat were called great stones for columns;black stones, large white stones—all werethe rightful due of the rulers.

And similarly the rushes that were in allplaces were the rightful due of the rulers:those that we call mat rushes, from whichmats are made—the great houses' particularmats,- and the j uncus, the seats with backs,mats made from the nodes of the reeds; andboxes made from the thickly woven shoots

of the rushes,- [mats] made from thicklywoven j uncus, and the long mats that weremade; mats with painted designs; pannierswith painted designs,- seats with painted designs; all were the rightful due of the rulers.

Similarly, the precious flowers, all the different kinds of flowers, the various flowers,all were their rightful due. And in the sameway, the precious tobacco which was placedon the ru lers' daises, all was set down beforethem. Similarly all was the rightful due ofthe rulers.

And similarly the precious foods, all ofthem, were their rightful due; the precioussauces that were everywhere were their rightful due.

And all the precious things on earth, thevarious precious things, all were the rightfuldue of the rulers.

And similarly, the skins that were in all



tequanevatl yn oceloevatl, in cuitlachevatl inmigevatl in iztac, ogeloevatl in tlatlauhquiogeloevatl, yn ocotochevatl in coyoevatl, auhin ye muchi yn izquican icac yevatl, ca intonal catca, ca inicpal ca inpepech muchivaya

auh ga no iuhqui in izquican icac,

places, the skins of the wild animals: jaguarskins, wolf skins, mountain lion skins,white jaguar skins, red jaguar skins, bobcatskins, coyote skins, and all the skins everywhere were their rightful due. They werefashioned into their seats, their bed coverings.

And similarly

[fol. 61r col. A]

yn tlavitolli, tlacalvaztli, in telolomatlatl, camuchi ytonal.

Auh ca no iuhqui in cactly, in motenevatecpilcactli in izquitlamantli cactli in cue-tlaxcactli cuitlachcac cactly tlacuilolli cactliin cacamuliuhqui cactly yoan in cenca cana-vac cactli yvan in pupulcactli vecapa yoan i

nacazminqui cac tli yoan yn ocelocactli: ioanin tochomio cactli, yn izquican icac yemuchi, cactli tlagotli muchi intonal catca.

Aun ga no iuhqui in moteneva vllamalonivlli, in collamaya tlachco in quezevatl inmayevatl in nelpiloni ca muchi intonal catcain tlatoque,

y ye vllamazque niman ye muchichiva,niman ye conteca yn inquezevauh niman yemvlpia niman ye mumayevatia: niman ye

vllama in tlachco, inic mvteneva ynic yn-chan, ynic quipia yn imaltepeuh, ynic mitoayn intonal y ye mvchi yn vncá quitlanitoayain tlagotli chalchivitl in tlagotli tilmatli intlagotli evatl ioá in cacavatl oyehoatl i inicmitoaya yn intonal in tlachtli in vlli inicmitoa yn inchan in intianquiz:

o ca iuhquin i, ynic otlamanca inic oqui-pixque gemanavatl inic mitoa ynic tzin tic inicpeuh in gemanavatl ynic oquipixqz yn chi-

the bows, the blowguns, the slings that wereeverywhere: all were their rightful due.

And similarly 20 the sandals, those callednoble sandals: all the different kinds of sandals—leather sandals, wolf skin 21 sandals, sandals with painted designs, thick sandals likebed coverings, and very thin sandals, and

popol22 sandals from afar, and sandals withpunched sides ,23 and jaguar skin sandals,and rabbit fur sandals. All the precious sandals in all places were their rightful due.

And similarly what they called the ball ofrubber, [with] which they played ball on theball court, [and] the leather hip guards, thegloves, the belts, all were the rightful due ofthe rulers.

When they were to play ball, they then arrayed themselves; they put on their leatherhip guards, then they put on their belts, then

they drew on their gloves. Then they playedball on the ball court, as was said, as theyguarded their homes, as [they guarded] theircities. It was said that they [won or] lost alltheir rightful due there: the precious greenstones, the precious capes, the preciousskins, and the cacao. It was said that theirrightful due was the ball game, the rubber[ ball]; i t was said that it was as their hom e,as their m arketplace.

Thus were the customs; thus they guardedthe world. It was said that when the worldbegan, when it originated, the Chichimeca

20. Ca: read fa.21. Cuitlachcac: read cuetlachcactli. .22. Pupulcactli: possibly Popoloca-cactli.23. N acazminqui cactl i: Nacaztli in some contexts connotes "side"; mi n a can be understood to mean "pierce."

However, nacazminqui is more usually construed as "diagonally divided" (cf. Seler 1902-1923, II: 525; Sahagun 1950-1982, Part IX [Book 8]: 23).

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[fol. 61v col. B]


230

tlacalozque:ga no iuhqui yn achcauhtli mvmauhtia, in

ago ytla oytlacauh yn imachcauhtequiuh ago quatzontecoz, ago ynca tlatoloz:

ca no iuhqui in tequivaque momauhtia ynago ytla oytlacauh, yn intequivacatequiuhago yavc yn tley oquitacoque, ago ynca tlatoloz ago yxquatzontecozque, ypampa inceca nemauhtilo:

ga no iuhqui in telpuchtlatoque mvm auhtia ago ytla oytlacauh yn intelpuchtlatocate-quiuh.

ga no yuhqui, in tequitlato momauhtia,ano ytla oytlacauh yn intequitlatocatequiuhyn ago yean tlatoloz.

ga no yuhqui yn pilli genca momauhtia, ynago yehoanti ynca tlatoloz, yn acagomoquichiva yn ipiltequiuh. Auh ypampa cencamomauhtiaya yntla yxco quintecaya yntenotza, yn inpiltequiuh: yn tecenquixtiayehoáti yn altepeachcacauhtli.

o ca yuhquin i,

they were to be cast out of their posts .3In the same way, the constables were afraid

that perhaps they had done something wrongin their duties as constables. Perhaps their

forehead hair would be cut or they would beaccused.

In the same way ,4 the valiant warriors wereafraid that perhaps they had done somethingwrong in their duties as valiant warriors.Perhaps they had done something wrong inbattle. Either they would be accused, or thecolumnar tuft on their heads would be cut.Therefore there was great fear.

In the same way the rulers of youths wereafraid that perhaps they had done someth ingwrong in their duties as rulers of youths.

In the same way the tribute bosses wereafraid that perhaps they had done somethingwrong in their duties as tribute bosses; perhaps they would be accused.

In the same way the noblemen were muchafraid that they would be accused; perhapsthey had not discharged their duties as noblemen and therefore they were muchfrightened if they assembled them before[the judges] when they addressed the peopleabout their duties as noblemen, when the

city constables brought them together.Behold, in the same way

[fol. 62r col. A]

ynic cenca nemauhtiloya ga no iuhqui incivatl, yn illamatlacatl yn ago ytlacavi inigivatequivh ym moteneva y malacatl y tzotzo-paztli, no yehoatl yc momauhtiaya yn agoyehoatl yn avel tlacazcaltia yn avel tlacava-pava: yn ago ymichmuchva yn avel quipia ynavel quimizcaltia yn ago otlatlaco yn ago yemomecatia, yn ichpuchtly yn amo macho:

the matrons [and] the old women were allvery much afraid that perhaps the womanlywork, what is called the spindle whorl, thebatten, was done badly. They were also afraidthat perhaps they had reared the childrenbadly, that they had educated the childrenbadly, that they had not guarded their daughters well ,5 that they had not reared themwell. Perhaps the daughter had done something bad; perhaps she was living in concubinage with a man [and] it was not known.

3. Tecutlacalozque: read tecutlacalozque.4. Ca: read ca.5. Ymichmuchva: read imichpochuan.



o ca yuhq'n i ynic genca nemauhtiloya intet ecu ti yn pip ilti yn igivava yoan in tequiva-que ingivava, ioan in calpixque ingivavaioan in tequitlatoque ingivava ioan in pi-piltin ymichpuchvá ioan tecu tli ichpuch ioanin tequiva ichpuch in calpixqui ichpuch, intequitlatoque ymichpuchvan oixquich i yntlaixco quintecaya, yn tenonotza yn tecenquix-tia ypampa in cenca nemauhtilo yn muchitlacatl quitoa yn itic yn ago nehvatl noca tla-toloz: yuhquin in muchivaya, ycan oc necen-teco, yn tlei mitoz.

Auh n ovel netecoc niman ye hui, quimu-nilhuizque yn opa cate, tecutlatoque, Qui-

munilvia. nopiltzitzine, cuix quigaz yn ihi-yotzin yn petlatl, yn icpally ca omogentecac,yn icuitlapil, yn iatlapal yn totecuio.

Auh niman ye hui, in tecutlatoque ynoncan vmotecac, yn maceoalli, auh in oy-aque niman: ye vmotlalia yn petlapa in ic-palpa ynnepantla. Auh y ye vmpevaz tlatoll i,niman ye cocui yn copalli contema yn tleco:Auh y yehoatl yn achto tlatoz iehoatl in contema copalli, tleco, Auh in achto tlatoz:niman ye motlatlauhtia, yn einti quimilhuia,

amevititicate. nopiltzitzine: tlatoquee, ni-can vnoc yn icuitlapil yn iatlapal yn totecuio, ocenquigaco y ye ixquich, y ye mochiyn itconi y mamaloni yn amocuixantzincoyn omucuitlapantznico, yn vnactica yn an-quetigiui, yn anquiciamiqui y mvteneva yntlacaqu imilli in tlacacacaxtli, yn ica vntlaac-toc yn amocuixantzinco yn amocuitlapan-tzinco. Auh cuix cécamatzintli cuix centen-tzintli tlacno-

[fol. (

pilhuizque in itechpa vitz, in itechpa yeva inpetlatl in icpalli, cuix tlapuz in toptly in petla-calli yn amoxillá in amotozcatlá in tzacutocyn amechmupialtilli yn amechmumaquilli,in tlacatl yn totecuio.

Je ac conevil iz ac conitalv iz, in itconi in

Likewise the wives of the lords, of thenoblemen, and the wives of the valiant warriors and the wives of the majordomos andthe wives of the tribute bosses and thedaughters of the noblemen and the daughters of the lords and the valiant warriors'daughters, the majordomos' daughters, thedaughters of the tribute bosses, if they assembled them all before [the judges], whenthey admonished the people, when theygrouped the people, were therefore all verymuch afraid. Everyone said to himself: "Perhaps it is I who will be accused." Such waswhat took place at the time that all werebeing grouped for what was to be said.

And when these were all assembled, theywent to address those of the judges there.

They said to them: "M y sons, by chance willthe words of the mat, of the seat come forth?Our lord's common folk have been grouped."

Then the judges went to where the commoners were grouped. And when they hadgone [there], they then seated themselves onthe mat, on the seat, in their midst. And before the discourse was to begin, [one of the judges] took incense,- he cast it in the fire.And the one who was to speak first, cast theincense in the fire. The one who was tospeak first then addressed the [other] three.He said to them:

"Here you are seated, my sons, high lords.Here are our lord's com mon folk, all of them .All the common people have come forth together; they have placed themselves on yourlap, upon your back. You are weighed downbearing the burden, you are wearied withwhat is called the cargo of people, the carrying-frame of people who are placed on yourlap, on your back. Will they merit the words,the utterances

col. B]

that issue, that emanate from the mat, fromthe seat? Will the master, our lord, open thereed box, the reed coffer, in your entrails, inyour throat, which is locked, which he entrusted to you, w hich he gave you?

"Who will lift his voice now, who will ad-

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231

r - : i' |




232

mamaloni, yn yacanaloni ca nel iehoatl, ynoamechmotequitilli in tlacatl in totecuio ynipalnemoani.

Auh oyaque otequitque, vtlacotique inoquipiaco yn petlatl yn icpalli yn oquitz-itzquico yn oquipachoco, in petlatl, yn icpalli, in pipilti in tlatoque in chaneque,vquiminax, oquintlati yn totecuio mach ocovitze mach oc yehoanti conitoquivi, cone-vaquivi: in itzitziquiloca in ipacholoca ycuitlapilli yn atlapalli, auh in axcan ma gen-camatzintli, quiga yn ihiyotzin in petlatl ynicpalli, ma tlacava yn amoyollotzin nopil-tzitzine: ca ye ixquich inic nictlatlauhtia ynamoyollotzin yn amonacayotzl.

Auh yn oiuh quito y, niman ye mumalaca-

choa, yvicpa: tlachia yn oncan vnoc in mace-valli yn oquichtli ivicpa tlachia, auh ceppaivicpa tlachia in giva, niman ye tlatoa quim-ilhuia

nican n amonoltitoqz nopilhoane y ye tix-quich y ye timuchi otigenquigaco in tite-cutli, in tachcauhtli in titequiva in tical-pixqui in titelpuchtli, auh in tipilli intitlapallivi yn titlamacazqui in titelpuchtli ynican tetlan tonoc in timuzcaltia in timoa-pava oticenquicaco y ye timuchi.

Auh ca no ivi i nican tonoc in ticueye intivipille in pilli tigivauh in tecutli tigivauhin tequiva tigivauh in achcauhtli tigivauh.Auh y ye timuchi in tichpuchnemi in ticueye, in tivipille in timozcaltia in timoapava,oticenquigaco in tivevetlacatl in tillamatla-catl yn tipillachcauhtli in tipiltecutli gan notiuhqui yn iyollo tigivatl yn tichpu chtli

ca ye ixquich ca vticenquiz, ca ye timuchiy nican tonoc amonoltitoque ca nican ca ynihiyotzin yn itlatoltzin in tlacatl yn amotla-

dress the common people, those who are led?In truth, the master, our lord, by virtue ofwhom one lives, has given you the task .6

"But the noblemen, the rulers, the inhabitants of the land who labored, who toiled;those who came to guard the mat, the seat;who came to hold, who came to govern theseat, the mat, have gone. Our lord has hiddenthem; he has concealed them. Will theycome now? Will they come to speak? Willthey lift their voices in the holding, in thegoverning of the common folk? But now maythe words, the utterances issue from themat, the seat. My sons, may your heartsgrant this. This is all with which I beseechyour hearts, your bodies."

And when he had also thus spoken, then

he turned around. He looked toward wherethe commoners were. He looked toward themen and once looked toward the women.Then he spoke. He said to [the men]:

"Here you are ,7 my sons; all of you havecome forth together, you the lords, you theconstables, you the valiant warriors, you themajordomos, you the youths, and you the noblemen, you the marriageable youths, you thepriests, you the youths. Here you are amongpeople. You have been reared, you have beeneducated. All of you have come forth to

gether.'And in the same way 8 you, too, are here,

you with the skirts, you with the shifts, youthe wives of noblemen, you the wives ofvaliant warriors, you the wives of constables .All of you with the skirts, with the shifts,you who go about like maidens; you who arereared, you who are educated; you who areold men, you who are old women, you nobleconstables, you noble lords, as well as youmature women, you maidens who have comeforth together.

"Enough! You have come forth together;all of you are here; you are present; for hereare the utterances, the words of the master,

6. In t lacat l in to tecuio yn ipal nemoani: These te rms were applied to an all powerful godhead most frequently identified with Tezcatlipoca and often addressed in the huehuetlatolli .

7 Amono l t i toqz : read anmonoltitoque.8. Ca: read pa.




-234

macauhcanemiliztli in mauhcayvtl in tetla-eamachiliztli in nemi, in ca, in tlalticpacyehoatl in toloa in momalcochoa in mo-pechteca, in tlaimacagi i ma itla quitlaco intetlacamati in can mauhcayoa in mauh-cacemilhuitia in quimacazi in ma itla quit

laco quenen in yehica tlatollo y yehicanenechicollo,

Auh y yeva y, yn iuh nemi yn iuh quichivay, yehoatl quipia in petlatl in icpalli iehoa yetlatzitzquillo ye tlapachollo yehoa ye onoc inpetlatl in ic

tiol. 62v

palli: in aquén tlata in aque momati in ayyelin atle tlacamati acá mitoa ma iehva tla-pacho y; in aiyel: auh ca ihoa tlavica in to-llolli in m alcochtli in tetlacamatiliztli.

O ca iehoa y in mutequiuh in titecutli inticteilhuia in tictecuitlauiltia in tlacaz-caltiliz tli in tlacavapavaliztli,

Auh in averno tiquitoa y yn averno ipantiza, in averno ipá tinemi yehoatl y ye icticcocolizcuitia in tlacatl in tlatoani, Auh in

axcan gan oc moquixtia in moviepa y ye timo-tlapololtia in titecutli ma xiquito maxiqueva yn ipan yauh in motequiuh: auh intla-camo xvconcui xveonana ago mitztecu-tlagaz in tlatoani anogo mitztotocaz anogomitzmictiz.

Auh ca no iuhqui in motequiuh in tach-cauhtli ic moquixtia in moviepa in tlatoaniintlacamo xicchiva in motequiuh tiquatzon-tecoz ago titotocoz ago mitzmictiz in tlatoani.

Auh gan no iuhqui in motequiuh in tite-quiva in ticyacana in telpuchtzintli in quauh-

heads bowed, with necks bent, bowing low,sad, sighing as a separated way of life exclusively 10 requires; the fear , 11 the obedience ofthose who live now on earth. Those whobow their heads, who hold their necks bent,who bow low, who are respectful; who have

sinned in nothing; who obey one, who onlyspend the night in fear, who only spend theday in fear, who fear lest they may commitsome sin; of what have they been accused,for what 12 have all been gathered together?

'And as for him who lives thus, who actsthus, who guards the mat, the seat, for himfor whom it is held, for whom it is ruled; forhim who rests on the mat,

col. B.|

on the seat, if he is without shame, if he isnegligent, if he is disobedient, nowhere is itsaid: 'Let him not rule; he is negligent.' Butalso he carries the bowed head, the bentneck, [in] obedience.

"These are your duties, you who are lords;you impart, you see to the rearing, the educating of people.

"But no longer do you talk, no longer doyou awaken for it, no longer do you live for it.You sicken the master, the ruler. But now

while he fulfills his obligations to you, youforget your duties. You who are lords, speak;exert yourselves in what become your duties.But if you do not take [the words, if] you donot accept them, the ruler will either castyou from your station as lord, or will exileyou, or will kill you.

"And it is the same 13 for you constables[with respect to] your duties. The ruler hasfulfilled his obligations to you. If you do notdischarge your duties, your forehead hairwill be cut, or you will be exiled, or the rulerwill kill you.

"And it is the same as to your task, youvaliant warriors who lead the youths, the ea-

10. Can: read can.11. Nacauhcanemil izt l i : read nauhcanemil izt l i .12. Quenen: read quen.13. Ca: read ga.



tli yn ogelotl in yaoc in moteneva in teoatlin tlachinolli in averno chicava in averno va-pava in averno ticuitlaviltia, in tlatzontectli,in tlamatzayantli in moteneva in calixatl inapetlatl in averno quimocuitlauia in avernotlachpana in averno quimocuitlavia in otli i

ga xiuhpachiuhtoc yehoa y ye ie mogoma yye ie monenequi in tlacatl in totecuio, ynavcac chicava in avcac vapava iehoa y ye icquinaya y ye ic quitlatia yn itotonca yn iya-manca, auh ga no iuhqui in ipan yauh inmotequiuh ye moquixtia in tlatoani. Xiquil-hui in tiquizcaltia in tievapava. Auh intla-camo xiquilhui ago mitztotocaz in tlatoaniajo mitzquatzontequiz anonogo mitzque-chtequiz,

auh ga no iuhqui in titelpuchtlato <jan notiuhqui, in tlamacazqui in titevatzin inaverno ticuitlaviltia in tiquizcaltia in tievapava in tlamacazcatzintli in averno quicui invitztli yn acxoyatl in averno quipia in yoalliin ye mocochtecatoc fan no iuhqui in

gles, the jaguars in battle, in what is calledthe flood, the conflagration .14 No longer arethey forceful, no longer are they strong. Nolonger do you exhort. They no longer see tothe sentenced, the separated; to what iscalled the gateway, the small temple stair

way landing terrace. No longer do theysweep, no longer do they see to the roads;they are covered with weeds. For this reasonthe master, our lord, is angry, capricious.Now no one is forceful, no one is strong.Therefore he hides his warmth, he concealshis softness. And in the same way as whatyour duties become, the ruler has fulfilledhis obligations. Speak to those whom yourear, whom you educate. But if you do notspeak to them the ruler will either banishyou, or cut off your forehead hair, o r 15 cu t offyour head.

'And you rulers of youths are the same,-also you priests, you god-keepers. No longerdo you exhort, rear, educate the novicepriests. No longer do they take the magueythorns, the fir branches. No longer do theykeep watch at night. They lie sleeping. It isthe same [with respect to]

[foi. 63r col. A]

motequiuh, intlacamo xicchiva y, mitztotocaz anogo mitzquatzontequiz in tlatoanianogo mitzmictiz o izca: yn motequiuh ynipan tiyoa in ipan tecemilhuitia yn titeyacana

o yeva y, in ticcaquico in tiquiximatico inye tixquich y ye timuchi yn acagoc mitzil-huia in monanti in motatin yn monezcalilizin monevapavaliz in ago mitzilhuia yn nagomitzmaca in monáti yn motati yn avc tictla-camati 9a no ivi, ca ticmotzacuiltitiaz yn acteva in atitlatlacamati in atitlacaqui yn atic-mocaccanenequi in tlein mitzilhuia in mitz-iacana in mitzpachoa: : . .•

your duties. If you do not discharge these theruler will banish you or cut off your foreheadhair or kill you. Here are your duties: bynight, by day 16 you guide people.

"T h is is what you have come to hear, whatyou have come to learn, all of you, everyone.By chance do your mothers, your fathers notimpart to you your rearing, your education?Perhaps your mothers, your fathers tell you,perhaps they give it to you [but] you nolonger obey. Likewise will you be punished.It is you who do not obey anyone, you whoare rebellious, you who do not wish to knowwhat they tell you, [how] they guide you,[how] they rule you."

14. In teoatl in t lachinoll i : This was the standard metaphoric couplet for war (see Seler 1902-1923, III: 221-304; Quiñones Keber 1989a).

15.Anonogo: read anoco.16. Tecemilhuitia: read t icemilhuit ia .

Paragraph15

235




o ca ivin i in quilhuiaya y ye muchi in ix-quich in oquichtli in quauhtli in ogelotl inteeutl in aeheauhtli yn pilli yuhqui ytlatollocatea y; ynic otlamanca, auh niman ye mo-cuepa invicpa in giva, Quimilhuia

nican tonoc yn ticueye in tivipille in tigí-vatzintli: gá no iuhqui yn ave vel titlacazcal-tia in ave vel, titlacavapava, yn tiquizcal tia intievapava in muchpuch in tigivapilli yntecutli tigivauh in tequiva ticivauh in calpix-qui tigivauh in tequitlato tigivauh, in tiquizcaltia in tievapava in muchpuch yn avernoticuitlauiltia in tlacuicuiliztli in tlachpanal-iztli in ave vel tzava yn ave vel iquiti in avetle vel quichiva: Cuix amo itquiuh in xochioin tlapallo yn itonal yn tilmatli, yn itonalmaxtlatl yn tlagotilmatly, yn itech quitlaliayn pilli yn oquichtli. Auh in quauhtli ynogelotl y yehoa q'matataca in moteneva in ic-noquauhtli, in icnoogelotl yn no ytech azi initonal tilm atli in iton al ma xtlatl yn agannen,quitta yn agannen itech azi yn itzonteco ynielchiquiuh ye quitta yn itlachival yn muchpuch y yehoatl, in quimatataca in quauhtli inogelotl, in ye tiquilcava y ye tiepoloa yn aveticccu itlaviltia yn muchpuch in tivevetlacatlin tillamatlacatl y ye titlaivintia y ye titlaxo-comictia, y ye tictepololtia in motlacaz-

caltiliz in motlacavapa-

In this manner he spoke to everyone, to allthe men—the eagles, the jaguars, the lords,the constables, the noblemen. Thus was hisaccusation, as was the custom. And then heturned around toward the women. He saidto them:

"Here you are, you with the skirts, youwith the shifts, you who are women. In likemanner, no longer do you properly rear, nolonger do you properly instruct, when yourear, when you instruct your daughters, younoblewomen, you lords' wives, you valiantwarriors' wives, you majordomos' wives, youtribute bosses' wives. When you rear yourdaughters, when you instruct them, nolonger do you urge them to gather up rubbish, to sweep. No longer do they spin well,no longer do they weave well; they do nothing well. Is it not their duty [to make] theflowered, multicolored capes, the breech-cloths, the precious capes that the noblemen, the warriors wear, that is their right,that the eagles, the jaguars covet? It is saidthat th e poor eagles, the poor jaguars also attain their rightful capes, their rightfulbreechcloths. Not in vain do they acquirethem; not in vain do they attain them. Withtheir heads, with their breasts they acquireyour daughters' handiwork. The eagles, the

jaguars covet it . Now you neglect it; now youruin it. You old men, you old women nolonger exhort your daughters. You are drunk,you are inebriated. Now you are corruptingthe people with your rearing,

[fol. 63r col. B]

valiz,O ca inin i in quitoaya in achto tlatoaya,

Auh in otlamito yn itlatol nimá ye conilhuiainevan:

timevititica nopiltzitzine nican, niccauiliayn ihiyotzin, yn itlatoltzin in tocozqui in to-quetzal yn inetequipachol, ixtlavi pupvi:

niman conilhuia, otimotequitilli, otimo-tlacotilli nopiltzitzine:

with your instruction."So said the first one who spoke; and when

he had ended his discourse, then he said toboth [judges]:

"You are seated here, my sons. I accept thewords, the utterances of our necklace, ourquetzal [feather]. His work tribute has beenpaid; it has been rendered."

Then he said: "You have labored, you havetoiled, my sons."




240

cavalli yn mopan mitoa in titlacu icuitivetz inin ticcuitivetzin yn amo monemac yn amomolhuil yn amo momaçeval yn ipâ titlayx-ami yn ipan tiquixami, yn teçivauh auh incavalli, ynin, camo nemoaloni in motenevain teuhtli in tlaçolli yntla ipan xano xitz-itzquillo titetepacholoz ca vtlica tivetztoz inmitoa y yehoatl i in ticmotequititinem i intlaipan tinemihi,

soils people, to what defiles people. You donot regard others' wives [or] widows with respect. Of you it is said that you are snatchersof things, grabbers of what is not your property, what is not your possession, what isnot rightfully yours. You deliberately attractwomen; you run after others' wives and widows. This is not the way one lives. It is calleddirt, filth. If you are caught in it, if you areseized, you will be stoned, you will be castforth on the road. This is what is said: thatyou go about burdening yourself with it ifyou persist .22

[fol. 64r col. A]

xiccava ça xitlama tinem i Auh intlanoço otic-chiuh ximotlacavalti ximilochti ximocuiti-

vetzin ca ic moquixtia in tecutlatoque inmitzitqui in mitzmama i nicâ tiquintzonte-coneva ca yeppa mitoa amo nemoaloni:

auh ye izca inic nemoa in tlavcolli yn el-çiçiuhtli nica mani in tevatl in tlachinolli atcana itla motech, quichivaz in tonatiuh intlaltecu tli, in tiçatl yn ihuitl, yehoa ic tiyolizyehoa ic tinemiz yehoa ye timotlamachtiz

Auh acanocomo velli ma ye me l xiçacamo,xitlacuentoma, xitlaeuentlapana ximetecaxictlaça in nopalli yehoa yc timotlamachtiz,ticpiaz in tonacayutl titecoaz titealtiz tina-nacaquaz timocaltiz qualcâ yez in mochan: oyeva y o yehoa i, yn nemoaloni, yehoa yntilhuillo iehoa in ticaquitillo.

Jn axcan, amo, tayo, amo mitzaoa, in pe-tlatl ynicpalli: titlachialtillo, titlacaquitillo,

Stop; go calmly. And if, perhaps, you havedone this, stop; draw back; turn back. With

this the judges discharge their obligation.Th ey carry you, they bear you on their backs.Here you give them headaches. It has beensaid before that this is not the way one lives.

"And now here is the way one should live:it is in sadness, it is with sighs. Here there isthe flood, th e conflagration [of war]. Perhapssomewhere the sun, the lord of the earth,will make the chalk, the feathers [of sacrificial victims] of you .23 With this you will beborn again, with this you will live, with thisyou will be rich.

"Bu t perhaps 24 this is not possible. Be diligent. Rework the soil; make ridges; break upthe earth; plant the m agueys; cultivate cacti.In this way you will become rich. You willtake care of the sustenance of life. You willbuy slaves,- you will bathe [sacrificial victims]; you will eat mushrooms; you willbuild yourselves houses,- your hom es w ill befine places. This, this is a life worthy ofbeing lived. This is what you are told, this iswhat you are given to understand.

"Now you are not corrected. The mat, theseat does not berate you. You are instructed,

22. Tinemih i : read t inemin i . ?23. In tonat iuh in t la l t ecut l i , in t icat l in ihui t l : This phrase, following the m etaphoric couplet for war, in teoat l in

t lachinol l i (see note 14, this paragraph), refers to the sacrificial death that was necessary to maintain the sun and the earth. Sacrificial victims were streaked with chalk and pasted with feathers.

24. Acanacomo: read acanacomo.



in mitznonotza yn mitzilhuia; in petlatl ynicpalli yntla ye timotlam achtia: cuix timacazyntla omitzmacac in totecuio yntla ye tic-pialia yn iaxea yn itlatqui yn icococauh, yntotecuio:

o ca yxquich i, in quitoa in teeca in tecu-tlato. Auh in otlato yn otlan yn itlatol, nimanye quimotlatlauhtia, yn otlatoque, achto qui-monilhuia:

Nopiltzitzine, oanmotequitilique oanmo-tlacotilique.

Auh niman, ye valmiquania, Jnic navi, intecutlato niman ye quintlatlauhtia in tecu-tlatoque, eynti. Quimonilvia.

nopiltzitzine tlatoquee, oanmotequitiliqueoanmotlacotilique, o nicâ omotlamachti, onican, ôm ocuiltono: yn icuitlap il yn iatlapalin totecuio, o nican vncecëma: o nican vn-chachayavac, yn iuhqui chalchiuitl, yn iuhq'tevxivitl, in xictic yn olloliuhqui in tevila-cachiuhqui, yn nacatic in tomatic yn nican,vncece tlalma yn ihiyo yn itlatol yn petlatl inicpalli yn atl in tepetl ca tel yehoatl ynicetiçivi ynic ziamiqui yn amoyollotzin, inamo-

you are informed; the mat, the seat exhortsyou, tells you: If you are rich, perhaps youhave been given [something]; if our lord hasgiven you 25 [something], if you guard it forhim, it is the property, the possession, theriches of our lord."

This is everything that the third judgesaid. And when he had spoken, when he hadended his oration, then they addressed thosewho had spoken. First they said to them:

"My sons, you have labored, you havetoiled."

And then they left their places. Then thefourth judge addressed them. He said to thethree judges:

"M y sons, high lords, you have labored,you have toiled. Here the lord's commonfolk have become rich; they have becomewealthy .26 Here have been scattered, herehave been strewn what are like green stones,like turquoises, green, round, circular, [ long]as a reed, [plump] as a tomato. Here the utterances, the words of the mat, of the seat, ofthe city are strewn over the ground .27 However, your hearts , your bodies are heavy withfatigue,- they are dropping with fatigue. Restyour hearts,

[fol. 64r col. B]

nacayotzin, ma motlalli yn amoyollotzin,ma xicmoçevilican yn amonacayotzin, nopiltzitzine tlatoquee:

ca ye ixquich inic n ictlatlauhtia yn amote-cuyotzin yn amotlatocayotzin, can ca, yncana, in quicui, ca ye ixtlaui ca ic pupui ynihiyo yn itlatol yn petlatl ynicpalli: m a ximo-vetzitican.

niman ye mocuepa yn ivicpa, y ye ixq'ch yye muchi, Quimilhuia

nican tonoc y ye tixquich y ye timochi: oti-cenquiçaco nicâ otican, nican, oticcuic ynintlatol yn imihiyo in tlatoque yn motiçayo

refresh your bodies, my sons, high lords.

"This is all I have to address to your lordships, your high lordships. Where are thosewho take, who receive the utterances, thewords of the mat, of the seat with which thedebt is paid, the service is rendered? May youtake your repose."

Then he turned around toward all of them,everyone. He said to them:

"Here you are, all of you, everyone whohas gathered together. Here you have received, you have taken the words, the utter- Paragraph

1525. Timacaz: read timacoz.26. Omocuil tono: read omocuiltono.27. Vncecetl al ma : meaning is suggested by vnceceme, above. 241




244

judging, it would be as has been described;and the time that there was judging wasevery two hundred and [sixty] days ,32 on theday sign Four Reed, the ruler's day sign,called the day sign of the mat, of the seat.And [also a] second time that there was a

judging was at the tim e of Tlacaxip ehual-iztli, if there were no captives, if no one wereto stand on the stone of gladiatorial sacrifice.For this reason the noblemen were admonished, the eagle warriors were admonished.

And the third time there was judging waswhen th ere was perhaps no rain, or there wasfamine. Therefore it was said that no longerdid those being reared, those being educated,the eagle [and] jaguar warriors, the youngwarriors, the young priests, the women, themaidens perform their penances. No longerdid they see to gathering up rubbish, tosweeping.

And

[fol. 64v col. B]

napa, tecutlatoloya yn tlacpac omito yuhmochiva in aquin tlein no quitlaco, ica, tla-tollo, yea, nenechicollo, ica, maviztli moteca,teilhuillo in tlein quitzacutiuh teixpan ymiq' yn ago telpuchtzintli, omillamavi mi-

toaya xiqualcaquican yehoatl i yn quitzacutiuh yn omillamavi in telpuchtontli yehoatl,in mitoa, in tlacximimictia yn yavc, quic-ximimictia in quauhtli yn ogelutl. Auh ioanmitoaya tlacuecuechmictia quitlacoa in ve-vetl yn ayacachtli yn ipialoca in atl in tepetl.

Auh y yehoatl mitoaia tlatlafolmictia avctie muchiva in qualli. avcac, tlama, in pilli in

quauhtli yn Of elotl.

32. Omey: read omeipoaltica. On the day navacatl (nahui Acatlj , Four Reed, as a day celebrating with feast and ceremony the installation of new lords, a day especially consecrated to them, see Sahagun 1950-1982, Parts V-VI (Books 4-5): 88-89.

33. Omil lamav i : The term may be broken down to o-in(o)-ilama-hui, literally, he was old womaned or he old-womaned himself.

the fourth tim e there was judging took placeas mentioned above also when someone didsomething wrong. Because of him there wasaccusing; because of him there was assembling; because of him there was spreading of

fear. The people were told for what [reason]they punished one. In the people's presencethere died perhaps a youth who had becomeold-womanish .33 It was said: "Hear this. Thatyouth whom they punish is one who has become o ld-womanish." It was said that he impeded something in battle; he hindered theeagle [and] jaguar warriors. And it was alsosaid that he ill used, he defiled the uprightdrum, the rattle, the watching of the city.

And it was said of him who was put to deathfor sexual excesses that no longer had any

thing good been done. None of the noblemen,the eagle [and] jaguar warriors took captives.

in iuh omito, Auh in iquac tecutlatoloyamatlacpoaltica omey, ipan cemilhuitonallinavacatl tlatocatonalli mitoaya ytonal in pe-tlatl in icpalli, Auh inic oppa teeutlatoloiaiquac in tlacaxipevaliztli in ayac mally ynayac temalacac quetzaloz ic nonotzaloya pilli

ic nonotzalloya in quauhtli,

auh inic expan tecutlatoloya iquac inacafo q'avi yn aco mayanallo iehoatl ic mitoaia yn averno vellamageva y muzcaltia ymoapava in quauhtli in ocelutl in telputz-intli in tlamacazcatzintli in fivatl in ich-puchtli yn avemo quimocuitlavia in tla-cuicuiliztli in tlachpanaliztli.

Auh inic



Auh ynin muchivaya yn ica, tlatolloyaiquac in muchivaya tequantonalli cemilhui-tonalli o ca iuhquin i in muchivaya ynic tlatolloya yn aquin ica, tecutlatolloya.

And this was done, there was accusation,because of these things, when there was abeastly day sign. This was what was donewhen there was accusation when someonewas judged because of it.

PA RA G RA PH 1 6 [fol. 65r col. A]

^Jnic xvi parrapho in queni qualania, in tlatoani yn ipan mitoa.

Jnic peva in quallantli inic quallani tla-toani yehoatl yn oquichotl yn yavyutl yniuhcan tlamanca yn ivivi tlama yn ovicantlama ynic oquichtli: auh in yacuican tlamaayamo ixquich in quicui in pilatquitl, auhquin iquac yn omoxi y ye tequiva y ye navi,ocaçic iquac quicui in tlatocatlatquitl inquetzalalpiloni yn inacoch tev xivitl yn iten-teuh qz tzalchalchivitl: auh in icozqui tevcui-tlatl chayavac cozcatl auh contlalia tevcui-tlaievacozcatl ioan cötlalia in matemecatlioan tevcuitlacotzevatl, ioan quicui in tlato-catilma tli in tlaçotli, ioan tlaçom axtlatl: o caiuhquin i ynic quicuia, in tlatocatlatquitl

mitoaya açan nen quicui ytzonteco yelchi-quiuh

ynic quicui yc pachivi yn iollo yn ixquichpilli in ixquich quauhtli yn oçelutl ioan ÿmaçeoalli ca amo çâ nen oytech azic yn ixquich ytech quitlalia in tlatocatlatquitl caimiquiz ypatiuh o ca iuhquin i, ynic ayac vel

Six teenth paragraph, in which it is told how the ruler became angry .1

In this way the anger began; in this waythe ruler became angry. For prowess, for war,thus was it customary: When with difficultyone took a captive, when in a dangerousplace one took a captive, one thereby becamea manly [warrior]. But when he took a captive the first time, he did not yet receive allthe noble accouterments. But later, when hishair was cut, w hen he was now a valiant warrior, when he had now attained four [captives], he assumed vestments of the high nobility: the [head] band with [two] quetzal[feather] tassels, his turquoise ear plugs, hisquetzal [feather] colored green stone lipadornment, and his necklace, which was thegold necklace with radiating pendants. Andhe set in place a leather [and] gold necklace.

And he set in place a bracelet and a goldenband for the calf of the leg, and he assumeda cape of high nobility which was precious,and a precious breechcloth. In this way he attained the vestments of high nobility.

It was said: "Not for nothing did he assume his head, his b reast."

When he assumed [the adornments], hisheart was thereby satisfied. Not for nothingdid all the noblemen, all the eagle warriors,the jaguar warriors, and the commoners attain [and] set in place vestments of high no-

1. Sullivan also included this paragraph in the category of huehuet lato l l i that she denominated "court orations." The topic dealt with is the anger of the ruler, instigated by various derelictions of his subjects, above all cowardice and/or failure to perform properly on the battlefield in time of war. The courageous warriors who captured enemy prisoners were rewarded, in a very structured system, with insignia and costume item s that proclaimed their valor and miltary successes. Those who failed could be publicly disgraced or even put to death.

At the head of the paragraph is an illustration of a bearded lord seated on a backed mat throne, his arm extended and finger pointing, with speech scrolls indicating the giving of commands.

Paragraph16

245



tetecutli anca nechtlagotla ioan, ca tel noge-hoatl inic quipia in incha yn imaltepeuh maquimotlavcolilica ma quimotlatlatilican,

Auh niman ye viloa, niman ye eomietiaauh yn ocomictique, niman ye vi in quino-

notzazqueconilhuia totecue tlatoane tlacatle ca vtic-

motlatilli ym mumageval yn ocatca quival-itoa in pipiltin in tlatoque in machcava maquimucaquiti ca vquimutlalcauilli in ima-geoal yn ocatca ma mutlalli in iyollotzin yninacayotzin:

niman ye quivalitoa ce ye qualli oquimuc-nelilique in imauh yn itepeuh in pipiltin intlatoque otlacauhqui yn iyollotzin.

Auh anogo quitoz in tlatoani m acamo nicamiqui niman ye yavtlatollo ma vmpa miquiyn yavc

auh ic mitoaya can ompa quinavalmictiaauh niman ie muchiva yn yavyvtl yn gequineltiaya vmpa miquia, auh in cequi avelmiquia ye opa oc ceppa vellamaya yn ivivi inquenin motetlagaltiaya yn ivivi yn tlamaya,yn ovican, auh oc ceppa in yavtlatollo yn agovel miqu itiuh anogo oc ceppa tlamaz yn ovican tlama, Auh y ye iuhqui

me a service; so do they love me. Yet 5 also inthis way they guard their homes, their city.Let them have pity on him. Let them doaway with h im ."

And then they all departed. Then theykilled him. And when they had killed him,

they went to advise [the ruler).They said to him: "Our lord, ruler, master,

we have done away with him who was yourcommoner. The noblemen, the high lords,your valiant warriors say: 'May he hear; hewho was his commoner has gone away. Mayhis heart, h is body find repose.'"

Then [the ruler] said: "It is well. The noblemen, the high lords have done their city a service. Its heart is inclined."

But perhaps the ruler would say: "Let himnot die here. War is declared at once. Le t himdie in battle."

And it was said that they killed him theresecretly. And then war was made. They ascertained that some had died and that somehad not died. There, once, one with difficulty took a captive. In the same way as onewas overpowered, with difficulty one took acaptive in a dangerous place. And once morewhen war was declared, either he would goto die or again he would take a captive; in adangerous place he took a captive. And sim

ilarly

[fol. 65v. col. A]

ynic napa y ye ipan yavtlatollo yn avelmiquiy ye izquipa tlama, Auh y yehoatl yc mocavain tlatoani ca vquinenevilli in tlatoani quinyeva yc necaco, auh ic necavallo avcac tieipan quitotinemi.

Auh in gan quauhtli in ogelutl in gantecutli in can tlatoquilia pilli:

yn anogo givatl intla moxicoa ytech in tlatoani ca atlei, ytlatollo igiuhca comictia yn

when for the fourth time war was declared,he did not die; each time he took a captive.And the ruler left off; the ruler made him theequal of other [noblemen]. They no longerwent saying anything about what a shortwhile before was heard and the reason for[his] being abandoned.

And there was only the eagle warrior, the jaguar warrior; there was only the lord. Th eyonly 6 followed after the noblemen.

Or if the ruler becam e angry with a woman,there was no accusing her. They ki lled her Paragraph

16

5. Nogehoatl: read nogo yehuatl .6. Can : read can. 247




248

tlatvi ocommictique, o yehoa y, ynic mauh-camanca inic ayac itech muxicoz in tlatoani

ioá yn o yc temictiaya in çan quicuitivetzin,in itonal tlatoani ym maçevalli yn iuh tlaquayn iv atli yn iuhca tlatoani y ye no iuh tlaqua yye no iuh atli auh no tzacuiltiloya no mictiloya.

o ca iuhquin i ynic qualania yn tlatoani ÿmitoaya yn tlatocacocolli yn tlatocatlavelli.

PA RA G RA P H 1 7 [fol. 65v col. B]

Seventeenth paragraph, in which it is toldhow the ruler felt compassion for the people .1

And for the second characteristic of theruler: The ruler felt compassion for all thecommoners everywhere. He felt compassionhere; so it was said that he was worried because [if] it did not rain [to produce] what thecommoners would eat, and when their fooddid not appear, then tribute ceased; [thecommoners] no longer gave tribute. Thosewho perhaps lived in their houses stopped[sending] what they had been sending .2Therefore he felt compassion for them whenit did not rain, when their food had not ap

peared. For several years—perhaps two, perhaps three, perhaps four—it might not rain.For this reason he was very worried. And thiswas when they took away their preciouschildren, when they later killed the littleones on the m ountaintops. T hey were calledhuman sacrificial papers .3 Thus he showedcompassion for the commoners. They went

1. Although Sullivan did not include this paragraph in her huehuet la tol l i category, it constitutes an explicit follow- up, although much briefer, to the preceding one. As its title indicates, it is concerned with the reasons the ruler felt sadness and compassion for his subjects. Three are described: famine, war, and when his son and heir did not possess

the leadership qualities necessary to successfully succeed him as ruler. The second is of particular interest. It eloquently expresses the notion that, in spite of the glorification of war in this aggressive, imperialistic society, it was attended by considerable anxiety on the part of the ruler who sent forth in cuauht l i in ocelot l , "the eagles, the jaguars," the warriors nf his community who risked death and mutilation on the battlefield.

The illustration at the head of the paragraph shows a bearded ruler, his head en fa ce, seated on a backed mat throne, his chin resting on the palm of his hand.

2. Quicavaya quivali vaya: Problematical translation; i ua is usually used for persons; ual- usually implies direction toward the speaker.

3. Tlacatetevi tl (t lacatetehuit l): literally, "human ritual papers." This term was applied to the infants who were sacrificed to the rain deity Tlaloc on hilltops and mountaintops.

Jn ic xv ij parrapho ypan mitoaya in ic tepapatlavcoyaya in tlatoani.

Auh inic vntlamantli in ieliz in tlatoaniinic tlavcoyaya in tlatoani ca ipampa ÿmaçeoalli in ixquich y novian y nican tlao-coyaya inic mitoaya motequipachotica ynipampa yn amo quiavi in tlein quiquazmaçeoalli auh in atle nezi in itlaqual iquacmocavaya in tequitl avcmo quimacaya in tla-callaquilli yn aço ycal ytech nemi, quicavayaquivalivaya ypampa yc quintlavcoliaya ynaquiavi yn atle nezi in intlaqual in quezqui-xivitl in aço oxivitl in aço exiuitl yn açonauhxivitl, in aquiaviz çenca ic motequipa-

choaya auh iquac conanaya yn itlaçopiltzinyn qui tepitzin in vmpa cômictiaya in tepe-ticpac in mvteneoaya tlacatetevitl yc quitla-vcoliaya ym maçeo alli, auh ic novian viya yninextlaval inic novian quitzacutimani in te-peticpac i nextlavallo, Auh iuh muchivayaiquac vlinia in quiavitl, iquac patia in mace-valli iquac celia in quiltzintli y nopaltzintli

quickly; at dawn they killed her. By this, fearwas established so that the ruler would notbe angered by anyone.

And they killed people who took the ruler's rightful due. The commoner who ate[and] drank as the ruler ate [and] drank wasalso punished; he was also put to death.

Thu s, there were the reasons for which theruler became angry; for what was called theruler's fury, the ruler's wrath.




250

Jn ic et laman tli in ic tlavcoyaya in tla toaniiehoatl in itlagopiltzin yn amo yyel yn amootlacaqui in amo mozcalia yn ac quipiaz inatl in tepetl in iquac omic in tlatoani yehoatlyc tlavcoyaia yehoatl yc motequipachoa inipiltzin yn amo oquichtli yn amo quimocui-

tlavia in yavyutl in que nemiz yn que yez inpetlapan ycpalpan intla nemiz que mocaquizym mageoalli o ca yehoatl i ynic tlaocoyayain tlatoani, yn ac quipiaz in ac quipachoz ynicuitlapil yn iyatlapal

o ca ye ixquich yn inetequipachol yn tlatoani,

The third [occasion when] the ruler wassad was when his beloved son, the one whowas to guard the city when the ruler died,was lazy, was stupid, was imprudent. For thisreason he was sad, for this reason he wasworried: his son was not a manly [warrior];

he did not care about war, about how hewould live, how he would be on the mat, onthe seat; whether the com moners would live;how they would be content. The ruler wassad, because [his son] was the one who wasto guard, who was to rule his common folk.

These were all the afflictions of the ruler.



PA R A G R A P H 2

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252

}nic. 2 . parapho ypâ mitoa yn intoca ÿoquichti ÿ çioa çan oc tecemaxca etc.

oquichtli. tlatequipanoa. chicaoac.

çiuatl. tlacachioa /mopilhoatia

veve. tlamamana. teq'ti. tlavipana.

illama tlatlätlaliä. calitic. yq 'tiliztli. tzava-liztli etc.

telpuchtli. quauhteq'. tlaxeloa q'uhtla ca-laqui

ichpuchtli / tzava / monequi. atezi. mo-machtia yq'tiliztlj

telpuchtlapalivj. tlateq'panoa tlamama.veca yauh.

ichpuchtlapalivi. yq'ti. tzava. tlaqual-chioa.

piltötli. maviltia. tlaololoa. tzatzi.

conetötli. quin otlacat. ayamo vel chichi.

piltzintli. ayamo tlacaq'. ayamo quimati

conetzintli ayamo tlachia. amo temauh-caytta

iyoloco nemi telpuchtli. tiachcauh chioatlamamana m otitlanj

yyoloco nemi çiuatl tlamachioa. etc.çiuatlapalivi. tezi. tamaloa. tlaqualchioa.

ichpuchillama teixtlam achtia etc.yyoloco nemi tlapalivi. çacamoa. elemiqui.

yyoloco nem i çioatlapalivi. tezi. atolchioa.

Second paragraph, in which are told maleand female terms; they are still commonto all .1

Man: He works, he is strong.

Woman: She has children, she procreateschildren.Old man: He arranges things in order, he

works, he puts things in order.Old woman: She puts things in order in

the house, [she concerns herself with] weaving, with spinning.

Youth: He cuts wood, he splits it, he goesinto the forest.

Maiden: It is required that she spin. Shedoes not grind maize. She learns to weave.

Youth of marriageable age: He works, hecarries burdens, he goes far away.

Maiden of marriageable age: She weaves,she spins, she prepares food.

Small child [man's or woman's]: It amusesitself, it makes mud balls, it cries out.

Small child [woman's]: R ight after it is bornit cannot suckle.

Child [man's or woman's]: It does not yetunderstand, it knows nothing yet.

Child [woman's]: It needs guidance, it doesnot regard people with respect.

Grown youth: He becomes a master ofyouths ,2 he arranges things in order, he servesas a messenger.

Grown maiden: She embroiders, etc.Young marriageable maiden: She grinds

maize, she mak es tamales, she prepares food.Spinster: She instructs people, etc.Grown youth of marriageable age: He clears

the soil of vegetation, he cultivates the soil.Grown maiden of marriageable age: She

grinds maize, she makes atole.

1. This paragraph consists of an annotated list of terms for different categories of men and women. The annotations are in a different hand (including Sahagún's) and shade of ink from the terms themselves. The paragraph, as such, was not included in the Histor ia . However, some of the same terms appear in the data on age categories that Sahagún collected later in Tlatelolco and listed, w ith extensive annotations organized according to the "good vs. bad" charac terizations of the different categories of the two sexes, in Chapter 3 of Book 10 (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10] 11-13; 1988, II: 589-590]. Schultze Jena (1952: 4-7) published a paleography, with German translation, of the paragraph; Giménez (1976) did the same, with French translation.

2. Chio (chihua): read mochihua.



telpuchtepito. quaquavi. atlacui. etc.

ichpuchtötli. quiquilpi. tlachpana tzava /momachtia /etc.

ye vel veve ocoliuh. aocmo tie itequh.aocmo tlacaq. aocmo vel aq' etc.

ye vel yllama ocoliuh. aocmo tlatequi-panoa /aocmo mimati etc. aynyanj. vevezca,muyuma.

telpuchtlaveliloc, tecamanalhuya, tetaza

cuilonj.tecuilontianj.patlachpul.tetlanochilianj

Young you th :3 He cuts wood, he draws water, etc.

Young maiden :4 She gathers edible plants,she sweeps, she spins, she learns, etc.

Very old stooped man: No longer does hework, no longer does he hear, no longer does

he do things well .5Very old stooped woman: She no longer

works, she no longer thinks clearly, etc.; shedoes not go out ,6 she laughs, she shufflesalong.

Wicked youth: He makes fun of people, heknocks people down .7

Sodomite.Practic er of sodomy.Lesbian.Procurer [or procuress ).8

PA R A G R A P H 3

Jn ic . 3. parrapho ypä mitoa yn intoca inoquichti ça teneixcavil etc.

yautltochtlimaçatlcuoatlxochitlcuetzpalli

Clh ird paragraph, in which are told the namesfor men that are appropriate only to them .1

Enemy.Rabbit.Deer. ■Serpent .2Flower.Lizard.

3. Telpuchtotli: apparently corrected from telpuchtontli .4. Ichpuchtot li : apparently corrected from ichpuchtepiton.5. A q ’ : illegible, but read as aq', standing for aqui.6. Ay nyanj : read a (mo) in yani.7 Tetaza: read tetlaga.8. The last half-dozen lines are in Sahagún's hand. Reading of some terms (see notes 6 and J this paragraph) is prob

lematical because they are almost illegible.

1. This paragraph lists names that were bestowed by the midwife and the parents on a newborn male child during the initial ritual bathing (cf. Codex M endoza 1992, III: fol. 56v). Ten, possibly eleven, of these names are day signs in the 260-day divinatory cycle, thetonalpohualli — all except the uncerta in one (Olin [Movement]?) are animals or birds. Nine or ten of the others are also animals or birds. It is somewhat puzzling to discover, in view of the fact that the title of the paragraph exp licitly specifies that these names were given only to boys, two occurrences of the generic word for flower, xochi t l , and an other for a particular kind, eloxochitl. Personal names containing the element "flower" are usually considered to have been exclusively feminine. There is really nothing in the later Historia comparable to this paragraph. Schultze Jena (1952: 6-7) first transcribed it and translated it into German; in 1976 Giménez published a paleography of it with French translation.

2. Cuoatl : read coatl or cohuatl.

Paragraph3

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[fol. 82v]

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254

grpacvllixvehipepe ;cuixtlitototltapayaxiveomatli

quauhtliogelotlmiztlicuetlachtliteeolutlvitzitlitzcujtlicocatli

tlalliquimichvitztecoleloxochitlnequametlxuchitlvcuil etc.ynin tocaytl yquac yn tlacati piltontlj yquac

caltia quimaca yn itoca y tigitl yoá y pilhoa-que y yaviltoca ypipiltoca.

Crocodile.Rubber .3Flower-gatherer.Kite .4

Bird.Toad.Monkey.Eagle. Jaguar.Mountain lion.Wolf.Horned owl.Hummingbird .5Dog .6Weasel.Earth.Mouse.Dark brown.Magnolia.Maguey.Flower.Worm, etc.These names [are given] when a baby is

born. When the midwife bathes it, she andthe parents give him his fun name, his child'sname.

PA RA G RA PH 4

}nic. 4. parrapho ypâ mitoa yn itoca ÿ çioaçan teneixcavil etc.

teyacapäteicuixocopapà

pourth paragraph, in which are told thenames for women that are appropriate onlyto them .1

First born.Younger sister.Youngest sister.Flag .2

3. Vll i : perhaps to be read olin (movement), a day sign.4. Cuix t l i : read cuixin [milano in Molina 1944, Part II: 27v).5. Vitz i t l : read hu i tz i l in , or possibly hu i tz t l i (thorn).6. I tzcuj t l i : read i tzcuin t l i .1. This paragraph provides a relatively short lis t of names appropriate only for women. Over half are floral, or at least

botanical. No day signs are included (unless xochi (tl) could be so considered). In addition, a short text, in a different ink, is added to explain the set of birth-order names, which were commonly borne by women. This paragraph, too, was not included in the later Historia. Schultze Jena (1952: 6-7) first paleographized it and translated it into German, and in 1976 Giménez did the same with French translation.

2. Papá: derived from pamitU



tlacotlxi loxoch

miyaoaxocheloxvchmizquixaualxochitomiyauhchimalma, etc.ga no yuhqui y cioa yquac y tlacati yquac

quitocayotia ytla achto tlacati y quinotzatecapa ynic ome tlacati tlac otl yoa teicui y ga tlatzaca tlacati xoco. auh yn oc cequi gaga quimaca y tleyn intoca

PA R A G R A P H 5

♦ Jn ic . 5. parrapho ypa mitoa yn ito toca ynitech ca y tonacayo y pani negi.

tonacayo titonacayotiatotzoteco toquavivixooatotzon titlaveyaquiliatixqua tlamama.tixquamoltixquatol.

[fol. 83r]

Our eyes: They see, they sleep, they spy .4

Our eyelashes: With them we blink oureyes.

Our temples.Our ears: Th ey hear, they ring .5

Our face: We turn away our face in disgustor rage.

3. Ytla: read in t la .4. Tecapa: read teyacapan.

1. This paragraph consists of a lengthy list of exterior human body parts, with brief explanatory annotations in a different shade of ink. Sahagun later in Tlatelolco collected mu ch more information on the same topic, which appears in Chapter 27 of Book 10 of theHistoria (Sahagun 19 50-1982 , Pa rt XI [Book 10]: 95-138). A paleography and German tran slation of this paragraph was first published by Gall (1940: 9 0-9 2] , and Lopez Austin later transcribed it and translated it into Spanish (1972: 132-134; 1980, II: 7-9, 73-75 [English translation: 1988, II: 1-3, 67-69]). These translations occasionally differ from those presented here.

2. Toquavivixooa: read titocuahuihuixoah.3. Tlamama: that is, it sustains the tumpline.4. Naoalachia: read nahuallachia.5. Tlacaqui./ycavaqui: literally, they chirp, they sing (like a bird).

tixtelolo tlachia /cochi /naoalachia.tocvchiya yc titixcuecueyonia '

tocanaoacatonacaz /tlacaqui./ ycavacatoxayac titixtlaga

p if th paragraph, in which are told the namesof [the parts] that are on our bodies, that appear on the surface .1

Our body: We become fleshy.Our head: We shake our head .2Our hair: We grow it long.Our forehead: It carries things on the back .3Our eyebrows.Our eyelids.

Osier twig.Calliandra.Maize ta ssel flower.Magnolia.Mesqu ite face paint.Flower.

Our maize tassel.Shield-giver.In the same way, when a woman is born,

if3 she is born first they name her, they callher teyacapan;4 the second who is born [iscalled] t lacotl and also teicui; the one bornlast, xoco. And as for the rest, they give themany sort of name.

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tixteliuhcatocamatapal tlatlactictoyac tlanecui / tlatzomiyatocamac tlaqua /chichatocopac yc titlavelmatitonenepil yc titlatoa/

totlâ tlaqua /yc titlaquatoquequetoltotexipal tlapachichinatatliyatotenchaltotêtzô muzcalttia. veyaquiyatoquechquavhyo yc titoloa

tocvcvuh yc titlatoloatacvlchimaltacvltomolicpi yc titeoa yc titlatepiniya

tomatzotzopaz tiquiyaoatomacpal yc titlaqua /tlatzitzquiatomapil mapiloa /tetlatitia /tlacuiloa /yc

tzaoa

tozte muzcaltia / tlacotona / tlatzayana /tlaztecui

totlac totlac cuechiniyatelchiquiuh telchiquiuh eoatomizicuil

tite tite poçaoa / tite xaxaoaca/

tomimiliuhcatocuitlatetepo yc titlamama /nolivj.

totzintepitz yc ticate

totzintamaltoqueztepvl yc tinenemi /momalacachoa.

tometzquauhyototlâqua ye titocototzoa /ye tomelaoa.

Our cheeks.Our palate: It is red.Our nose: It smells things,- it is blown.Our mouth: It eats, it spits.Our palate: By means of it we taste things.Our tongue: With it we speak.

Our teeth: They eat, with them we eat.Our gums.Our lips: They suck.Our moustache.Our chin.Our beard: It grows, it becomes long.Our cervical vertebrae :6 With them we bow

our head.Our esophagus: With it we swallow.Our shoulder blade.Our shoulder.Our elbows: With them we raise ourselves

up, we poke things.Our forearm: We offer it in dedication.Our palm: With it we eat, it holds things.Our finger: It points ,7 it indicates some

thing to someone ,8 it paints, with it one spins[cotton].

Our fingernails: T hey grow, they rip thingsapart, they tear things, they touch things.

Our torso: Our torso sways.Our chest: Our chest rises.Our ribs.

Our abdomen: Our abdomen fills, our abdomen empties.

Our loins.Our spine: By means of it we bear things

on our back, it curves.Our ischium :9 By means of it we are [on

something].Our buttocks.Our hip bone :10 By means of it we walk, it

rotates.Our thigh.Our knees: By means of them we squat, we

go straight .11 -

6. Toquechquauhyo: This word also appears in the annotation colum n, crossed out.I. Tiquiyaoa: compare iyaua (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part III [Book 2[: 52,coniavilia, "raise in dedication"). Lopez

Austin (1988, II: 68) prefers "we hurt them."8. Tetlatitia: read telettitia, or, better, te t lai t t i t ia .9. Totzi nt epit z: "ischial tuberosity" in Sahagun 1950-1982, Part IX (Book 10): 122.10. Toqueztepol: Lopez Austin (1988, II: 68): "the upper end of the femur."II. Tomelaoa: read titomelahua. '



totlanitz miyaoa /tiquiyaoa

tocotzteuh viyonitoxocpal yc tinenemi yc titoquetzaAC e

nemi /tlatelicçatoquequeyoltoxopil yc titlacça /yc titlamotzoloa /tla-

xopeoa /motecuinjatoztetoxvcpalixco. michiqui /miyaoa

tomimiyaoayo moquetza /quauhti

PA RA G RA PH 6 [fol. 83VI

♦ Jn ic . 6 . parrapho ypä mitoa yn ito toca yñ iticca ÿ tonacayo yn amo ualneçj

toquaxicaltoquatetexyo tlanem ilia tlayolteviatezyo chichiltic /tlapalticteztecoezcocotli viviconticactoxvchiyototlaluayo tlalpiatoyollo teyolitia /tenemitia. tetecuinia

teltapach tezteco.

12. See note 7, this paragraph.13. Viyoni: López Austin (1988, II: 68) prefers "travelers.14. Yc t i nenemi yc ti toquetza: In the manuscript, the second word was also originally written tinenemj ,- subse

quently, the nenemi was crossed out and toquetza was added. The A A which follows may indicate that titoquetza refers to tocotzteuh, above, and not to toxocpal (cf. López Austin 1988, II: 2).

15. Nenemi/tlatelicga: The A A before the first word may indicate that both words refer to toxocpal, above, rather than toquequeyol.

16. Miyaoa: See note 7, this paragraph.17 Tomimiyaoayo: translated "lung" in Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XI (Book 10): 120, 130. The choice here, "flank,"

was also preferred by López Austin (1988, II: 69).18. M oquetza: compare López Austin (1988, II: 69): "it suffers from exhaustion."1. This paragraph is similar in format and basic subject matter to the preceding one but is concerned with internal

human body parts. The topic, incorporating data Sahagún collected later in Tlatelolco, is covered in considerably more detail in the Historia’s Chapter 27 of Book 10 (see note 1, Paragraph 5). Gall (1940: 93-82 [German]) and López Austin (1972: 134-136; 1980, II: 8-9 [Spanish]; 1988, II: 3 [English]) also paleographized and translated the paragraph.

2. Tlayoltevia: read tlayolteouia.3. Tezteco: literally, "our vessel (tecomatl) of blood (eztl ij . " T he te rm is repeated below, with teltapach, one of the

more common terms for liver (cf. Molina 1944, Part II: fol. 71r).4. Viviconticac: The reference is to climbing plants.

Six th paragraph, in which are told the namesof the [parts of] the body that are within,that are not visible .1

Our skull.Our brain: It thinks, it predicts things .2Our blood: It is crimson, it is red.Our liver .3Our blood vessels: They are climber s .4Our fat.Our tendons: They bind things.Our heart: It makes people live, it keeps

people alive, it beats.Our liver: Our blood container.

Our shank: It is offered in dedication, weoffer it in dedication .12

Our calf: It quivers .13Our feet: With them we walk, with them

we stand ;14 they walk, they kick things .15Our ankle bones.Our toes: With them we run, with them

we grasp things,- they kick things, they trip.Our nails.Our foot sole: It is scraped, it is offered in

dedication .16Our flank :17 It stands upright ,18 it becomes

stiff.

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tochichi teyyomaca teyyotia

tochichicauh tequalantiatotlatlaliaya quiyectiâ tlaquallj quiyectilia

tocuitlaxeol m amina / tlanoquia

taxixtecotonenecoctetêcauhtocecelicaomitl

Our lungs: They give people breath, theymake people breathe.

Our bile: It makes people angry.Our stomach: It cleans the food, it puri

fies it.Our intestines: They have diarrhea, they

have watery stools.Our bladder.Our kidneys.Our cartilage.The bones.

PAR AGR AP H 7

}n ic. 7 parrapho ypâ mitoa yn itoca ÿ tlaca ÿmauiztililoni tlatoani pilli teuctli çiuapilli

etc.tlacatl tlacaqui tetlaçotla

tlatoani tlatocati /tlavicapilli pilti /teuctli tecutitepiltzin momaviztililanj

teixviuh mopoanjtetzon moquatlaça.

teizte atlamatiteixquamol movecapanoatevitzyo tetech atlamati

Seventh paragraph , 1 in which are told thedesignations for illustrious people: ruler,

nobleman, lord, noblewoman, etc.2

Person [of consequence ]:3 He comprehends,he loves people.

Ruler: He rules, he governs.Nobleman: He becomes a nobleman.Lord: He becomes a lord.Offspring of noblemen :4 He desires to be

honored.Grandchild of noblemen: He is arrogant.Hair 5 of noblemen: He tosses his head pre

sumptuously.Nail of noblemen: He is haughty .6

Eyebrows of noblemen: He exalts himself.Thorn of noblemen: He becomes proud

and haughty because he is protected by apowerful person .7

1. This paragraph provides an extensive list of terms for different categories of nobles, both male and female. Most are annotated in a different, lighter ink. Later in Tlatelolco Sahagun gathered more detailed information concerning the same theme, which he incorporated in Chapters 4 -6 and 13 of Book 10 of theHis to i ia (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 15-24, 45-50; 1988, II: 590-595, 602-604). The annotations conform to the usual pattern of the "good vs. bad" categories of the kinds of nobles enumerated in these chapters. Schultze Jena ¡1952: 30-31) also transcribed this paragraph and translated it into German.

2. To the right of the Nahuatl title of the paragraph is this heading, in Spanish, in a cursive handwriting (not Sa- hagun's) and a pale ink: oficios y codici ones div eisos de hob ie y mugei. The reading of diversos is somewhat tentative (cf. Ballesteros-Gaibrois 19 64 ,1: 1 05-27).

3. Tlacatl: A generic term for a man or woman of very high rank. There is no exact equivalent in English, but man. woman, or person (of consequence), or personage, may approximate the meaning in this context.

4. Tepiltzin: literally, someone's child; te- in this context means noble.5. Tetzon: Things that issue from something, such as hair, nails, or thorns, in Nahuatl figuratively connote

"descendant," "offspring."6. A t l a m a t i : literally, he is ignorant.7 Tetech atl amati : compare Olmos 1875: 223.



teauayo mopilitoa

tetentzon mochachamaoatetzicueuhca amo tie ypa teita

tetlapaca mo tlagotlalanj

teezyo tetech quiz tlagotlj

tetlapallo mopilnequi

oquichtli moquichnequi. moq'chitoa

tiyacauh tlapalticquachic. vej tiacauh /yaotlaveliloc.

tequioa tlamayautequioa tlam a teyacana

tlacatl tetlagotla

giuapilli ixtlam atigivateuctli mixtiliaconetl tecpilatoateichpuch teicnoitta

tetzon temalhuiateizte temaviztilia

Prickle of noblemen: He claims to be anobleman.

Beard of noblemen: He is conceited.Chip of noblemen: He thinks nothing of

anyone.Sliver of noblemen: He desires to be loved.

Blood of noblemen: He issues from noblemen; he is precious.

Red ink of noblemen: He pretends to be anobleman.

Man :8 He pretends he is a man, he claimsto be a man.

Brave warrior: He is strong.Shorn one, great brave warrior: A rogue

in war.Valiant warrior: He takes captives .9Seasoned warrior: He takes captives, he

leads people.Woman [of consequence ]:10 She loves

people.Noblewoman: She is judicious.Lady: She is vain.Child [woman's]: He speaks elegantly.Daughter of noblemen: She feels pity for

people.Hair of noblemen: She treats people nicely.Nail of noblemen: She honors people.

[fol. 68 r]

teixquamol tetlaocolia

tevitzyo yocoxca tlacatl

teauayo mocno tecatetetzon teymacagitetzicueuhca mopechtecanj

tetlapaca motlagomatinjteezo tlamauhcaytanj

tetlapalo toloanj

Eyebrows of noblemen: She is merciful topeople.

Thorn of noblemen: She is a tranquilwoman [of consequence].

Prickle of noblemen: She humbles herself.Beard of noblemen: She respects people.Chip of noblemen: She is one who bends

her neck [humbly].Sliver of noblemen: She is appreciative.Blood of noblemen: She is attentive to

things.Red ink of noblemen: She is one who bows

her head [humbly].

8. Oquich t l i : In this context and in compounds that follow, oquicht l i may signify "manly" (warrior) rather than merely "man." For this term and the titles of warriors following moquichnequi and moq’chitoa, compare Sahagun 1950-1982, Part III (Book 2 [1st ed.]): 102n3, and Part XI (Book 10): 23-24.

9. Tlama seems to be crossed out.10. Tlacatl: see note 3, this paragraph. :

Paragraph7

259



PAR AGR AP H 8A

Chapter IV:Things

Relativeto Man

260

}nic 8 parrapho ypa mitoa yn ltlaviz yn ltlat-qui y tlatoque y eapitanes.

Tlatoqz yn itlatqui yn ltlaviz.

ychcavipilli

ynie tlachiuhtli, ieheatlavitectli, tilmaticatlaquimiloli ypa tlagotl tlatecuetlaxyotillino memeeayo euetlaxtica—

teucuitlaquauhtetetl.

ynic tlachiuhtli tlapitzali tlacuilolo yuhquiquauhtly ic tlatlali teocuitlatl—

mayanacvchtli.

ynic tlachiu htli tlatzacutli yea y mayatl Thu s are they made: They are covered withxox octi— [a mosaic of ] green june beetle s .3

1. This is undoubtedly Chapter IV's best-known paragraph. It is divided into two parts, which Francisco del Paso y Troncoso labeled A and B. The first consists of an annotated list of the military insignia and accouterm ents worn by the lords. The second provides the same type of list for the warrior captains. Paso y Troncoso, basing his decision on the similarity of subject matter, inserted illustrated folios 72-80 of the Real Academia de la Historia manuscript between the two folios, 68 and 69, that contain the text of Paragraph 8—thus, in effect, assigning them also to this paragraph although they did not belong to the integrated structure of the Piim eros M emori ales as a whole, with its thematically organized sections sequentially numbered by chapter and paragraph. These inserted folios contain annotated pictorializations of three lords ( t la toque pipil t in) and three champion warriors (tiacahuan) in full battle gear, along with thirty-five battle standards, seven individual coyote battle suits, one feather tunic (ehuatl), four headpieces, twelve feather shields, one gold necklace, and a pair of gold earspools. Later in Tlatelolco Sahagun collected a similar but somewhat briefer list, unillustrated, which he included as Chapter 12 of Book 8 of the Histor ia (Sahagun 1950- 1982, Part IX [Book 8]: 33-35; 1988, II: 509-512).

Eduard Seler (1902-1923, II: 546-594 [English translation, Seler 1990-1993, III: 22-46]), in his comprehensive study of contact-period Central Mexican attire and insignia of social and military rank, first published the paleography of the Nahuatl text with German translation, line drawings of most of the illustrations, and comparative analyses of the data of this paragraph. In 1972, Thelma Sullivan transcribed the texts of the paragraph and translated them into English, with extensive notes, illustrated by copies of the black-and-white photographs of the pages of the original manuscript published by Paso y Troncoso. Her transcriptions and translations of the text of the second part of the paragraph were also published in Codex M endoza 1992, I: Appendix K (pp. 249-254). These Sullivan versions, including many of the

notes, are essentially repeated here.Contact-period Central Mexican warrior costumes, accoutermen ts, and insignia have recently been illustrated and

discussed in detail, with appropriate utilization of the data of this Primeros Memorial es paragraph and othe r primary sources, in Anawalt 1977; 1981: 39, 46-52, 55-58, charts 3, 4; and inCodex M endoza 1992, I: 112-131, Appendixes F, G, and H.

2. Ychcavipilli (ichcahuipilli): Concerning this "quilted cotto n arm or," which apparently provided quite effective protection against indigenous weaponry, see the full discussion, with illustrations from primary sources, in Anawalt 1981: 48-51, 74-75, 194, 211, 21^ and the more succinct one in Hassig 1988: 88, 97

3. M ayatl xoxocti : Hallori na dugesii. See maya te in Santamaria 1959: 707-708. These ear plugs are worn by the second t l a toani p i l l i on fol. 72r but are not clearly visible.

Eighth paragraph, which tells of the military insignia [and] accouterments of therulers [and] captains . 1

The accouterments [and] insignia of the

rulers.The padded cotton shirt 2

It is made in this manner: Unspun cotton isenveloped in cloth, to which it is stitched.It is edged with leather. It also has leatherthongs.

The golden eagle lip plug

It is made in this manner: The cast is designed like an eagle; thus the gold is shaped.

Green iune beetle ear plugs



maquavitl The war club4

ynic tlachiuhtli auaquavitl tlapatlachxintlivel tlacêcavali necoc tlacamacuicuitl vncätlatectlj yn itztlj anoço tecpatl ayocuitlaticätlaçaloli—

xiuhnacvchtli

ynic tlachiuhtlj. xiuhtica tlatzacutlj ca mot-quitica—

chimalli quetzalxicalcvliuhqui

ynic tlachioalj otlatl ÿ tlatzayätl.j ychicpaticatlavipätli teotlatica tlaoapavilotili. yvä tla-

çoivitica tlatzacutlj qtzaltica tlatlacuiloli

quetzalcuexyo. chimalli

ynic tlatzacualj toztli quetzaltica tlacuilolitentlapilolo—

tozmiquizyo chimalli

ynic tlatzacutli ça motquitica toztli xiuhto-toyvitica tlacuiloli nepa tzötecomatl yuhqui

It is made in this manner: A piece of oak iscut into a board. It is well finished. Alongboth sides grooves are cut in which are setobsidian or flintstone [blades] glued with

turtle dung.

Th e turquoise ear plugs

They are made in this manner: They are entirely covered with [a mosaic of] turquoise.

The quetzal [feather] shield 5with the stepped fret design

It is made in this manner: Split bamboo[pieces ]6 are put together with maguey fiber.

They are reinforced with heavy bamboo andcovered with precious feathers. The design isof quetzal [feathers].

Th e Huaxtec quetzal [feather] shield 7

It is covered with yellow parrot [feathers].The design is of quetzal [feathers]. It has ahanging border [of feathers ].8

The yellow parrot [feather]death's head sh ield 9

It is completely covered with yellow parrot[feathers]. In the center, in lovely cotinga

4. M aquavit l (macuahuit l ) : On this basic, close-quarter weapon of the contact-period Cen tral Mexican warrior, see the discussion, with illustrations from primary sources, in Hassig 1988: 83-85, 289-290. According to him, the alleged "tur tle dung glue . . . is apparently metaphorical and refers to the appearance of the substance, as actua l turtle dung was not a Mesoamerican adhesive."

5. Chimall i quetzalx icalv l i uhqui : This shield, featuring one of the comm onest of the feather shield patterns, is carried by the first t la toani pi l l i on fol. 72r. Seler (1902-1923, II: 551-552, Abb. 60, 80b, 88a, 89a, 100, 109a, 128, 161, 163a) discussed this shield and illustrated other examples in the M atri cula de Tributos, Cod ex Mendoza, and Li enzo de Tlaxcala,

6. Teot lat ica: According to Hernández (1959-1984, II: 397),teo t lat l was a species of bamboo that grew as thick as a man's arm and was used for staffs (cf. Santamaría 1959: 776). Seler (1902-1923, II: 551) read the word asteocuitlatica, "durch einem Goldrand verstärkt."

7 Q uetzal cuexyo chimal li : This shield is carried by the second t l a toani p i l l i on fol. 72r. It displays another common pattern of the feather shields. Seler (1902-1923, II: 552, Abb. 59, 62, 78, 80a, 85, 89b,12J 133, 141, 142, 165, 179) discussed the shield and illustrated other examples in the M atri cula d e Tributos, Co dex Mendoza, and Li enzo de Tlaxcala. He identified the crescen t motifs tha t are a prominent feature of its decorative forma t with the yacametztli , "nose moon," the nasal ornament worn by the goddess Tlazolteotl/Ixcuina and other deities associated with the Huaxteca.

8. Tentlapilolo: literally, "it has a hanging border," i.e., of feathers.9. Tozmiquizyo chimall i : This shield is carried by the upper tiacauh on fol. 72v.

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miquiztli—.

teucuitlaxapochimalli

ynic tlatzaquali tlagovitl nepatla mani teo-cuitlayavaltic teocuitlapepeyocyo yn itentlapilolo.

quauhtetepoyo chim alli

ynic tlatzacutlj quavivitl yn itetepo mochi-uhticac auh yn izte cuztic teocuitlatl tentla-pilolo.

teocuitlateteyo chimalli

ynic tlatzactli ga motquitica toztlj auh yn

iztac tevcuitlatl macuiltemani y inepatlateocuitlapepeyocyo yn itlapilolo.

pvztequi chimalli

ynic tlatzaquali centlacol tozt li cetlacol que-zalli tegouhqui.

cuztic tevcuitlaguyanacvchtli

ynic tlachiuhtla tlatzotzotli teocuitlatecuep-qui goyatic.

feathers, is the representation of a skull likea death['s head.]

The golden disc shield 10

It is covered with precious feathers. In thecenter is a gold disc; it is gleaming wi th gold.It has a hanging border [of feathers].

The eagle's foot shield 11

It is covered with eagle feathers. [Th e eagle's]foot is fashioned upright and its claws are ofgold. It has a hanging border [of feathers].

The silver stones shield

It is covered entirely with yellow parrot

[feathers], and there are five silver stones inthe center; it is gleaming with silver. It has ahanging border [of feathers].

The cleft shield 12

One half of it is covered with yellow parrot[feathers], one half with quetzal [feathers].It has an open border [of feathers] around theedge.

Th e gold palm ear plug 13

It is made in this manner: It is of beaten gold.Th e border turns back like a palm.

10. Teocuitlaxapochimalli: This shield is carried by the lower tiacauh on fol. 72v. Seler (1902 -1923 , II: 553-5 54, Abb.57, 67) noted and illustrated its presence also in the Codex M endoza and the Cod ex Tell eri ano-Remensis, as well as its mention in the itemization of the battle accouterments of the lords in Book 8, Chapter 12, of the Historia (Sahagiin 1950-19 82, Part IX [Book 8[: 33-3 4; 1988, II: 509-51 0).

11. Quauhtetepoyo chimal li : This shield is the top illustration of fol. 75v. For the ideological connotations of this device, particularly as a symbol of various earth/fertility goddesses, see the discussions by Seler (1902-1923, II: 554-555 , Abb. 72, 108) and, more recently, Nicholson (1994). Just below it is an illustration, appropriately annotatedogelo-

Chapter IV: tetepoyo chimall i, of a shield featuring the device of a jaguar's paw. This shield is omitted in the textual listings of Things fol. 68r.

Relative ^ vzteclu 1 (poztecqui): Seler (1902-1923, II: 556, passim) translated this term as "bicolored." The illustration ofto Man s e^' labeled quetzal puztecqui chimal li , is the fourth from the top on fol. 75v. However, as Seler noted, this

image differs from the textual description, which appears to describe a continuous edging of feathers attached to the entire border like that of the ihui tezouhqui chimal l i on fol. 80r. Here it is clearly another version of the tentlapilolo (see note 8, this paragraph), the common feather fringe that edges just the lower border of the shield.

262 13. Cuztic tevcuitl aguyanacvchtli : These gold earspools are illustrated as the lowermost item on fol. 75v.



cvzcapetlatl The mat necklace14

ynic tlachiuhtli tlapitzali teocuitlatl tlatza-tzaztectl epâtitla petlaçotl tencoyollo.

It is made in this manner: It is of cast gold. Itis cut into strips and laid out in three rowslike a fine mat. It has a border of round bells.

teucuitlacuzcatl tem oltic

tlapitzali in teocuitlatl tlacuilolo yuhqui temoli ypá tlaq'xtili.

chayauac cvzcatl

ynic tlachiuhtli tlaçotl ÿ teocuitlatl chal-chivitl tlaneloli nepâtla pilcac teocuitlatltecoyolo.

chalchiuhcvzcatl ololiuhqui

ynic tlatlalili vel ololtic ÿ chalchivitl veltomatic çâ motq 'tica

xiuheuatl

ynic tlachiuhtli tilmatitech tlatectlj tlavi-pâtli ÿ xiuhtototl tëtlapilolo.

pillivieuatl

ynic tlachiuhtli. çâ mochi pilivitl yn itechtlatectlj tilmatlj tëtlapilolo.

The golden beetle neck lace 15

Gold is cast. It is designed, it is formed like abeetle.

16The necklace of radiating pendants

It is made in this manner: Gold [and] greenstone [beads] are strung, mingled. In the center hangs [a green stone disc] with round goldbells around the edge.

17Th e necklace of round green stone beads

It is fashioned entirely of perfectly round,very thick [pieces of] green stone.

The turquoise [blue] tunic 18

It is made in this manner: On a piece of clothlovely cotinga [feathers] are placed, set inrows. It has a hanging border [of feathers].

The tunic of princely feathers 19

It is made all of princely feathers which areplaced on cloth. It has a hanging border [offeathers].

14. Cvzcapetlatl: The first t l a toani p i l l i on fol. 72r wears this necklace.15. Teucuitl acuzcatl t emolt ic: This necklace is pictured as the item fifth from the top on fol. 75v. It is discussed by

Seler (1902-1923 ,11: 550, Abb. 65, 66a/b), who noted that the illustration depicts a necklace composed only of globular beads, none in the shape of beetles. Citing two illustrations in Hernández (1651: 832), he also identified the temolin as "die bekannten Formen der tropischen Dynastidae oder Riesenkafer erkennen wird." It is identified as Hallorina duguesi in Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII (Book 11): 100; 1988, II: 904.

16. Chayauac cvzcatl : The second t la toani pi l l i on fol. 72r wears this necklace. Seler (1902-1923, II: 551, Abb. 15, 48)

noted its inclusion in the list of dance accouterments of the rulers in Book 8, Chapter 9, of the Historia (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part IX [Book 8]: 28), on the picture of the mummy bundle of the Tenochca ruler Ahuitzotl (Duran 196^ II: Lám. 36), and on the po rtrait of the noble on fol. 55 v tha t illustratesPrim eros Memorial es Chapter III, Paragraph 5 (note 1).

17 Chalchiuhcvzcat l o lo l iuhqui : The third t la toani p i l l i on fol. 72v wears this necklace.18. Xiuheuat l : Molina (1944, Part II: 29v) definesehuatl as "cuero por curar, o mondadura y caxcara de fruta." See

Anawalt 1981: 50-52 for discussion of these warrior suits, with specification of the various English terms used by modern students for them.

19.Pil l i v ieuat l : Pi l l ihui t l may mean "ch ick feathers" rather than "princely feathers." See description of the toznene (young yellow-headed parrot; A mazona ochrocephala [Gmelin] in Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII (Book 11): 22-23; 1988, II: 692-693. This tunic is worn by the secondt l a toani p i l l i on fol. 72r.

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tozeuatl The yellow parrot [feather] tunic

Chapter IV:Things

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264

ynic tlachivali <ja mochi toztli yn itech tla-tectli tilmatlj tétlapilolo.

aztaeuatl

yn itech tlatectli tilmatlj gá motquitica az-tayvitl tétlapilolo.

tozcvyotl

ynic tlachiuhtli colotli tlatlalili yn iuhquiytzonteco coyutl yc tlatzacuali toztlj yquetzal-temal.

xiuhcoyotl

ynic tlachiuhtli ynic tlatzacutlj eoyotzoteco-matl. xiuhtotoyvitl no yqtzaltemal.

quetzalquaquavitl

ynic tlatlalili tlagoyvitica tlatzacutli tzote-comatl ocápá man i qtzalj.

quetzaltzitzimitl

ynic tlatlalili colotlj yuhqui miquiztlj tzon-tacomatl çâ motquitica quetzali yn itzôtecoyuhquin i quatatapa.

It is made al l of yellow parrot [feathers] placedon cloth. It has a hanging border [of feathers].

Th e w hite heron [feather] tunic

On an entire piece of cloth are placed whiteheron feathers. It has a hanging border [offeathers].

The yellow parrot [feather] coyote [insignia ]20

It is made in this manner: A frame is fashioned like a coyote's head. It is covered withyellow parrot [feathers]. It has its crest ofquetzal [feathers].

The blue coyote [insignia ]21

It is made in this manner: Th e head of a coyote is covered with lovely cotinga feathers.It, too, has its quetzal [feather] crest.

The quetzal [feather] horns [insignia ]22

It is fashioned in this manner: A head is covered with precious feathers; on each side are[tufts of] quetzal [feathers].

The quetzal [feather] demonof the dark [insignia ]23

A frame is fashioned resembling a death'shead. It is covered entirely with quetzal feathers. Its head is as if unkempt.

20. Tvzcoyotl: This zoomorphic military suit is worn by the third tiacauh on fol. 73r. Seler (1902-1923, II: 557-558, Abb. 74, 76, 78) noted and illustrated its appearance in other primary sources(M at rícula de Tribut os, Codex M endoza, Li enzo de Tlaxcala ). Compare notes 21, 73, 75,77, 78, 86, 8^ 90, this paragraph.

21. Xiuhcoyotl : A variant of the preceding battle dress, it is pictured as the lowermost item on fol. 74v. Seler (1902-1923, II: 560-561, Abb. 75) also noted and illustrated its appearance in theLi enzo de Tlaxcala. Compare notes20, 73, 75,77, 78, 86, 87, 90, this paragraph.

22. Quetzalquaquavit l : This battle headpiece is pictured as the third item from the top on fol. 73v. Seler (1902-1923, II: 561, Abb. 82, 83) noted its appearance also in theLi enzo de Tlaxcala. He suggested its connection with the goddess Xochiquetzal, whose principal iconographic feature was two bunches of quetzal feathers worn on her head.

23. Quetza l tz i tz imi t l : This headpiece is illustrated as the fourth item from the top on fol. 73r. As Seler (1902-1923, II: 562, Abb. 58. 85) recognized, the tribute sections of theM at rícula de Tri butos and the Codex M endoza include many examples of a complete t z i tz imi t l warrior suit. Concerning the significance of this macabre stellar demon, see Seler 1900-1901: 52-53.



quetzalquatlamoyaoalli

ynic tlatzacutlj tzötecomatl toztlj quetzal-xixilqui momoyaoatiuh.

xiuhananacaztli

ynic tlatzcutli tzocalmatlatl xiuhtototl teo-cuitlaatoyatlatlacuiloli yn inacaztla.

quetzalpatzactli

ynic tlachiuhtli colotlj tlatlalili nepapä ivitlynic tlatzacutlj ocâpa mixnam iqui y quetzaliyn icpac tlavipâtlj ça m otquitica qzalj.

teucuitlavevetl

ynic tlachiuh tlj co lotli tlatla lili yn iuhqui ve-vetl teocuitlaatica tlatlacuiloli quetzalpayo.

Th e head is covered with yellow parrot [feathers]. It has quetzal [feathers] stuck into it,going strewn [around it].

The blue water ears [insignia ]25

A net of hair is covered with lovely cotinga[feathers]. There are representations of goldstreams of water next to the ears.

The compressed quetzal[feathers insignia ]26

It is made in this manner: A frame is fashioned. It is covered with diverse feathers. Ontop, on each side, are rows of quetzal [feathers] which face each other,- they are entirelyof quetzal [feathers].

The quetzal [feather] bestrewnhead [insignia]24

It is made in this manner: A frame is fashioned like a drum. It has a design in gold 28[and] a quetzal [feather] crest.

The gold drum [insignia ]27

24. Quetzalquat lamoyaoal l i : This headpiece is pictured as the lowermost i tem on fol. 73v.25. Xiuhananacazt l i : This headpiece is illustrated as the lowermost item on fol. 75r. As Seler (1902-1923, II: 565,

Ahb. 87) noted, Torquemada (1975-1983, IV: 330) described this device as the exclusive prerogative of the "Chichimec emperors" of Tetzcoco.

26. Quetzalpatzactli: This military standard is borne by the first t la toani pi l l i on fol. 72r. As Seler (1902-1923, II: 565-566, Abb. 88. 89) noted, according to the account of the Tlatelolca merchants in Book 9 of theHistoria (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part X [Book 9]: 5-8; 1988, II: 539-543), during the reign of Ahuitzotl (1487-1502) this device was captured by an armed force of Mexicapochteca. After capturing a place called Cuauhtenanco, they claimed to have withstood a four-year siege by a coalition of towns of Anahu ac Ayotlan, including Tehuantepec and other comm unities to the east along the Chiapas coast (province of Xoconochco). This trophy, along with many others, was formally presented to the Tenochca huey t latoani . Thereafter apparently incorporated into the standard military panoply of the Triple Alliance armies, it is illustrated in the tribute lists of the M at rícula de Tri buto s, Codex M endoza, and Li enzo de Tlaxcala. Hassig (1988: 217-218 , 347-3 48) considers the merchants' boasts of their single-handed conquest of the area improbable,

but, citing numerous primary sources, he does attempt to recons truct this final major military campaign of Ahuitzotl's reign, led by Ahuitzotl's nephew, the future Tenochca ruler, Motecuhzoma II.27. Teucui tl avevetl : This standard is illustrated by the third figure from the top on fol. 74v. The huehuetl was the up

right cylindrical drum w ith a drumhead of anima l hide, usually beaten with the palms of the hands (see Castañeda and Mendoza 1933). Seler (1902-1923, II: 566, 594-597 Abb. 90, 91, 159, 160) noted that this type of drum, denominated in this context yopihuehuetl, was an element in the costume and insignia of the fertility deity Xipe Totee, which was adopted by Axayacatl, who ruled Mexico Tenochtitlan from 1469 to 1481, as his battle costume, as it was also by his son, Motecu hzoma II (1502-1520) (cf. Nicholson 1961). Seler also noted its presence on the military dress of the famed ruler of Tetzcoco, Nezahualcoy otl (Gemelli Careri 1699-17 00, VI— derived fromCodex Ixt li lxochit l 1976: 106r).

28. Teotcuitlaatica: read teocuitlatica.

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Chapter IV:Things

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266

tevcuitlapanitl The golden banners [insignia]29

ynic tlachiuh tlatzotzotlj teocu itlatl yuhquipaniti yc tlamatlj ome mani quetzaltzoyo.

quetzalpanitl

ynic tlachiuhtlj tlapuztectli qtzali tlaixnepa-noli no quetzaltzoyo.

It is made of beaten gold in pieces like banners. There are two. They have quetzal[feather] tufts.

The quetzal [feather] banners [insignia]

It is made of broken quetzal [feathers] fittedtogether. They too, have quetzal [feather]tufts.

quetzalcopilli

ynic tlatlalili colotlj quavitztic qztzalticatlatzacutlj quetzaltzoyo.

The quetzal [feather] conicalheadpiece [insignia ]30

A conical frame is fashioned. It is covered withquetzal [feathers]. It has a quetzal [feather]tuft.

çaquâpanitl

ynic tlach iuhtlj Ça mochi çaquàyvitl y panitiqtzaltzoyo.

The [black and gold] troupial[feather] banners [insignia ]31

The banners are made all of [black andyellow] troupial feathers. They have quetzal[feather] tufts.

quetzalpapalotl

colotli tlatlalili papalotl quetzaltica tlatla-cuilolo quetzaltzoyo

Th e quetzal [feather] butterfly [insignia ]32

A frame is fashioned; the butterfly is designed with quetzal [feathers]. It has a quetzal [feather] tuft.

29. Tevcuit lapanit l : The third t l a toani p i l l i , on fol. 72v, bears this standard. Seler (1902-1923, II:567, Abb, 92, 93) also noted its appearance in the Cod ex Tell eri ano-Remensis and Codex Vati canus A.

30. Quetzalcopil l i : This standard is pictured as the item second from the top on fol. 75r. Seler (1902-1923, II: 572, Abb. 103, 104) believed that it was similar to one shown in theLi enzo de Tlaxcala, b ut there with yellow parrot feathers, hence a tozcopilli. He also suggested that there was a relationship between this standard and the cuextecatl (Huax- tec) warrior costume (discussed by him, pp. 604-610), which, among other elements, featured versions of the conical headpiece, the copilli. For qztzaltica, read quetzaltica.

31. Qaquapanit l : This standard is pictured as the item second from the top on fol. 73v. Seler (1902-1923, II: 568, fig. 95) suggested that a version of it might be carried by the warrior of Xiquipilco in theCodex Tell eria no-Remensis (1995: 37v).

32. Quetzalpapalotl: The second t l a toani p i l l i on fol. 72r bears this standard. Concerning the floral and igneous symbolic connotations of this and the four other butterfly standards included in this paragraph, see Seler 1902-1923, II: 572-574, Abb. 62, 105-106, 138-139. As he noted, these devices are also pictured in the tribute sections of theMatr ic ula de Tributos and the Codex Mendoza (Abb. 107 108). Compare notes 33, 39, 64, 72, this paragraph.



xollopapalotl

ynic tlatlalili colotlj yuhqui papalotl çamochi xolo ynic tlatzacutlj qtzaltzoyo

quetzaltototl

ynic tlachiu htli ça no colotlj tlatlalili yuhquitototl qtzali yn iatlapal yoa yn icuitlapilquachichiq'le.

tzatzaztli

A frame is fashioned like a butterfly; it is allcovered with dark yellow parrot [feathers]. I thas a quetzal [feather] tuft.

Th e quetzal bird [insignia ]34

It is thus made: A frame is likewise fashioned like a bird. Its wings and tail are ofquetzal [feathers]. It has a crest [of feathers].

Th e warping frame [insignia ]35

The dark yellow parrot[feather] butterfly [insignia]33

ça mo chi quavitl yvitlatzavalj yn ite tlatectljqtzali ypä manj.

çaquâtonatiuh

ynic tlatlalili colotlj yaoaltic çaquayviticatlatzacutli tlatonatiuh ycuilolj.

ometochtlaviztli

ynic tlatlalili colotlj yuhqui corniti yn i

tlatzaquali pilivitl aztayvitl in icpac tlatlaliliquetzalxixilqui.

It is all of wood. A hank of feather yarn is laidalong the edge. On it is [a crest of] quetzal[feathers].

Th e [ black and yellow] troupial[feather] sun [insignia ]36

Thu s is it made: There is a circular frame. Itis covered with [black and yellow] troupialfeathers in the design of the sun.

The Two Rabbit insignia 37

A frame is fashioned like an earthenware

vessel. It is covered with princely feathers 38[and] heron feathers. On top are set quetzal[feather] spikes.

33.Xollopapalotl: This standard is pictured as the illustration second from the top on fol. 74r. Compare notes 32, 39,64, 72, this paragraph.

34. Quetzaltototl : This standard is illustrated at the top of fol. 74r. Seler (1902-1923, II: 375, Abb. 109a) suggested that a similar device was illustrated in the tribute section of the Codex M endoza.

35. Tzatzaztli: This standard is pictured at the top of fol. 74v.36. Qaquatonatiuh: This standard is pictured as the third item from the top on fol. 74r.37 Ometochtlaviz t l i : This standard is illustrated as the lowermost item on fol. 74r. Ome Tochtli, Two Rabbit, was

the calendric name of the octli gods in the aggregate. The device represents an octl i (pulque) pot of a well-known type. The globular portion of the vessel displays the typical facial decoration of the octl i deities, with the crescentic nose ornament, yacametztli, superimposed on the central area in red, which is flanked by dark green zones decorated with yellow lozenge-shaped elements. To the body of the pot are attached the typical winglilce appendages bearing the same red and dark green colors. The foam of the beverage is represented by white heron plumage, garnished with green quetzal feathers. See Seler 1902-1923, II: 575; Bankmann 1984; Nicholson 1991; Anawalt 1993a.

38. Pi l i v i t l : See note 19, this paragraph.

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chipolcvzcatl The snail shell necklace40

ynic tlachiuhtli ça mochi chipoli yn tlaçotltlacozcatlalili tepitotô.

tezacanecuilli

ynic tlachiuhtli tecziztli chitecoltic ynic tla-tectlj yztac.

ixcoloiuhqui chimalli

ynic tlachiùhtli otlatl ÿ tlatzayâtli ychicpa-tica tlavipàtli tlapalivitica tlatlacuilolo të-tlapilolo.

tepachiuhqui chimalli

ynic tlachiuhtli yvitica tlatzacutli tepuztla-tzotzôtli ypâ mamani yviteçouhqui.

tlapalxapochimalli

ynic tlatzacutli toztli nepâtla mani chichilticynic nez ixapo.

tezacanecuilochimallj

ynic tlach iuhtli t liltic ÿ petlâqui yn ipâ manjyztac y yn iuhq' tezacanecuili.

It is made all of small snail shells that arestrung together and fashioned into a necklace.

Th e curved lip ornament

It is made of a conch shell cut in a curve. Itis white.

The curved eye shield 41

It is made in this manner: Split bamboo[pieces] are fitted together with maguey fiber. It is designed in red feathers. It has ahanging border [of feathers].

The flattened shield 42

It is made in this manner: It is covered withfeathers,- beaten copper is laid over it. It hasan [open] border of feathers around the edge.

Th e red disc shield 43

It is covered with yellow parrot [feathers]. Inthe center appears a red disc.

The shield with the curved lip ornament 44

It is made in this manner: On a shiny blackbackground is a white [design] like a curvedlip ornament.

40. Chipolcvzcatl: This necklace, specified as being of gold, is worn by the first tiacauh on fol. 72r. It is composed of alternating gold and green globular beads, possibly in the form of shells.

41.Ixcol iuhqui ch ima l l i :

This shield is illustrated as the third item from the top on fol. 79v.42. Tepachiuhqui chimal l i : Seler (1902-1923, II: 578) preferred the translation "Der mit Kupferblechknopfen

verzierte Schilde." It is not illustrated separately in the paragraph. He suggested that it represented the usual variety of the quetzalcuexyo or the teocuitlateteyo shield.

43. Tlapalxapo chimall i : No illustration of this shield is included in this paragraph, but two other shields that are pictured are very similar: the teocuit laxapochimall i , carried by the first tiacauh on fol. 72v (see note 10, this paragraph), and the texoxapochimalli, pictured as the item second from the top on fol. 80r, where the central disk is blue.

44. Tezacanecuilo chimal li : This shield is pictured as the uppermost figure on fol. 80r. The tusklike lip plug, the te(n)zacanecuilli, was particularly but not exclusively a badge of the Tlaxcalteca warrior. Seler (1902-1923, II: 578) noted its occurrence on shields in the Li enzo de Tlaxcala (e.g., 1983: 13).

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zitlallo chimalli The star-studded shield45

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ynic tlachiuhtli cacalivitl ynic tlatzacutljyztac yvitl yn ipa mamani zitlalpoi.

ihuitezuvhqui chimalli

ynic tlachiuhtli tlil y petlani apetzyo texo-tica tlacuilolo tezuuhqui.

tlaavitectli chimalli

It is made in this fashion: It is covered withcrow feathers. On i t are large stars 46 of whitefeathers.

The shield with the open feather border 47

It is made of black [feathers] glistening withpyrites. It is designed in blue; there is an[open] border [of feathers] around the edge.

The whitened shield 48

It is made in this manner: It is entirely covered with chalk; thus it is whitened.

The red parrot [feather] tunic 49

It is made entirely of red parrot feathers seton a piece of cloth. It has a hanging border [offeathers].

The red feathered tun ic 50

On an entire piece of cloth bright red feathersare set. It has a hanging border [of feathers].

The turkey hen feather tunic

Turkey feathers are set on the entire piece ofcloth—just the fine, curly ones .51

45. Zi t l a l lo chimal l i : This shield is illustrated as the lowermost item on fol. 79v.46. Zi t l a lpo i : read citlalpal.47 Ihu i t ezuvhqu i chimal l i : This shield is pictured as the fifth item from the top on fol. 80r. Seler (1902-1923, II:

578 -579 )— apparently basing his judgment principally on the shield's somewhat similar decorative scheme, featuring small white circles in a radial pattern, and its feather edgings—believed that this shield was a variant of the zi t lal lo

chimall i (see note 45, this paragraph). The white ring in the center he identified as the anahuatl, the circular white shell pectoral with red leather wrapping on its upper segment that was particularly characteristic of the attire of the deity Tezcatlipoca.

48. Tlaavi tect l i chimal l i : This shield is illustrated as the lowermost item on fol. 80r.49. Chamolleuat l : Seler (1902-1923, II: 580) preferred the translation "Das Hemd aus dunkelvioletten Federn." This

battle tunic is illustrated on fol. 76r., at the top.50. Tlapal l iv ieuat l : This battle tunic and the following one, to to l ihuiehuat l , were probably quite similar to the

chamolehuatl, but they are not illustrated in this paragraph.51. Itec: read it ech. Pacolti c: read pacoltic.

ynic tlachiuhtli 5a motquitica tizatl ynictlaavitectli.

chamolleuatl

ynic tlachivali ga motquitica chamolivitl ynitech tlatectli tilmatli tentlapilolo.

tlapallivieuatl

yn itech tlatectli tilmatli ga motquitica chi-chiltlapalivitl tentlapilolo.

totollivieuatl

yn itec tlatectli tilmatli ga motquitica totol-ivitl ga pacoltic.



tlapalquaxolotl The red Xolotl head [insignia]52

ynic tlachiuhtli colotli tlatlalili yaoaltic ynictlatzacutli cham olivitl tetlapilolo ycpac ca ymiquiztli quetzaltzoyo pepeyocyo.

iztac quaxolotl

ynic tlatlalili gá no iuhqui aztaiviticá tlatzacutli yn itétlapilolo teocuitlapepeyocyo ycpacca y miquiztli quetzaltzoyo.

cuegalpatzactli

ynic tlatlalili colotli yuhqui tzontecomatlyvitica tlatzacutlj ycpac tlauipátli cuezali gá motq'tica.

tlacvchpatzactli

ynic tlatlalili gá no iuhq' ga motquitica tla-coch tli m itl mamazyo yn icpac tlavipátli.

cacalpatzactli

ynic tlatlalili gá no iuhqui gá motquitica ca-calivitl y n icpac tlavipantli.

tlecocomoctli

ynic tlatlalili colotli yaoaltic yvitica tlatzacutlj gá motq'tica cuezali yn icpac tlamatli

It is made in this manner: A round frame isconstructed which is covered with red parrotfeathers .53 It has a hanging border [of feathers], On top is a death['s head] with a tuft ofquetzal [feathers]. It has bright [adornment].

Th e w hite Xo lotl head [insignia]

It is thus fashioned: It is similarly coveredwith w hite heron feathers. It has its hangingborder [of feathers and] bright gold adornments. On top is a death['s head] with a tuftof quetzal [feathers].

Th e compressed macaw [feather insignia ]54

A frame is fashioned like a head, which is covered with feathers. On top is a row entirely ofmacaw [feathers].

Th e compressed dart [insignia ]55

It is fashioned in the same way; it is entirelyof darts, of arrows, made from quills in a rowon top.

The compressed crow [feather insignia ]56

It is fashioned in the same way; it is entirelyof crow feathers in a row on top.

The crackling fire [insignia ]57

A circular frame is fashioned [and] coveredwith feathers. [The flames] on top are en-

52. Tlapalquaxolotl : This battle standard and the following one, izt ac quaxolotl , are illustrated as the items second and third from the top, respectively, on fol. 76r. Another, called tozquaxolotl, is borne by the first tiacauh on fol. 72v. As Seler (1902-1923, II: 581-584, Abb, 12^ 128, 129) noted, although here the heads atop these umbrella-lilce standards are skulls (and are so designated [miquiz t l i ] in the texts), in illustrations of these devices in other sources (Matr icula de Tributos, Cod ex M endoza, Li enzo de Tlaxcala) the head is that of the caninoid monster god, Xolotl—which fits the name of the standard.

53. Chamol iv i t l : Seler (1902-19 23, II: 583) preferred the translation "m it dunkel rothen chamol-Federn belegt."54. Quecalpatzactli: This standard is illustrated as the topmost item on fol. 76v. Seler (1902-1923, II: 584, Abb. 130,

133) noted its occurrence in theM atri cula de Tributos, and it also occurs on the cognate folios of the tribute section of the Cod ex M endoza.

55. Tlacvchpatzactli: This standard is pictured as the lowermost item on fol. 76r.56. Cacalpatzactli: This standard is illustrated as the item second from the top on fol. 76v.57 Tlecocomoctli: This standard is illustrated as the item third from the top on fol. 76v.

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tétlapilolo. tirely of red macaw [feathers]. It has a hanging border [of feathers].

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tlapallivitelolotli

ynic tlatlalili ololtic yn otlatl tlapitzaoa-catzayâtli ytech tlatectlÿ y tlapalivitl pepey-ocyo qtzaltzoyo.

iztac ivitelolotli

ynic tlatlalili çâno iuhqui çâ motquitica yztacyv itl pepeyocyo quetzaltzoyo.

macuilpanitl

ynic tlachiuhtli macuili mani y paniti yui-tica tlatzacutli quetzaltzoyo.

aztatzüntli

ynic tlatlalili colotli yuhqui corniti yviticatlatzacutli çâ mochi iztac yvitl yn icpac ye-tiuh qztzaltzoyo.

copilli iztac

ynic tlatlalili colotli quavitztic aztaiviticatlatzacutli tentlapilolo quetzaltzoyo.

The red feather ball 58

A ball is fashioned of bamboo which wassplit into long, thin strips. On it are set redfeathers. It has bright [adornments and] aquetzal [feather] tuft.

Th e w hite feather ball 59

It is thus fashioned: It is similarly entirely ofwhite feathers. It has bright [adornments and]a quetzal [feather] tuft.

Th e five flag [insignia ]60

It is made in this m anner: Th ere are five flagsthat are covered with feathers. They havequetzal [feather] tufts.

The heron [feather] hair [insignia ]61

A frame is constructed like an earthenwarevessel. It is covered with feathers. On top goall white feathers. It has a quetzal [feather]tuft.

The white conical headpiece [insignia ]62

A conical frame is constructed. It is coveredwith heron feathers. It has a hanging border[of feathers and] a quetzal [feather tuft].

58. Tlapall ivi te lolotl i : This standard is pictured as the lowermost item on fol. 76v.59. Iz tac ivi t elolotl i : This standard is illustrated as the topmost item on fol. 77r. Seler (1902-1923, II: 590, Abb. 145,

148) suggested that a version of it might be pictured in the Li enzo de Tlaxcala.60. Macui lpan i t l : This standard is pictured as the item second from the top on fol. 77r. Seler (1902-1923, II: 585-586,

Abb. 134, 135) noted various occurrences of this device in theLi enzo de Tlaxcala.61. Azta tzvnt l i : This standard is illustrated as the item third from the top on fol. 77r. As Seler (1902-1923, II: 589,

Abb. 143, 147) noted, the device is also pictured in theLi enzo de Tlaxcala and constituted the standard headdress of the octl i and rain gods. For qtzaltzoyo, read quetzaltzonyo.

62. Copill i iz tac : This standard, labeled here aztacopilli, is pictured as the lowermost item on fol. 77r. This device is clearly a variant of the quetzalcopilli, which is discussed in note 30, this paragraph.



tozcololiThe yellow parrot [feather]

serpentine [insignia ]63

ynic tlatlalili colotli coco ltic çâ moch i toztli A serpentine frame is constructed. It is allynic tlatzacutli cuezaltzoyo covered with yellow parrot [feathers]. It has a

red macaw [feather] tuft.

dapali tzmitl

ynic tlatlalili colotli quavitztic patlachticynic tlatzacutli yvitl cêtlacol yztac cêtlacolchichiltic.

itzpapalotl

ynic tlatlalili colotli yaoaltic ocäpä manj te-puztlatzotzötli yn icpac tlapapalotectlj.

xacalli

ynic tlachiuhtli colotli yuhqui xacali yviticatlatzacutlj tentlapilolo.

caltzaqualli

ynic tlatlalili colotli yuhqui cali çâ no yvi

tica tlatzacu tli tétlapilolo.

çacacalli

ynic tlatlalili yuhqui tlapevali colotli yztacyvitica tlatzacutlj.

The red arrowhead [insignia ]64

A frame is cons tructed that is pointed at thetop and broad [at the base]. Half of it is covered with white [feathers and] half with red.

The obsidian butterfly [insignia ]65

Thus is it constructed: There is a circularframe. On the two sides are [sheets of] beatencopper. On top is [a figure] cut in the form ofa butterfly.

The straw hut [insignia ]66

A frame is constructed like a straw hut. It iscovered with feathers [and] has a hangingborder [of feathers].

The masonry house [insignia ]67

A frame is constructed like a [masonry]

house. It is also covered with feathers [and]has a hanging border [of feathers].

The grass hut [insignia ]68

A frame is constructed like a trap. It is covered with white feathers.

63. Tozcololi: This standard is pictured as the topmost item on fol. 77v. Seler (1902-1923, II:587, Abb. 140, 141, 142) noted its occurrences also in the M atri cula de Tiibutos, the tribute section of the Codex M endoza, and the Li enzo de Tlaxcala.

64. Tlapal i tzmit l : This standard is illustrated as the item second from the top on fol. 77v.65. Itzpapalotl: This standard is illustrated as the second item from the top on fol. 78v. As Seler (1902-1923, II:

586-587) indicated, the cruciform elements of sheet copper that tip the butterfly's legs in the depiction of the Otomi igneous/mortuary deity Otontecuhtli in Chapter I, Paragraph 5A, are designated itzpapalotl. Itzpapalotl was also the name of a prominent "Ch ichim ec" fertility goddess (discussion in Seler 190 0-1 901: 107-108). Compare notes 32, 33, 39,72, this paragraph.

66. Xacal l i : This standard is illustrated as the lowerm ost item on fol. 77v.67 Caltzaqual l i : Th is standard is pictured as the topmost ite m on fol. 78r.68. Qacacalli: This standard is illustrated as the item second from the top on fol. 78r.

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tzipitl The fretful child [insignia]69

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ynic tlachiuhtli quavitl tlaxintli yuhqui pil-t5tli tlatzotlanili ymac ca ytlamatzoval.

tlazimalvapalli

ynic tlach iuhtli colotli yuhqui vapali ic tlazi-malo vnca ca ytztapaltetl.

vexolotl

ynic tlatla li colo tli yuhqui vexolotl tlayviyo-tili cacaxyo.

ixtlapalpanitl

It is made in this manner: Wood is carvedlike a child. It is varnished. In his hand is hisrolled tortilla.

The maguey fiber pulling board [insignia ]70

A frame is constructed like a plank by meansof which maguey fibers are pulled. A flatstone is there.

The turkey cock [insignia ]71

A frame is constructed like a turkey cock. Itis covered with feathers [and] it has a carrying frame [as tail].

Th e transverse banner [insignia ]72

ynic tlachiuhtli paniti gan ixtlapal onoc ocàpatlapilolo.

tlilpapalotl

ynic tlatlalili colotlj yuhqui papalotl cacal-ivitica tlatzacutli quetzalo.

tlapalcvyotl

It is made in this manner: A flag lies transversely. It has a tassel hanging on each side.

The black butterfly [insignia ]73

A frame is constructed like a butterfly. It iscovered with crow feathers. It has a quetzal[feather crest].

Th e red coyote [insignia ]74

ynic tlatlalili co lotli yuhq' coyutl ytzóteco A frame is constructed like a coyote. Its headtlapa livitica tlatzacu tli no iuhquin ieoayo. is covered with red feathers, as well as its skin.

69. Tzipi t l : This standard is illustrated as the third item from the top on fol. 78r. Molina (1944, Part II: 152v) defines tz ip i t l as "la criatura que esta enferma o desganada a causa de estar su madre preñada." The corrupted form chipi l is still in use today.

70. Tlazimalvapal l i : This standard is pictured as the item third from the top on fol. 78v. The instrument it represents played a significant role in the preparation and utilization of the fiber of the maguey, one of the most useful culti- gens of pre-Hispanic Central Mexico. The fibers, first soaked in water, were removed by abrading them with this wooden device and were then employed for various purposes, including weaving them into the coarse cloth that served for the clothing of the lower socioeconom ic classes. See Anawalt 1981:2 9; M useo Nacional de Culturas Populares 1988.

71. Vexolotl: This standard is illustrated as the fourth item from the top on fol. 78v. An aspect of the turkey cock, huexolotl, called chalchiuhtoto l in , was one of the "Thirteen Sacred Birds" who served as patrons, along with the "Nine Lords" and the "T hirte en Lords," of sequent days of the 260-day divinatory cycle, thetonalpohualli (see Nicholson 1971: Table 2).

72. Ix t lapalpani t l : This standard is illustrated as the topmost item on fol. 79r.73. Tli lpapalot l : This standard is illustrated as the third item from the top on fol. 77v. Compare notes 32, 33,39, 64,

this paragraph.74. Tlapalcvyot l : This ba ttle suit is illustrated as the second item from the top on fol. 79r. Compare notes 20, 21, 75,

11, 78, 86,SJ 90, this paragraph.



tlaq'miloli The bundle [insignia]75

ynic tlatlalili co lotli yuhqui quim ili nacazyl-pitica.

iztac cvyutl

ynic tlachiuhtli ça mochi iztac yvitl ynictlatzacutli ytzöteco yoan yn ievayo.

mexayacatl

ynic tlatlalili colotli quavitztic yquanepâtlaycac yuhq'n chichiquiltic m ixtexovi.

A frame is constructed like a bundle. Thecorners are tied.

76The white coyote [insignia]

It is made in this manner: Its head and skinare all covered with white feathers.

77The thigh-skin mask [insignia]

A conical frame is constructed. On the crownof its head is what is like a three-prongedharpoon. The face is painted blue.

[fol. 69r]

çitlalcoyutl The star-studded coyote [insignia] 78

ynic tlachiuhtli ga mochi tliltic yvitl ynictlatzacutlj ytzoteco no iuhq' ieoayo yztacyvitl ynic cuicuiltic.

tliltic cvyutl

ynic tlachiuhtli ga motquitica totolivitl pa-pagoltic.

maquavitzoctli

ynic tlaxintli avaquavitl nauhcapa cuitlate-tepone quavitztic

It is made in this manner: Its head as well asits skin is all covered with black feathers. Ithas spots of white feathers.

79Th e black coyote [insignia]

It is made in this manner: It is covered entirely with fine, [black] turkey-hen feathers.

The pointed war club80

A piece of oak is cut. The four sides havesharp edges. It has a pointed tip.

75. Tlaq’milo l i : This standard is pictured as the lowermost item on fol. 78r. The cult of the sacred bundle, the t l aqu imi lo l l i , was a significant aspect of indigenous Mesoamerican religion. See Stenzel 1970; Nicholson 1971: 409.

76. Iztac cvyut l : This military suit is not illustrated but must have been very similar to that pictured on fol. 75r as the item third from the top—sans the bunch of quetzal feathers. Compare notes 20, 21, 73, 11, 78, 86, 8^ 90, this paragraph.

77 Mexayacatl: This standard is illustrated as the topmost item on fol. 78v. For yquanepatla ycac y uh q’ chi chi qui l t ic , Seler (1902-1923, II: 592) preferred the translation "auf der Scheitellinie eine Art (Zacken) kam." On the significance of this "thigh-skin m ask," representing Itztlacoliuhqui, who was the son of the major earth/fertility goddess, Teteoinnan, and who played a significant role in the veintena ceremony of Ochpaniztli, see Seler 1902-1923, II: 592; Sullivan 1976b.

78. Qitlalcoyut l : This military suit is illustrated as the topmost item on fol. 79v. Compare notes 20, 21, 73, 75, 78, 86, 87 90, this paragraph.

79. Tl i l t i c cvyu t l : This battle costume is illustrated as the item second from the top on fol. 79v. Compare notes 20,21, 73, 75,11, 86, 89, 90, this paragraph.

80. Maquav i tzoc t l i : Molina (1944, Part II: 157vj defineshuitzoct l i as "palanca de roble puntiaguda para arrancar ces- pedes y abrir la tierra." The war club, which is not illustrated in this paragraph, was apparently somewhat similar in form to this agricultural tool. The latter, as Seler (1902-1923, II: 592) noted, served as the place sign for Huitzoco

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tlavitoUi The bow81

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ynic tlaxintli tomavac vel atic ÿ mitl tlaxal-tentlj

quauholloli

ynic tlaxintli avaquavitl çâ quaololtic.

It is wrought from a thick [piece of wood].With it a polished arrow can be shot.

Th e ball of wood

Thus is it wrought: It is [a piece of] oak, justa wooden ball.

atlatl

ynic tlaxintli tomaoac veyac mamazyo te-poztli yn iquac ca quauhtica ÿ quitlaça.

tematlatl

ynic tlachiuhtli mecatl ÿ tlamatlachioali vncâmotlalia ÿ tetl ynic tlamotlalo tlatematlavilo.

Th e spear-thrower 82

It is fashioned from a thick, long [piece ofwood]. It [the dart] has flight feathers ;83copper is at the tip. They hurled it with thepiece of wood.

The sling 84

Thus is it made: It is of rope made into a net.A stone is placed in it. With it stones arehurled; there is hunting with a sling.

PA R A G R A P H ( 8 )[fol. 72r]

C'è tlacatl tlatoani pilli yn itlatq 7 yn itlaviz

ychcavipil, yxiuheuauh. yteucuitlacuzca-petl. [illus.]

C h e accouterments [and] insignia of a personage, a ruler, a nobleman :85

His padded cotton shirt. His turquoise[ blue] tunic. His gold mat necklace. His green

(Codex M endoza 1992, HE: fol. 37r). Seler translated the term for the club "Der Morgenstern," seemingly likening it— somewhat dubiously—to the medieval European club of that configuration (cf. Hassig 1988: 85, 290).

81. Tlav i to l l i : The bow and arrow was particularly associated with the seminomadic, more barbarous "Ch ichim ec" lifestyle of the ancestors of many of the leading peoples of contact-period Central Mexico and with the hunters and gatherers of the arid northern Mexican steppes. It was also an important and effective weapon of the culturally more advanced Central Mexican groups at contact. See discussion in Hassig 1988: 79-8 0.

82. A t l a t l : On this important indigenous Mesoamerican weapon, see Nuttall 1891; Seler 1902-1923, II: 368-369; Noguera 1945; Hassig 1988: 75-76.

83. Mamazt l i : Compare Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 55; an alternative translation would be "quills" (Molina 1944, Part II: 52r:canon con plu ma).

84. Tematlatl: On this important weapon of the contact-period Central Mexican armies, see Hassig 1988: 8 0-8 1, 288.85. This text and all those following are contained on the nine folios (72-80) that Francisco del Paso y Troncoso in

serted between fols. 68 and 69. All feature illustrations as well as text. As is evident from the notes up to this point, most of these illustrations can be directly connected to the textual terms listed and annotated on folios 68-69, which contain Paragraph 8 as it fits conformably within the integrated structure of Chapter IV. The first six texts on folios 72r-73 r constitute substantial descriptions of the insignia and costum es of the lords, t la t oque p ip i l t i n (fol. 72r/72v), and three warrior captains, tiacahuan (fols. 72v/73r), with all of the costume and insignia items rendered in the possessive form. The remainder of the texts on these folios consist of short labels for each illustration, all in the nominative form.



ychalchiuhtëteuh.y teucuitlan acvch .yquetzalpatzac. ychimalquetzalxicalcvliuhqui.ymaquauh. ytlaçomaxtli.ytecpilcac.

Oc no çe tlacatl tlatoanipilli yn itlatq' yn itlaviz

ychcavipil.ypillivieuauh. yxiuhtêteuh. [illus.]ymayanacoch.ychayauac cuzqui.yquetzalpapaluh. ychimal quetzalcuexyo.ymaquauh. ytlaçomaxtli. ytlaçocac.

stone lip plug. His gold ear plugs. His compressed quetzal [feather insignia]. His quetzal [feather] shield with the stepped fret design. His war club. His precious breechcloth.His lordly sandals.

The accouterments [and] insignia of an

other personage, ruler, nobleman:His padded cotton shirt. His tunic of

princely feathers. His turquoise lip plug. His june beetle ear plugs. His necklace [of greenstone and gold] with radiating pendants. Hisquetzal [feather] butterfly [insignia]. His quetzal [feather] Huaxtec shield. His war club. Hisprecious breechcloth. His precious sandals.

[foi. 72v]

Jnic ei tlacatl pi lli yn itla tq yn itlaviz

ychcavipil. ytozeuauh. ychalchiuhtëteuh.[illus.] yxiuhnanacuch. yteucuitlapâ. ychal-chiuhcuzqui. ychimal tozmiquizyo. ymaquauh.ytlaçomaxtli. ytecpilcac.

Auh ynic ôcuemitltiyacaoâ yn Itlaviz

yn itlamamaltuzqua-xolotl. ychcavipil. [illus.]

ytlapalivieuauh.yteucuitlanacoch. yyacametz.yteucuitlachipolcuzqui.ychimal teucuitlaxapo.yquâmaxtli. ytlaçocac—

Th e accouterments [and] insignia of a thirdpersonage, a nobleman:

His padded cotton shirt. His yellow parrot[feather] tunic. His green stone lip plug. Histurquoise ear plugs. His gold banner. Hisgreen stone necklace. His yellow parrot[feather] death['s head] shield. His war club.His precious breechcloth. His lordly sandals.

And from the second group, th e brave warriors' insignia:

His yellow parrot [feather] Xolotl head [insignia] carried on the back. His padded cot

ton shirt. His tunic of red feathers. His goldear plugs. His crescent-shaped nose ornament. His necklace of gold snail shells. Hisgold disc shield. His eagle [feather] breechcloth. His lordly sandals.

[fol. 73r]

Jnic ome tlaca tl yn itlatqu i yn itlaviz

ychcavipil. yaztaeuauh. yxiuhnacoch. yteu-

cuitlatempilol. [illus.]yaztapatzac. ychimal texaxacalo. ytlaçomaxtli.

The accouterments [and] insignia of a second personage:

His padded cotton shirt. His heron [feather]

tunic. His turquoise ear plugs. His gold lippendant .86 His compressed heron [feather insignia]. His shield with the thick lips design.His precious breechcloth. His war club. Hisprecious sandals. Paragraph

(8)

86. Yteucuit la tempilol: This labret actually seems to be a temalacatentetl, "disk-shaped lip plug of fine turquoise in a gold setting." See Sahagiin 1950-1982, Part IX (Book 8): 27 277



Chapter IV:Things

Relativeto Man

278

ymaquauh. ytlaçocac.

Jn ic ei tlacatl yn itlatqu i yn itlavizycheavipil. ytuzcoyvuh. ytezacanecuil. ychi-mal tlilxapo. [illus.]yquâmaxtli.

yztaccac. ymaquauh.

The accouterments [and] insignia of athird personage.

His padded cotton shirt. His yellow parrot[feather] coyote [insignia]. His curved lip ornament. His black disc shield. His eagle[feather] breechcloth. His white sandals. His

war club.

[fol. 73v]

quetzalpanitl [illus.] Th e quetzal [feather] banners [insignia].£aquapan itl [illus.] Th e [black and gold] troupial [feather] ban-

- ner [insignia], -quetzalquaquavitl [illus.] Th e quetzal [feather] horns [insignia],quetz altzi tzim itl [illus.] Th e quetzal [feather] demon of the dark

[insignia],quetzalquatlamoyaoallj [illus.] Th e quetzal [feather] bestrewn head [in

signia].

[fol. 74r|

The quetzal bird [insignia].The dark yellow parrot [feather] butterfly

[insignia].The [black and yellow] troupial [feather]

sun [insignia].Th e Two Rabbit insignia. :

[fol. 74v |

quetzaltototl [illus.]xolopapalotl [illus.]

çaquâtonatiuh [illus.]

ometochtlaviztli [illus.]

tzatzaztli [illus.] Th e warping frame [insignia].The [black and yellow] troupial [feather]

butterfly [insignia].The gold drum [insignia].Th e red coyote [insignia ].87

[fol. 75r]

The turquoise [blue] coyote [insignia].The quetzal [feather] conical headpiece

[insignia].The white coyote [insignia ].88

The water ears [insignia],

87 Chamolcvyut l : This battle suit was not included in the textual listing of folios 68-69. Compare notes 20, 21, 73,75, 77 78, 87 90, this paragraph.

88. Iz tac cvyutl : This battle suit was not included in the textual listing of folios 68-69, but, as indicated in note 75, another of the same name, included among the insignia and accouterments assigned to the warrior captains, the tiacahuan, was probably nearly identical except for the absence of the quetzal feather plumage. Compare also notes 20,21, 73, 75, 77 78, 86, 90, this paragraph.

çaquâpapalotl [illus.]

teucuitlavevetl [illus.]cham olcvyu tl [illus.]

xiuhcoyotl [illus.]quetzalcopilli [illus.]

iztac cvyutl [illus.]ananacaztli [illus.]



[fol. 75v]

quauhtetepoyo chimalli [illus.]ogelotetepoyo chimalli [illus.]chimalli [illus.]

teucuitlateteyo

quetzalpuztecqui [illus.]chimalliteucuitlacuzcatl [illus.]

temolticteucuitlagoyanacochtli [illus.]nica tlami y pillatquitl y tlaviztli etc.

[fol. 76r]

Here begin the eagle warriors' insignia .90

Th e red parrot [feather] tun ic.The red Xolotl head [insignia].Th e w hite Xo lotl head [insignia].The compressed dart [insignia],

[fol. 76v|

Cuegalpatzactli [illus.]cacalpatzactli [illus.]tlecocomoctli [illus.]tlapallivitelolotli [illus.]

[fol. 77r]

The white feather ball.The five flag [insignia].The heron [feather] hair [insignia].The heron [feather] conical headpiece

[insignia],

[fol. 77v|

tozcoco lli [illus.] Th e yellow parrot [feather] serpentine [insignia],

tlapa litzm itl Th e colored arrowhead [insignia],tlilpapalotl Th e black butterfly [insignia],xacalli Th e straw hut [insignia],

89. Ogelotetepoyo: See note 11, this paragraph.90. This and the preceding annotation, both in a lighter colored ink, indicate the division of these illustrated folios

into two sections: the first, which ends on fol. 75v, devoted to the accouterments and insignia of the nobles, thepip i l t in , and the second, which begins on fol. 76r, concerned with those of the warriors of lesser social status, denominated "eagles," cuauhtin.

Paragraph

279

yztac ivitelolotli [illus.]macuilpanitl [illus.]aztatzutli [illus.]aztacopilli [illus.]

The compressed macaw [feather insignia].The compressed crow [feather insignia].The crackling fire [insignia].The red feather ball.

nica vmpeua y [illus.] quauhtlaviztlichamoleuatl [illus.]tlapalquaxolotl [illus.]yztac quaxolotl [illus.]tlacvchpatzactli [illus.]

The eagle's foot shield. Jaguar foot shield .89The silver stones shield.

The cleft quetzal [feathers] shield.

The golden beetle necklace.

The gold palm ear plug.Here end the noblemen's accouterments

[and] insignia.



[fol. 78r]

Chapter IV:Things

Relativeto Man

280

caltzaqualli Th e masonry house [insignia],cacacalli Th e grass hut [insignia],tzipito Th e fretful child [insignia],tlaqu imiloli Th e bundle [insignia],

[fol. 78v]

mexayacatlaviztli [illus.] Th e thigh-skin mask insignia,ytzpapalotl [illus.] Th e obsidian butterfly [insignia],tlazim aluapalli [illus.] Th e maguey fiber pulling board [insignia],vexolotl. [illus.] Th e turkey cock [insignia].

[fol. 79r]

yxtlapalpanitl [illus.]tlapalcvyutl [illus.]tlecvy utl [illus.]chimallaviztli [illus.]

çitlalcv yutl [illus.]tliltic cvyutl [illus.]ixcoliuhqu i chim alli [illus.]çitlallo chima llj [illus.]

teçacanecuilo chima llj [illus.]texoxapo chimallj [illus.]macpalo chimallj [illus.]yhuiteteyo chimallj [illus.]yhuiteteyo çouhqui [illus.] chimalljtlahavitectlj chimallj [illus.]

The transverse banner [insignia].The red coyote [insignia].The fire coyote [insignia ].91The shield insignia .92

[fol. 79v]

The star-studded coyote [insignia].Th e black coyote [insignia].The curved eye shield.The star-studded shield.

[fol. 80r]

The shield with the curved lip ornament.Th e blue disc shield.The hand shield .93Th e shield with the feather border.The shield with the open feather border.The whitened shield.

91. Tlecvyutl : This battle suit was not included in the textual listing of folios 68-69. Compare notes 20, 21, 73, 75,

77 78, 86, 87 this paragraph.92. Chimal lav iz t l i : This standard was not included in the textual listing of folios 68 -69. As Seler (1902-19 23, II: 592, Abb. 99) recognized, it consists of a shield with a feather fringe that features a kind of en face grotesque visage. It is similar to the decoration on the shield carried by the second of the tiacahuan on fol. 73r, which is denominated texaxacalo. Seler compared it to a somewhat similar shield device in the Li enzo de Tlaxcala.

93. Macpalo chimal l i : This shield was not included in the textual listing of folios 6 8-69 . As Seler (19 02-1923, II: 579, Abb. 1, p. 398, Abb. 2- 3 , pp. 40 0-40 1) , noted, a shield with a somewhat similar device (arm and hand) is carried by the Tenochca ruler Axayacatl as part of his Xipe Totec battle costume at Tenochtitlan's conquest of Tlatelolco in 1473, as depicted in the Codex Cozcatzi n and in a colonial oil painting of this ruler, probably related to the codex picture, now in the Handschriftensammlung Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna (ex-Bilimek collection).



PA R A G R A P H 9 [fol. 69r]

Jn ic . 9. parrapho ypä mitoa yn izqu itlam ätlicvcv liztli ypä mochiva ÿ tonacayo

allauac

ynic pati tzitzictic ytocä tlanelhuatl nica mo-chioa.

ynic pati vaxquavitl amo nicä mochioan i.

yztac allauac

T)inth paragraph, in which are told all thedifferent diseases that occur in our bodies .1

Phlegm

It is cured with a root called tzitzictic,2 whichgrows here.

Bloody phlegm

It is cured with huaxcuahuitl ,3 which doesnot grow here.

White phlegm

ezallauac

ynic pati yn tlanelhoatl ololiuhqui nica mo- It is cured with the root ololiuhqui ,4 whichchioa. grows here.

cuztic allauac Yellow phlegm

ynic pati y tlanelhuatl ytoca cocoztic ga no It is cured wi th a root called cocoztic,5 whichnica mochioa. also grows here.

tlailli Bloody stool

ynic pati yzquican icac y cetli tlatla y mi yoa It is cured with centl i t latla, which is every-foaeuatl. where; it is drunk with zoaehuatl.6

yztac tlailli Wh ite bloody stool

ynic pati gk no iuhqui yoa amo tie zeca ypayo It is cured in the same way [as bloody stool]ga tlatzivi. and also there is not much that is its remedy;

it just diminishes.

1. This paragraph lists a large number of human diseases, annotated with descriptions of the therapeutic techniques considered to have been appropriate for each, usually the application of medicinal herbs. Later in Tlatelolco Sahagun collected more extensive information on this topic (certified by eight "medicos mexicanos"), which he assigned to Chapter 28 of Book 10 of theHistor ia (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 139-163; 1988, II: 636-650). Gall (1940: 93-118) paleo-

graphized the chapter and translated it into German. Lopez Austin (1972: 136-147) did the same, with Spanish translation.2. Tzitzictic: unidentified herb. It should be noted that many of the medicinal herbs listed in this paragraph have not

been reliably identified botanically, even some of those well known in the literature. Also, differences of opinion concerning botanical identifications are not uncom mon, even among recognized authorities, a problem compounded by the fact that the same Nahuatl term was sometimes used for different—and variously identified—medicinal plants.

3. Vaxquavit l (huaxcuahuit l) : probably Acacia Crescencia al ata Colm., a tierra cali ente tree (Santamaria 1959: 569).4. Ololiuhqui: variously identified as Riv ea coiy mbosa, Ipomoea sidaefolia, and/or Datura metaloi des (Sahagun

1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 129, 165, 170).5. Cocoztic : Thali c i tmm heinandezi Tauch. (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 144-65).6. Centl i t la t la and goaeuatl: unidentified herbs.

Paragraph9

281



Chapter IV:Things

Relativeto Man

282

apitzallailli

ynic pati tlanelhuatl ytoca tzipipatli. nicamochiua.

apitzalli

ynic pati coyotomatl ga no ynelhuyo nicamochiua.

cvoaciviztli

ynic pati tlapatl yxiuhyo nica mochiua. yoámogo.

tlecouagiviztli

ynic pati gá no iuhqui.

teucocoliztli

ynic pati, mopotonia ocotzotica moneloa ypatii ga ca ichpoli yoá ga ca tlepatli nicamochiva.

togápotzalli

ynic pati, motequi yoá patii motema ytzietltenextlj.

xvchiziviztli

ynic pati.

mexvaliztli

ynic pati tlanelhuatl cucuztic nica mochiuayoá iztatl.

Bloody diarrhea

It is cured with a root called tzipipatli ,7 whichgrows here.

Diarrhea

It is cured with coyotomatl ,8 as well as itsroot. It grows here.

Gout

It is cured with the leaves of t lapatl ,9 whichgrows here; also one is bled.

Dysentery

It is cured in the same way.

Leprosy

It is cured thus: A plaster of pine resin 10

mixed with the medicine ichpoli 11 is applied,and also just with tlepatli, which grows here.

Scrofula

It is cured by cutting, and the medicationthat is applied is tobacco [and] lime.

Hemorrhoids

They are cured by. . . ,12

Abscess 13

It is cured with the root cocoztic, whichgrows here, and with salt.

7 Tzipipatli: unidentified herb.8. Coyotomatl : Vit exmol li s HBK (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 141, 144).

9. Tlapatl: Dat ura stramonium. L. (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 129, 147).10. Ocotzotica: Ocotzotl may be either pine resin or balsam of Liqui dambar styracif lua L. (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part

XI [Book 10]: 140-17).11. Ichpoli: unidentified herb; tlepatli may be various species of Plumbago or Tournifortia (Santamaria 1959: 1056,

1059; Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 157). Since each term is preceded by pa ca, perhaps they should be read gacaichpoli and pocaiepatli.Santamaria 1959: 1040 lists azacatepatli.

12. There is no further text.13. Mexvaliz t l i : problematical translation. Perhaps it should be read me ( tz t l i) -hualiz t l i , swelling or abscess of the

thigh. The meaning of abscess is suggested by such terms as t l axhuiz t l i (boil, abscess),nenepil laxhualiz t l i (tongue abscess), and so forth.



tläquaallavaliztli Swelling of the knee

ynic pati. mogo vitzauhcatica. quica yuhqui It is cured by puncturing with a maguey thorn,nopalalactlj. [A liquid] resembling cactus water comes out.

[fol. 69v|

nanauatl

ynic pati. nanauaxiuitl nicä mochiua yoämagayacatzollj.

totomoniliztli

ynic pati. xoxouhqui ocotzotl ic mopotoniayoá cétli tlatla vmopachoa.

gavatiliztli

ynic pati cococ tlacotl y tlanelhuatl itzticnicä mochiua.

Pustules

They are cured with nanahuaxihui t l ,14 whichgrows here, and with mazayacatzolli .15

Blisters

They are cured by applying a plaster of rawpine resin, and it is covered with centl i t latla.

Mange or itch

It is cured with cococ t lacot l, 16 a root that iscold, which grows here.

tlaxviztli

ynic pati tequixquitl calcuichtli ychcaychtljyoä ocotzotl nicä mochiua.

qualocatl

ynic pati motequi yoa patli pizietl tenextliomopachoa.

poc ava l iz t li

ynic pati totoicxitl ytoca xivitl yoä ynel-huayo nicä mochiua.

quavaquiliztli

ynic pati tlanelhuatl ylacatztic nicä mochiua.

Abscess

It is cured with saltpeter, soot, cotton fiber,and pine resin, which are produced here.

Chiggers

They are cured by cutting, and [the cuts are]covered with tobacco [and] lime.

Swelling

It is cured with the herb called t otoi cxi tl ,17 which grows here, and also its root.

Drying up

It is cured with the root of the i l acatzt i c,18 which grows here.

14. Nanauaxiu i t l : unidentified herb. A nanaguapa cie (antiv enerea y v uln erari a—Soli dago mexi cana) is listed in Santamaria 1959: 75.

15. Magayacatzollj: unidentified herb.16. Cococ tl acotl : unidentified herb.17 Totoicxit l : un identified herb.18. Ylacatztic: unidentified herb. :

Paragraph9

283



tlapalanaltiliztli Venereal disease

ynic pati ocpatli otótla mochiua yoá tlaya- It is cured wi th ocpatli,19 which grows inpaloni ytlatla nica mochiua. Otontlan, and with tlayapaloni itlatla,20

which grows here.

atonaviztli Fever 21

ynic pati xvm exiuitl yoá tlatzcax iuitl. nicá It is cured with xomexihui t l 22 and tlatzcax- mochiua. ihuit l ,23 w hich grow here.

tlanatonaviztli Toothache

ynic pati. tlaliyac. nacazcolotl. yoá tlalxocotl.tlalhuic mochiua.

necaxaniliztli

ynic pati. tlatlauhcapatli yoá vvcholtic tlanelhuatl nicá mochiua.

tzompiliviztli

ynic pati. tzompachquilitl yoá pigietl nicámochiua.

t l a t l ac iz t l i

ynic pati ololtatoti tlanelhuatl nica mochiua.yoá tenexatl.

tlanqualiztli

ynic pati pigietl yoá poponelhuatl nicámochiua.

19. Ocpatli: literally, "oct l i (pulque) medicine," roots or herbs of uncertain botanical identification that were added to the standard alcoholic beverage of pre-Hispanic Central Mexico to strengthen its intoxicating qualities (see Santamaría 1959: 768).

20. Tlayapaloni ytl atla: unidentified herb.21. Atonav iz t l i : Apparently chills and fever. See Molina 1944, Part II: fol. 9r, "atonaui, tener calentura con frio;

atonauiztli , calentura tal."22. Vxmexiui t l : unidentified herb.23. Tlatzcaxiui t l : un identified herb.24. Nacazcolot l: Caesalpina coriacea or C. coriari a (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 241).25. Tlatlauhcapatli: variously identified as Geranium carolini anum L., G. alchim il loi d.es, or A chi ma enes coccínea

Pers. (Sahagún 195 0-198 2, Part XI [Book 10]: 142, Part XII [Book 11]: 142; Santamaría 1959: 106 0; Hernández 1942-194 I: 62).

26. Vvcholt ic (oocholti c): unidentified herb.27 Tzompachquil i t l : possibly Sedum sp. (Hernández 1942-1946,1: 140).28. Ololtató t l i : unidentified herb.29. Popotl: A iun dinell a brasili ensis Roddi; the term was also applied to various grasses (Santamaría 1959: 882).

Chapter IV:Things

Relativeto Man

284

It is cured with copperas, nacazcolotl,24 andlye, which are produced in Tlalhuic.

Relapse

It is cured with t lat lauhcapatl i25 and the oo chol t ic 26 root, which grow here.

Head cold

It is cured with the tzompachquili t l27 andtobacco, which grow here.

Cough

It is cured with the root olol tat ontli ,28 andwith lime water.

Toothache

It is cured with tobacco and with popotl29 root, which grows here.



ynic pati. cuechtli michiqui motecä tona-cazco yoä oxiayutl.

yvvallecatl

ynic pati moxoxvtla itztica.

ixcvcoliztli

ynic pati coayeli ynelhuayo yoä cuitlapatliyxiuhyo nicä muchiua.

ixtamacoliciviztli

ynic pati mochichiqui yoä tequixquitl vmo-tema.

yxpopoyotiliztli

aocmo tie yc pati.

ixpatzavaliztli

cä no iuhqui aocmo no tie yc pati.

yxcueponiliztli

aocmo tie ypayo.

axixcvcoliztli

ynic pati coatli ynelhuayo yoä cucuc tlacutl.nicä mochiua.

cuitlatexcalvaquiztli

ynic pati tequixquiatl yoä ch illj.

nacazqualiztli

It is cured with the shell of the cuechtli,30 which is scraped. It is placed in the eartogether with liquid turpentine.

Nigh t wind [disease]

It is cured by making incisions with anobsidian knife.

Eye disease

It is cured with the root of the coayeli andwith cuitlapatli 31 leaves, which grow here.

Crab lice

Th ey are cured by scraping, and a sweat bathof saltpeter is taken.

Blindness

There is nothing by which it is cured.

One-eyedness

The same; there is likewise nothing bywhich it is cured.

Crossed eyes

Nothing is now its remedy.

Disease of the urinary tract

It is cured with the root of the coatli 32 andcococ t lacotl , which grow here.

Colic

It is cured with saltpeter water and chilipepper.

Earache

30. Cuechtl i : probably a gastropod (Oliva sp.); see Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI (Book 10): 141-22.31. Cuitlapatl i : unidentified herb.32. Coatli : Eysenhaidt ia pol ystachya Ort., or possibly Guayacum offin in al e, G. sanctum , G. pl anchoni, etc. (Saha

gun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 150, 153; Santamaria 1959: 580).

Paragraph9

285



tlallatonaviztly Earth fever

Jnic pati te tz itzi li yxiuhyo yoä xomexiuitl

yoallatonaviztli

yn ipayo tzitzicaztlj yoä xomexiuitl nicämuchiua

cuetzpaligiviztli

ynic pati. quigogo. quitzatzapitza.

tlatlagizmimiquiliztli

ynic pati. tlatemoviloni tlanelhuatl nicämuchiua.

quaxocociviztli

ynic pati motequi yoä tenextli. pigietlvmopachoa

mimiquiliztli

amo tie ypayo.

tzontecococoliztli

ynic pati mogo toyac yoä tzocuilpatli toyacacmoteca.

nec i o acax an i l i z t l i

ynic pati quequexquic yoä matlalgagalic yoätlacameayutl.

It is cured with tetzitzilin40 leaves and xomexihui t l .

Night fever

Its remedy is nettles and xomexihuitl , whichgrow here.

Lizard disease 41

It is cured in this manner: They bleed [thepatient]; they puncture him.

Chronic cough 42

It is cured with the t latemohniloni43 root,which grows here.

Head itch or mange

It is cured by cutting, and it is covered withlime [and] tobacco.

Loss of consciousness 44

Nothing is its remedy. .

Headache

It is cured by drawing blood from the noseand placing tzocuilpatli45 in the nose

Dropped uterus

It is cured with quequexquic and matlalza- zalic46 and the juice of the tlacametl maguey.

40. Tetzi tzi l i : unidentified herb, the same as tzompachquil i t l . Possibly of gourd family (Sahagun 1950 -1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 197; Emmart 1940: 304-305).

41. Cuetzpal ig iv izt l i : problematical translation. It might be discomfort or sickness due to overeating.42. Tla t l ag izmimiqu i l i z t l i : see note 44, this paragraph, on the possible meaning of mi mi q u i l i z t l i .43. Tlatemoviloni : unidentified herb.44. M i mi q u i l i z t l i : Translation is problematical. Since nacayomimiqu i l i z t l i is per l esía (Molina 1944, Part I: fol. 95r),

a kind of paralysis may be meant.45. Tzocuilpatli: unidentified herb.46. Quequexquic and matlalgagal ic: unidentified herbs.

Paragraph9

287



netlavitequiztli Being stuck by lightning

Chapter IV:Things

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amo tie ypayo.

elchiquiuhcocoliztlj

ynic pati texocoyoli texcaltitech mochiua.

totocamoyavaliztlj

ynic pati tlaltzitzicaztlj nica muchiua.

Quimopachivya. apvechale esta medicinaAmo qujmopachivia. no le apvecha esta

medicina

Nothing is its remedy.

Chest ailment

It is cured with texocoyoli,47 which growsnear crags.

Spreading fever

It is cured with t laltzitzicaztli ,48 whichgrows here.

[This remedy] is efficacious.[Th is remedy] is not efficacious .49

PARAGRAPH (9) [fol. 81r]

nacazpalaniliztli.

y payo, öm otlatlalia cicimatic. totoltetl ite-vilotca. moneloa. ye mochi ypayo in tleipaläca patii in chichic. in tetelq'c in iuhq'chipili auacayollotli

câcamavaliztli.

in ipayo. tlanoq'loni. itoca. ohololtic. tlanel-vatl yoâ ÿ caço tlei tlanoqloni. nimä qnoq'aycamacpa. ÿ tlâpa. ÿ ye mamana yolatolliconi, amo tequixq'o. anoço totolayotl. ocq'valpachoz hi ÿ cocolli oc oppa expa q'val-noquiz. çatepâ tlaq auh inic huel valmimatioc qzquilvitl catli toztlapavaxtli patlj tla-tlauhq' yn ica quavitl. auh vetzi in ixepeuallo

Ear suppuration 50

Its cure is applying cicimatic51 mixed withegg white. All the remedies for whatever issuppurating are medicines that are bitter,sharp to the taste, such as chipili52 [and] theavocado stone.

Weakness

Its remedy is a purgative [using] the rootcalled ohololtic,53 as well as any kind 54 ofpurgative. Soon a purge is effective from themouth and from below .55 And when [the patient] is upset, he drinks a gruel of raw groundmaize without saltpeter, or turkey broth. [Inorder] still to control the infirmity, he is to bepurged two or three times more. Afterwards

47 Texocoyoli: Oxali s sp. (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 173-174).

48. Tlaltz i tz icaztl i : variously identified as perhaps a Cucurbit acea, U rti ca sp., or a Borraginacea (Wi gandia kunt hii ) Choisy)—Hernandez 1942-1946, II: 388-389.

49. Readapiovechale and aprovech. The Spanish annotations are in Sahagun's own handwriting.50. This is the first entry on the recto of folio 81, the sheet inserted by Francisco del Paso y Troncoso that features

a text dealing with the same subject matter as Paragraph 9 on folio 69 but in a different script and format.51. Cicimat ic: Cainavalia vill osa Benth. (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 184).52. Chipil i : Ciota lar ia sp. (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10[: 140).53. Ohololt ic : perhaps Euphorbia campestri s (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 141).•Vi. ( ' . ¡ h ' o : read caca. / :

55. I la pa: perhaps to be read tlanipa.



necuvetzi. ipa motema. They are soaked for two [or] three days. Theyare cooked; they form a syrup. With this onebathes.

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290

yxchachaquachiviliztlj

yn ypayo. xivitl. ytoca. azpa. motzoyanja.yamâqui yc mixamia. miecpa ynic mixamia.yoâ amo quiquaz ÿ chiava yoâ ÿ xoquiyac.yoâ coniz inic ceviz in iitic ca cocolli. ytoca.tlatlauhqui ÿ xivitl. ça itztic atl. quitinemiz.caxixaz ÿ cocolli. chichiltic. anoço xallo.yoan ma tlanoq'liz.

yxcocoliztli.

in ipayo. achi coniz in ixiuhyo in itoca xo-xouhcapatlj yoâ yc moquatzotzonaz.

ÿ ocuili tixtêco moqtza.

in cèca cuecuetzoca. yc mochichiqui in tla-nelvatl in itoca côcoztic. auh ÿ hiquac cochizômochichipiniz.

yztac ômotlalia tixco, yoâayauitl ômomana.

in ipayo. chichiltic patii yuhqui ÿ azcatzôte-comatl. ômoteci. ytevilotca ÿ omochipinja.oppa expa côchipinia. expa ÿ cemilvitl côchi-pinia. yoâ ÿ tlalayotlj ynelvayo ommochi-piniz q'patla ÿ azcatzontecoma[tl] quitlace-vilia auh ÿ hamo quitlacamati hj. mitzmina

Roughness of the face

The remedy is an herb called azpa.72- It isfried; [when] it is soft, the face is washedwith it. Th e face is washed with it frequentlyand [the patient] is not to eat what is greasyand what is fetid. And in order to alleviatethe sickness within, he is to drink an herbcalled t l atl auhqui73 only in cold water. He isto go on drinking it. He will expel the diseasewith the urine; it is red or full of sand. Andhe is to be administered a purgative.

Eye disease

As its remedy one is to drink a small amountof [an infusion of] the leaves called xoxouh- capatli74 and to beat one's head with [theleaves].

Worms that appear on the eyelids

When they itch a good deal, they are rubbedwith the root called cocoztic, and when [thepatient] is to go to sleep, drops are applied.

Wh ite [film] that settles on the■ eyes and mis t that forms

Its remedy is a red medicine such as azcatzon t ecoma t l .75 It is ground up. Drops of itsviscous part are applied; two [or] three times[the patient] applies the drops—three times aday he applies the drops. And drops [madefrom] the root of the t la layot l i 76 are to be ap-

72. Azpa: unidentified herb.73. Tla t lauhqui y x iv i t l : unidentified herb.74.Xoxouhcapatlj: unidentified herb.75.Azcatzotecomatl : unidentified herb.76. Tlala lyotl j : variously identified as Gonolobus peduncul at us Hemsl., Asclepias li naria Cav., A. coulte i i de

Caisne, M arsdenia coult erí id., M. eduli s Wats., M. M aciophylla Fourn., M etaselma barbigemm Schl., Rothiockia cordifolia Grao., Rouliniela ninfa ii a Vail., and others (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 144; Hernández 1942-1946,1: 165; Santamaría 1959: 1057).



plied; they are a substitute for the azcatzon- tecomatl [drops]; they alleviate it. But whenthey do not alleviate it, [the patient] is bled.

yxnacapachiviztli Growths on the eyes

yn ipayo, xivitl itoca ihiztaq'ltic ynelvayoòmochipinia. queva y nacatl. q'palanaltia.

y xtam ago liciuiztlj.

ipayo y cocoztic tlanelvatl òmochipinia.

yxchichiticaviztli

monequi mocoz. yoá mitzavavia. yoá omo-chichipinia yn omoteneuh patii, monequiq'cavazq' y octli. gà yevatl q'tinemiz ytocaiztac quavitl tonayà mochiva. yoà amo qui-quaz y chiava yoà y xoquiyac. ynim patiiq'cencevia y tonacayo y toyollo.

yxcitlaliciviztli.

yn ipayo. cuetzpalin ycuitl tlillo. matlali

tomayo.

yxtezcaiciviztli

hatle ipayo.

Their remedy is the root of an herb calledih iz t laqui l t ic . 77 Drops are applied. They liftthe flesh; they d isintegrate it.

Lice about the eyes

Their remedy is the cocoztic root. Drops areapplied.

Watering of the eyes

Bleeding is necessary and one is pricked witha thorn ,78 and drops are applied of what iscalled pat l i. 79 It is necessary that [the patient]abstain from octli ; one is to go drinking whatis called iztac cuahuitl , 80 which grows inthe east. And one is not to eat what is greasyand what is fetid. This remedy soothes thebody [and] heart completely.

Film over the eyes

Its remedy is lizard excrement with lamp

black [and] mat la l in 81 with tomato.

Glazing of the eyes 82

Nothing is its remedy.

77 Ih iztaq ' l t ic : unidentified herb.

78. The headings yxtamagoliciu izt l i and yxchichi t icavizt l i and two following words, mon equi mogoz, are apparently crossed out.79. Yn ometeuh patli : The meaning may be "the remedy [already] mentioned," referring to cocoztic, prescribed in

the previous entry.80. Iztac quavit l: perhaps one of the Mimosaceae or one of the Caesalpiniaceae (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XI [Book

10]: 144).81. M atlal i (matlal i n): copper rust? (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part XI (Book 10): 144);Cornelina pallida, C. erecta,

C. t uberosai (Anderson 1963: 82).82. Ixtezcatl: glazing of the eyes (Sahagún 1950-1982, Part II [Book 1]: 39. In Molina 1944, Part II: fol. 47v, the term

is translated ant eoj os para ver.

Paragraph(9)

291



nequatzayanaliztlj. Head injury

mitzoma. tzotica mitzoma. meolli omotla-lia. mexoxouhq' omotlalia megollatextli tla-coxonilli omotema.

nequatlapanaliztli. quaxicalpatiliztlj.

omitica motlamanilia, meolli ic motzaqua.anogo mexoxouhqui tlachichtli, anogo tla-textlj

nacazqualiztlj.

cuech tli michi omoteca.

nacazpalaniliztlj

ollachipilli omoteca

nacazpalaniliztli

c a p a n i . m o p o to n ia .

yxyayapalevaliztliixahatemiliztlj.

y xchach aquachiviliztli.

ypayo totoqui axixtli. yc nexamilo oc yovacyoa schilcoztlj yc nexavalo ypa cochiva. ocyovac valmeva oc cepa axixtica nexamilo.

ixcocoliztli in tletl

yn ipayo. mixitl ceca auhtic yc neixteyaya-valoloz. octli. otlaqualcauh cochoctli. omo-chichipinia chichicaquilitl. tonalchichica-quilitl. omochipinia. chicalotl imemeyaloomochipi. tlachinoltetzmit[l].

It is sewn; it is sewn with a hair. Maguey juice is applied; the ground green magueyleaf is applied dried. One takes a steam bath.

Fractured skull, split skull

It is set by inserting a piece of bone. It is covered with maguey juice or else with a grated,or ground, green maguey leaf.

Earache

The cuechtli shell is scraped; [the scrapings]are applied.

Abscessed ear

Drops of liquid rubber 89 are applied.

Abscessed ear

A plaster is applied to the outside.

Blotches on the face 90Swollen face 91

Pitted face

Its remedy is hot urine. The face is washedwith it in the early dawn and painted with[ground] yellow chili at the time one goes tosleep. At dawn, upon arising, the face iswashed once again with urine.

Eye pains [ like] fire

Its remedy is m i x i t l 92 in a very watery solution. It is to be applied around the eyelids.Drops of octli that was left over, drops of lef tover octli , are applied. Drops of chichica q u i l i t l [and ]93 tonalch ich icaqui l i t l 94 are ap-

89. Ollach ip i l l i : read ollachipinil l i .90. Yxyayapalevaliztli: No annotation follows this heading; cocamavaliztli, the following heading, is crossed out in

the manuscript. Paragraph91. Ixaha temi l iz t l j : No annotation follows this heading.92. M ixit l : Datura stramonium (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 130; see also note 8).93. Chich icaqui l i t l : variously identified as Carraja mexicana, Sonchus sil iat us, and/or M imul us glabra tus (Sahagun

1950-1982, Part XII [Book 11]: 137).94. Tonalchichicaquil i t l : perhaps Oenothera l acinat a Hill (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 143). 293



plied. Drops of chicalot l 95 milk [and] tlach ino l te tzmi t l 96 are applied.

Chapter IV:Things

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294

yxcoco liztli yn iztac ômotlali ÿmitoa ixcitlaliciuiztlj.

matlallo chichivalayotl ômochichipinia. tlil-

yamanqui. òmochipinia. olii ômotlalia

y xchichiticaviztli.

yn ipayo. mochichiq'. coch octlj òm ochipiniaacaoxitl tix têco ómalava.

Eye disease: a white [film] has settled[over the eyes] called ixci t la l ic ihu izt l i

Drops of milk containing blue dye are applied. Drops of warm lampblack are applied.Rubber is placed [over the eyes].

97Watering of the eyes:

Its remedy is rubbing. Drops of leftover [day-old] octli are applied. A reed unguent issmeared on the eyelids .98

PAR AGR AP H 10 [fol. 70r]

♦ Jn ic . 10 . parrapho ypâ mitoa ÿ tlatolli ynicmotlapaloa ÿ pipilti ÿ çioapipilti yoâ ÿtlatolliynic maoa.

yn iquac aca pilli tlatoanj ychâ ca auh ynoc ce tlacatl çâ no tlatoani pillj quilhuianopiltzintzine ma vel xomeviltitie auh nimâquilhuia nopiltzintzine oticmihiyovilti maye nicâ timovicatz.

Auh in otlica cana monamiqui quimol-huia ma nimitznotlaxillitzino nopiltzintzine/ nimâ quilhuia ma timov etzititzino nopiltzintzine nicauhtzine.

Auh i çivapipilti ynic motlapaloa yn iquacnepanotl ÿpâ calaqui. quimolhiua. ma xvm-

Clenth paragraph, in which are told thewords with which noblemen [and] noblewomen greet one another and the wordswith which they quarrel with one another .1

When some nobleman is in the house of aruler and [there is] another personage who isalso a ruler [or] a nobleman, he says to him:"My lord, be well seated." And then [theother] says to him: "My lord, you have un

dergone trials. Now be welcome here."And when they meet somewhere on theroad, one says to him: "Let m e not upset you,my lord." Then [the other] says to him: "Donot let yourself fall, my lord, my youngerbrother."

And noblewomen thus greet one anotherwhen they enter one's house together; one

95. Chicalotl : Argemone mexicana or A. ochrol euca Sweet (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 143).96. Tlachinolte tzmitl : perhaps Kohl eri a deppeana or Croton draco Schw. (Sahagun 1950-1982, Part XI [Book 10]: 143).

97. Ixchichiti cavizt lj : Listed earlier in this paragraph with a different prescription (see notes 78-80).98. Below this last item on the page (fol. 81v) is written, in another, bolder hand:capit ulo. ha, and, below this: Jnic cap. it ech tl atoa, with the line ending in an illegible word.

1. This paragraph presents a series of traditional, formalized greetings exchanged between rulers and noblemen and noblewomen, plus a parallel set of vituperative exchanges made when they quarreled. Useful for revealing certain attitudes and behavior patterns among the nobility of the contact-period Central Mexican Nahua speakers, the paragraph is also of value in its linguistic aspect, adding to our knowledge of the Nahuatl spoken by this elite sector of the society in different social contexts. There is an obvious relationship between the elegant, ritualized language of this paragraph and that typical of the huehuetla toll i . Schultze Jena (1952: 62-65) first paleographized the paragraph and translated it into German.



mevititie noconetzin toteco / nicâ timovi-catz notecuiyoçihoatl nochpuchticatzin.

auh in otlica monamiqui çivapipilti quim-olhuia notecoçihoatl ma nimitznotlaxil-itzino ma timococotzino nochpuchticatzin

notecuiyoçioatlynic maoa pipilti quimolhuia yn iquac

omoqualaniq. nicauhtzine tie no ticmital-huia ma çâ no ximotlali xicaoâ motlatol matimococo oc xicaq' nicauhtzine y iehoatl ti-quitoa ÿ motlatol camo tlachia çan iuhqüitixtepetla taactiuetzi ça xitlamatinemj ma-camo xixtotomaoa ximimati x imix tili camotonemiliz macamo xicui yn iztlactli ÿ të-quallactli macamo xicaqu i ÿ çivatlatolli tleintiquitoa yequene cuix motlatoaya cuix amoçan atexatitla metlatitlan titlacat ma ça xi-pactinemi nicauhtzine anoçoc ytla ma oal-lani ÿ motlatol nicauhtzine oc xictlali mo-yollo ma oc ximocevi etc.

no yuh quitoa ÿ monamiqui etc.

Çivapipilti ynic maoa yn iquac tlein ic mo-pevaltia. quimolhuia noconetzin noçivapil-tzin ma çâ no ximovetziti noconetzin ma çâno ximotlamachtitinemi ma cocoliztli ticmo-cuiti tlein ticmitalhuja cuix mo totequiuh ÿtlei ticmotenevilitzinoa ÿ tlein ticmitalhui-tzinoa noçivapiltzin ma ça ximotlamachiti-tinemi camo tinemiuhqui y tiçivapilli camomotechmonequi in ticm ochivilia ma ximix-tilli m a ximom aviztili nochpuchticatzin maxictlalli moyollotzin anoçoc ytla mitzmoco-colhuiz ma oallanj etc.

auh ÿ monamiqui no iuh quitoa etc.

says to [the other]: "Be seated, my child, ourlady." [The other says:] "You are welcomehere, my lady, my maiden."

And when noblewomen meet on the roadone says to [the other]: "My lady, let me notupset you." [The other says:] "Do not

sicken, my maiden, my lady."When noblemen quarrel with one another

one says, when they have become angry:"My younger brother, what are you saying?

Just seat yourself; leave off your words; donot sicken. Listen yet, my younger brother.What you say, your words, have no vision. Itis as if you are blind; you are precipitate. Livewisely. Do not be stupid. Be prudent. Consider yourself. [This] is not our [sort of] life.Do not accept lies, trickery. Do not listen towomen's talk. What are you saying? And is[this] your way of talking? Have you perhapsnot just been born a slave's offspring ?2 Justbe content, my younger brother; let yourwords perhaps yet end. My younger brother,be yet of good cheer. Rest yourself." Etc.

So also speaks the one whom he meetswith. Etc.

Noblewomen thus quarrel when for somereason one is provoked. She says to [theother]: "My child, my lady, do not fall; mychild, just consider. Let sickness not seizeyou. What are you saying? Is what you arestating, is what you are saying not our affair?My lady, just consider. You do not behave asif you were a noblewoman. What you aredoing is not required of you. Consider yourself; respect yourself, my maiden. Be of goodcheer. Perhaps something may injure you.Let this end." Etc.

And the one whom she meets also speaksthus. Etc.

Paragraph10

2. Compare Olmos 1875: 218. 295

■Wllwifí



PAR AGR AP H 11 [fol. 70v col. A]

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296

Jn ic . ii. parrapho ypá mitoa y quenin mo-tlapaloa yoá quenjm maoa y maceoalti yoquichti yoá y civa.

yn iquac ychá callaqui nepanotl quimol-huia /nicauhtze ma nimitzma uhti /q'lhuia.xioalmovica nicauhtze tlae nicá.

Auh in otlica yquac monamiqui quimol-huia ma timovetziti nicauhtze xivalmovicanicauhtzine m a n imitznotlaxilli.

Auh y giva yquac ypá calaqui nepanotl

quimolhuia noconetzin ma nimitznomauh-tili xivalmovica noconetcatzin tlae nicá timo vicatz.

Auh yn otlica yquac monamiq' quimolhuia ma timovetziti noconetzin, xivalmovica noconetcatzi. ma tomovetziti—

Oquichti maceualti ynic mava quimolhuia,ximiquani nocne tlapaltótle ma nimitzto-peuh nepa xiyauh itzcuimpolle chichipolema nimitztelicga ma nimitzyacachaquaninepa xiyauh xvlopitle aquimamatie maceoal-totomacpole ycnopiltotomacpol ac tehoatlac timomati totolpole amo ga ivi / nocnexolopitle nepa xiyauh tle tinechaitiz tlapaltótle q tinechivaz nocne cuix tinechquazcuix tinechtoloz nicá tlamatinemi oyvuhti-nemi tzatzitinem i mach nicá tixquiquiza tix-totomaoa xolopitanapole aocmo ticmatiahaque / chocholoque cuix otitlava xvco-micqz ocmixxicui ma topá tivetz tlaváquemac mitzcaoa y noctli tatapacuitlapol tzo-

0 1 eventh paragraph , 1 in which it is toldhow male and female commoners greet oneanother and how they quarrel with one

another .2When they enter one's house together they

say to one another: "My younger brother, letme not frighten you." [The other] says tohim: "Come, my younger brother; be welcome here."

And when they meet one another on theroad, one says to [the other]: "Do not fall, myyounger brother. Come, my younger brother.Let me not upset you."

And when women enter their houses to

gether they say to one another: "My child,let me not frighten you." [The other answers:] "Come, my child; you come welcomed here."

And when they meet one another on theroad, one says to [the other]: "Do no t fall, mychild." [The other answers:] "Come, mychild; do not fall."

When male commoners quarrel with oneanother, one says to [the other]: "Move aside,rascal, worthless man. Let me not hit you.Go to one side, cur, mongrel. Let me kickyou. Let me not wet your nose. Go to oneside, stupid lout, fat ungrateful wretch. Whoare you? Who do you think you are? Dunghill fowl. There is nothing like [you], rascal,stupid. Go to one side. What will you do tome, worthless one? How will you send meaway, rascal? Will you eat me? Will you swallow me? He goes hunting here; he goes howling; he goes yelling. It seems that here youare a fool, a mad-brain, a silly basket. Youknow nothing, stupefied one, senseless one.

1. fnic. ii: read I n i c 11.2. This paragraph, the final one of the extant manuscript of the Prim eros M emori ales, is parallel to the preceding

one but focuses on expressions employed in similar exchanges by commoners. It is well established that most of the ethnographic and linguistic data collected by Sahagun and his assistants were supplied by educated members of the indigenous upper class. Although the information in this paragraph was probably also conveyed by a member of the elite, it purports to describe both the courteous and vituperative exchanges between members of the lower class— and in this respect it is probably unique in the Sahaguntine corpus. Noteworthy is the rich, colorful vocabulary of invective and insult used in the appropriate contexts by people of this societal level.



tzomacuicuitlapol quatatapapol cacalacapoltetlanecapol tetlachocholpol ome ynene-pilpol tetlatlatolfafaca tetlatlatlatta ixmetla-pilpol quatatacalpol yxpatzacpol ixpopo-yopol tetlaxincapol no tlatoa /que no iuhqui /quatexamaccolpol ichtecapol tepa cacalla-

capol / iztlacapapol / xixipevipol tlacate-colopol / quen tjtechioaz / nocne / tietitechaitiz / cuix teoa tatiz titepetiz / ytimacevaltontli /ma nel ceca oc itla xiquitocuix i que titechivaz /cuix ic titechpopoloz // cuix tevatl titopil titotlatocauh ca fa notitzcutli titotoli /cuitlapa tlafolpa /mochamonemiya ximocava nocne / valtzatzitivineoa /etc. [fol. 70v Col. B] yn ixquich quitoateaoa fa no ixqui y quitoa y monamiqui auh9a no ca yn amo tenaquilia fa choca.

Are you drunk, drunkard ?3 He takes JimsonWeed with octli. Don't fall on us, drunkard.Sober up. [His] clothing is dirty; [his] rags arefilthy. He is a stone-head, a house-enterer,one who lives with others, an obstructor, atwo-tongued one who exaggerates things

to others, a people-watcher,- gross-faced, ofpitted head, one-eyed, blind, an adulterer. Healso speaks. How, [when] he is also like apaper-brained one? He is a thief; he goesfrom house to house. He is a big liar, a flayedone, a man-owl. How will you send me away,rascal? What will you do with us? Will yourise to become a benevolent ruler ?4 You whoare a little commoner? Say no more. Howwill you therefore send us away? Will youtherefore subdue us? Are you our lord, ourruler? You are only a dog, a fowl. Your home,your existence is in the dung, in rubbish.Leave off, rascal." Both go shouting. Theysay all [this when] they abuse one; also theysay all [this] when they confront each other.But also there is the one who docs not answer; he only weeps.

[fol. 71r]

fiva ynic maoa.Auh ynic maoa fiva macevalti quimolhuia

/ ay civato ma nachca que tinechpevaltia /cuix tinonamic cuix tinoquichvi /ay /tlei /fivato / tetlatlatzicpol ma ximotlalli tietinechilhu ia aviyanito / cuix tinochauh quetinechpeoaltia cuix mopa nicacalactica cuixno ze mopal ninemi /cuix tinechtlaecoltia /cuix mopal notlatlaqua / ay / fivato qua-tzomapol / quatatapapol / ximocaoa tetlatlatzicpol ixtlaveliloc tlavelilocatontli / cacalacapol. xixipevi /atle quiquani /achilova/aizteyoa /tzincuecuetzocpol /tzinapizmi-qui / ay / ma nachca / teixpa titlatlama-tiznequi /que titechivaz cu ix teoa tatiz. t itepetiz. tlavelilocatotli tetla chochol manachca xoquifa ma nimitztopeuh / machatle ipa titlatlachiya / mach nica taatla-

Women quarrel with one another thus:And when female commoners quarrel

with one another, one says to [the other]:'Ah, little woman! Away! How will you dispute with me? Are you my husband? Are youmy spouse? Ah! Little woman of some sortwith the mouth stuck shut, sit down. Whatare you telling me, little pleasure girl? Areyou my concubine? How do you dispute withme? Do I keep entering houses with you? Ordo I live thanks to you? Do you give me whatI need? Do I eat thanks to you? Ah, littlewoman with a mop of forehead hair, with disheveled hair, leave off. Her mouth is stuckshut. She is an impudent little wicked one, ahouse-enterer, a flayed one. She eats nothing.She has no chili; she has no salt. [She has] anitching rump, a starved rump. Ah, away! Paragraph

11

3. Xocomicqz: read xocomicque.4. Compare Ol mos 1875: 219. 297



matinemi / cuix tigivapilli timocuepaz-nequi/ amo gá timaceualtotli / mach nicateixco tinemj /campa tivalla ma xiyauh agoiuhcá y mocha / amo iuhca y nica ticteititiz/ ticnopiltotomacpol ticnopillaveliloc cen /ca tzatzi y nixquich quitoa y teaoa gá no ix-quich yn quitoa y monamiqui tlacaololooamochi tlacatl quicaqui auh gan oca yn amotenáquilia ga quicaquin tlatollj gá choca

Will you in public pretend to be a jester?How will you send us away? Do you rise tobecome the sovereign state? You are awicked little one, inept with people. Away,go away! Let me not hit you. It seems thatyou disdain things; it seems that here youlive in pride. Do you pretend to be a noblewoman? Are you not jus t a little commoner?It seems that here you lack respect for one.Where do you come from? Go away! Is perhaps your home that sort of place? What youwill make it appear like is not like that. Ungrateful, miserable wicked one!" They yell agood deal. All this they say when they abuseone. Likewise they say all [this] when theyconfront one another. People gather around.Everyone hears them. But there are thosewho just do not answer; they only listen to

the words; they only weep.

Chapter IV:Things

Relativeto Man

298



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C o l l a b o r a t o r s

AR TH UR J. O. A ND ERS ON (Ph.D., University of Southern California, 1940) had a long, active career as a teacher and research scholar, capped by his lengthy collaboration with Charles Dibble in producing the paleography of the Nahu- atl text and an English translation of the twelve books of the Florentine Co dex version of Fray Bernardino de Sahagún's Hi storia G eneral (Universal) de las Cosas de (l a) N ueva España, which incorporates portions of the Primeros M emori ales. For this landmark achievement and other important scholarly contributions to the field of Mesoamer-

ican ethnohistory, Anderson was awarded the title of Commander, Order of the Aztec Eagle, by the government of Mexico, and that of Knight Commander, Order of Isabel la Católica, by the Spanish monarch.

CH AR LE S E. D IBB LE (Ph.D., Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1942) is Emeritus Distinguished Professor of Anthropology at the University of Utah. His earliest major contributions to Mesoamerican ethnohistory were focused on the Aztec writing system; they included extensive commentaries on native-tradition picto- graphic histories from the Basin of Mexico. Dibble's scholarly career, like that of his collaborator, Arthu r Anderson, was climaxed with the publication of the Flor ent i ne Codex. For this monumental project and Dibble's other valuable contributions to the field, he too was awarded the titles of Commander, Order of the Aztec Eagle, and Knight Commander, Order of Isabel la Católica.

ELOISE QUIÑONES KEBER (Ph.D., Columbia University, 1984) is Professor of Art History at Baruch College and at the Graduate School of the

City University of New York. She has published extensively on the art of late pre-Hispanic and early colonial Central Mexico, including articles on Sahaguntine themes. She was a co-editor ofThe Work of Bernar di no de Sahagún: Pi oneer Et hnog rapher of Sixt eent h-Centur y M exico (1988). Most recently she published a commentary and color facsimile of the Cod ex Tell eri ano-Remensis, a prime source of our knowledge of the Aztec reli-

gious-ritual system, calendrics, and history, and she edited a tribute volume to Arthur Anderson and Charles Dibble, Chipping Away on Earth (1994).

H. B. N IC H O LS O N (Ph.D., Harvard University, 1958) is Emeritus Professor of Anthropology at the University of California at Los Angeles. He has undertaken considerable library and archival research in the ethnohistory of the Mesoamerican area co-tradition, as well as conducting field archaeological projects and publishing numerous

articles and monographs in these fields. He was an associate editor for parts 3 and 4 of the Guide to Ethnohi stori cal Sources, volumes 14 and 15 of the Handbook of Mi ddle Am eri can Indians (1975), and, with Quiñones Keber, he was a co-editor of Th e Work of Bernar di no d e Sahagún. He is director of the UCLA Aztec Archive, a computerized image storage and retrieval system for Late Postclassic Central Mexican aesthetic productions in public and private collections.

W A YN E R U W ET (B.A., University of California at Los Angeles, 1967) has worked for many years in the College Library at UCLA, where he is Head of Operations, Circulation Department.He has a long-standing interest in the ethnographic, linguistic, and ecclesiastical writings of Sahagún and has conducted library and archival research on Sahaguntine and other Mesoamerican ethnohistorical themes in the United States, Mexico, and Europe, publishing various articles in this field. He is currently working on a comprehensive Sahaguntine biographical bibliography.

THELMA DORFMAN SULLIVAN (B.A.,

Hood College, Maryland, 1939) was one of the world's leading Nahuatl scholars. She studied philosophy and English literature at Hood College and Columbia University and subsequently began to write professionally for radio and theater.After her marriage to Dennis Sullivan, the two moved to Mexico City in the mid-1940s. In 1959 she began her study of Classical Nahuatl in the Seminario de Cultura Náhuatl of the Universidad 3 13



Nacional Autónoma de México, first with Miguel León-Portilla and soon also with Angel María Garibay K., founder of the seminario. During the next few years she became active in the field of late pre-Hispanic Central Mexican ethnohistory publishing numerous articles and, especially,

English and Spanish translations of Nahuatl texts, mainly Sahaguntine. Of particular value was her1976 Com pendi o de la G ramát i ca Náhua t l (revised English edition, 1988). Only her death in1981 prevented her from completing her English translation of the Pri meros M emori ales.

Collaborators



r NDEX

Abscesses, cure of, 282 & n.13, 283, 292, 293 Abstinence, ritual, 64, 68, 75-76.See also Fasting;

Rushes, lying on Acalchimall i (shield), 109n.80 Acalhua (deity), 86n.34, 123 Acalhua Ometochtli (deity), priest of, 86 Acamapichtli (ruler), 185 Acatecuhtli (deity), 15In Acatl ("year bearer"), 31, 158n.l Acatonal (deity), 92 &. n.75 Acaxelihui (split reed), 151n Accouterments: of nobles, 276-79 & n.90; of

rulers, 260-68; of warriors, 268-76, 279-80 Achcauhtin ("constables"), 197n.l Acocoxochitl (dahlia), 204n.9 Acolhua (deity), 86n.34, 123 Acolhua (people), 222 & nn.1,3, 223, 228 Acolhuacan (province), 5, 13, 118, 120n.8, 185n.l,

191n.27; Colhua into, 222n.3; grandees of, 191n.30; Huitzilopochtli cult in, 179n.2(top); Tepanec conquest of, 191n.29.See al so Huex- otla; Tepepolco; Tetzcoco; Tlatelolco

Acolhuaque (people), 11, 191 & n.27 Acolmiztli (deity, festival of), 78 &. n.25

Acolmiztli (priest of deity), 92 Acolnahuacatl (deity), 92n.78; priest of (see

Acolmiztli)Acuecuexatl (spring, aqueduct), 187 &. n.ll Acxoyatemaliztli (ritual), 79n.31 Adultery, 161, 163, 164, 166, 174; Cihuateteo pro

motion of, 122n.5; punishment of, 228 Advisors, royal, 36 Afflictions, 280-94 Afterworld. See Mictlan; Tlalocan Agave, 177 & n.7 202n .5 Agriculture, 12; ruler responsibilities re, 201

Ahuato to (plant), 289n.65 Ahuitzotl (ruler), 186 & nn .9,ll, 263n.l6,265n.26

Ahui tzo t l (creature), 204 &. n.4 Alcohol. See Octl i Aldebaran (star), 154n.7 Altars, 79, 119 & n.4 Alvarado, Pedro de, 118 Amacuexpalli (ornament), 108n.78 Amanteca (featherworkers), 109n.81, 131

Amaranth, 155n.l2, 203, 220 Amigas (concubines), 59n.l7 Amimitl (deity), 35, 107nn.72,74, 122n.4, 128,

141nn.l718, 151n; array of, 107; Song of,141-42

Amimitl (ruler), 107n.72 Amusements: of nobility, 10; of rulers, 40.See

also Ball courts; Gambling; Gaming; Octl i Anahuac Ayotlan (Atlantic coastal area), 210n.2;

265n.26Anahuac Xicalanco (Caribbean coastal area),

210n.2Anahua t l (pectoral), 95n.l0, 270n.47 Ancestors, 276n.81 Anderson, Arthur J. O., 9, 13, 14, 129 Anecuyotl (headdress), 94 &. n.4 Animals: in dreams, 176; man described in terms

of, 253-54; men disguised as, 28; men into, 94n.3; as offering, 42, 70, 124; as omens, 174- 76; sacrifice of (see Animals, as offering); skins of, 204.See al so Birds,- Frogs; Snakes

Anklets, 206 Ants, as ill omen, 175 Aoauhtl i (edible fly eggs), 203n.l8 Apetlac (platform), 199 & n.8 Apparel. See Clothes; Costumes Aqueducts, 187n.ll Arcturus (constellation), 156n.l3 Aristotle, 25 Arm bands, 206 & n.l Arrows, 99 & n.31, 276n.81 Artists, of Pri meros M emori ales, 24, 33-37See

also Illustrations, in Prim eros M emori ales Asterisms, 154n.7 155n.l2.See also Constella

tions; Fire Sticks,- Stars Astronomy, 10, 26-27 30, 36

Atamalcualiztli (festival), 9, 28, 35, 38, 42, 67-69, 140n.l6, 145n Atemoztli (festival), 42, 65-67 113n.l00 Atempan (barrio), 84 &. n.22 Atempan (building), 84n.22 Atenchicalcan (Mexico Tenochtitlan locale),

87-88 & n.47 Atenchicalco (canal), 88n.47 At epocapatli ( plant), 289 & n.61 Aticpac (barrio), 90 Sl n.59 315



Capital punishment, 197n.l, 245n. See al so Human sacrifice

Captives: flaying of, 42, 56; sacrifice of, 72, 74, 125; striping of, 78; taking of, 245-4? 249

Qaquapanitl (military standard), 266n.31 Qaquapapalotl (military standard), 258n.40 Qaquatonatmh (military standard), 267n.36 Castor (star), 154n.7 Cataracts, 292Ce ciyacat l ("one armpit") (linear measure),

220n.5Celestial bodies. See Heavens Cempohuallan (Totonac area), 223n.8 Cenmai t l (maize ears), 98n.28 Centeopan (temple), 148n.25 Centeotl (deity), 58 & n.12, 83-84, 139-41n.l6,

145n, 146, 152 & n, 157n.5 Centlapachto (dwarf), 175n.9 Cent l i t la t la (herb), 281 &. n.6, 283 Centzonhuitznahua (Huitzilopochtli half-

brothers), 94n.4 Centzontotochtin. See Totochtin Ceremonial center, diagram of, 117-20 Ceremonies, ritual, 8, 9. See al so Festivals; Ritu

als; Veintenas-, War, simulated Chacallan, 145n, 146 Chachalmeca (deities?), 100n.36 Chachalm eca (people), 112n.97 Chachalmeca (priests), 100n.36 Chalchihu i t l ( green stones), 206n.l Chalchimichhuacan (mythical place), 145n

Chalchiuhcvzcat l o lol i uhqui (necklace), 263n.l7 Chalchiuhtlicue (goddess), 35, 92nn.75-76,98n.23, 102n.53, 104n.59, 105n.65, 106n.70, 143n.21; array of, 104; images of, 114; priest of, 92

Chalchiuhtotol in (turkey cock), 274n.71 Chaleo (province), 92n.74, 100n.36 Chalk, 77 & n.21, 90, 240n.23, 270 Chalma(n) (province), 92 & n.74, 112n.97

143n.22, 151 &. n. See also Chaleo Chalmeca (people), 100, 112n.97 Chalmecacihuatl (deity), 35, 112-13n.97; array of,

112-13Chamalpopoca(tzin) (ruler), 186 &n.5 Chamolcvyut l (battle suit), 278n.87 Chamolleuat l (tunic), 270nn.49,50 Chantico (goddess), 35, 105n.66, 112n.94, 178n.9;

array of, 112 Chants, sacred, 8, 9. See al so Hymns 7Chayauac cvzcat l (necklace), 263n.l6 Chest, pain in, 288 Chia (plant), 97 & n.20, 103

Chicahuaztli (rattle staff}, 102n.53, 119n.7 143n.22

Chicalotl (prickly poppy), 177n.4, 294 & n.95 Chichicaqui l i t l (plant), 293 & n.93 Chichicoomollotl (corncob clusters), 148n.25 Chichicuahui t l (plant), 286 &. n.35 Chichihualcuahui t l ("udder tree"), 178n.l2 Chichimeca (language), 5, 141n.l7 Chichimeca (people), 5, 40, 107n,72, 108n.75, 139

& n.14, 151n, 227-28, 276n.81; Cuexteca (see Huaxteca); emergence of, 221-28; as Huexotla rulers, 191; lifestyle of, 138n; Mexica as, 222 & n.5; Tenime, 222 &. n.7; as Tetzcoco rulers, 188. See al so Acolhuaque; Mexica

Chichimec Interregnum, 138n Chi chtl i [owl], 174n.5 Chicle, 206Chicomecoatl (goddess), 35, 58 & n.12, 90nn.59,

62, 98n.25, 148n.25; array of, 98; attributes of, 121-22; Song of, 148; temple of, 148n.25.See also Xilonen

Chicomollotzin. See Cihuacoatl Chicomoztoc ("Seven Caves"), 10-12, 40, 138n,

221-22Chiconauhecatl. See Quetzalcoatl Chiconquiahuitl (deity), 91n.71; priest of, 91 Chicuat l i (owl), 174nn.4,5 Chiggers (mite larvae), 283 Childbirth, death in, llln.90, 122n.5, 286.See

also Cihuateteo,- Midwives Children, 252; and Acolmiztli ritual, 78; and

black water, 101n.43; ceremonies for, 42; as Cihuateteo prey, llln.90, 122n.5; and devil oaths, 127-28; diviners and sick, 218-19; education of, 219-21; fate of dead, 178 &. n,12; festival-related fasting by, 65; and fire offering,71; and Hueytozoztli veintena, 148n.25; and Izcalli ritual, 67, 78 &. n.26; and lunar eclipse, 154; naming of, 254; newborn, 253n.l, 254; offerings by, 75; raising of, 40; ritual binding of, 77 &. n.24; ritual cutting of, 125; ritual stretching of, 77 &. n.22; rulers of, 229, 230, 233, 235, 23? 239, 243; sacrifice of, 27, 42, 56, 84n.22, 85n.31, 89, 248 &. n.3; "taking out" of, 78 & n.26; in Tlalocan, 182; in Tozoztli festival, 87; out of wedlock, 219

Chilis, 202, 205, 286, 293 Chili sauce, 201, 203Chimal l av iz t l i (military standard), 280n.92 Chimal l i quetzalxicalvl iuhqui (shield), 261n.5 Chimalpanecatl (deity), 136-37n Chinampaneca (people), 107n.72, 108n.74, 128,

141n.l8, 151n

Index

317



Chipil i (plant), 288 & n.52 Chipolcvzcatl (necklace), 269n.40 Chocolate, 202Cholollan(-lula), Mex., 96n.l3, 145 Cholota(n) (Xolotan?), 150 & n Chonchayotl (Huitzilopochtli impersonator), 65 Christianity, 73n.9 Cicimatic (plant), 288 & n.51 Cihuacoatl (goddess), 35, 42, 60 & n.24, 105nn.66,

67, 112n.94, 118, 119n.5, 123, 143n.22, 145n, 148n.25; array of, 105-106; Song of, 143-45

Cihuacuacuilli (priestess), 87-88 Cihuapan (term), 59n.l9 Cihuapil l i (noble), 182n.l4Cihuapipiltin (childbirth victims). See Cihuateteo Cihuapipiltin (deity), 35 Cihuateteo (childbirth victims), 66 &. n.41,

llln.90, 122 Sin.5; array of, 111 Cihuatlahueli loque ("bad women"), 216n

Cihuatlampa (Cihuateteo abode), ll ln .90 Cimatl (plant), 201 &n.l6, 203 Cipactonal (deity), 140 Si n.15 Qitlalcoyutl (battle suit), 275n.78 Citlal l icue (skirt), 103n.56 Citlalpul (morning star), 155n. 11 Cloth, maguey, 274n.70.See al so Cotton Clothing: of commoners, 207n.l[bottom); gam

bling for, 200; of maguey cloth, 274n.70; as noblewoman due, 225-26; as offering, 42, 70, 179; ruler claim on, 227See also Capes; Costumes,- Shifts,- Shirts,- Skirts; Tunics

Clouds, 30, 157 Clover, 85Coaapan (spring), 70n.l, 80 Coacihuil iz t l i (gout), 176n.l2 Qoaeuatl (herb), 281n.6 Coanacochtli (ruler), 18^ 190 &. nn.23,24 Coanacochtzin. See Coanacochtli Coatepec (Huitzilopochtli birthplace), 136n Coatl (snake), 176n.l2 Coatlan (barrio), 106n.71 Coatlantonan. See Coatlicue (goddess)Coatli (plant), 285 &. n.32 Coatlicue (goddess), 35, 88n.4^ 105n.66, 106n.71,

136n; array of, 106; priestess of, 88 Coatlicue (Huitzilopochtli mother), 106n.71 Coatlinchan (Acolhua capital), 5, 222n,2 Coayeli (plant), 285 Cochineal, 206, 217Cococ tl acot l (herb), 283 & n.16, 285, 286 Cocoztic (root), 281 & n.5, 282, 290, 291 & n.79 Codex Aubin , 118 Cod ex Boiboni cus, 10, 25,27,19

Co dex Borgia, 9, 10, 25 &. n.6, 29, 93 Cod ex Cospi, 25n.6 Cod ex D resden, 30 Codex Fej érv áry M ay er, 25n.6, 133n.8 Codex Laud, 25n.6, 110n.87 Codex M agliabechiano, 25 ,17, 28, 32, 82n.9,

85n.29, 203n.l Codex M endoza, 25, 28, 32, 33 Cod ex Tell eri ano-Remensis, 10, 25, 27-29 Cod ex Tudela, 25 ,17, 31, 82n.9, 203n.l Cod ex Vati canus A , 10, 25,17, 29, 32 Co dex Vat icanus B, 25n.6 Cod ex Vin dobon nensi s, 16 Codex Zouche-N utt all , 16 Codices, 17Códi ces M at ri tenses (Sahagún), 6-8, 18, 36. See

also Primeros M emori al es Coiffures, female, 205 Colds, cure for head, 284

Colegio de Santa Cruz, 3, 4 Colhuacan (city-state), 5, 105n.6^ 119 &. n.18, 149-

50, 187n.l4, 222 &. n.3; Cihuacoatl and, 143n.22 Colhuaque (people), 11 Colic, 285Colopatli (herb), 286 Colotl (scorpion), 156n. 13 Comets, 30, 155Commoners, speech patterns of, 296-98 Concubines, warrior, 59n.l7 Conquest(s): Spanish [see Spanish Conquest); of

Triple Alliance, 11

Consciousness, loss of, 287 & n.44 Constables, 197n.l, 229, 230, 232-34, 236-39, 243 Constellations, 30, 154n.^ 155 & n.12, 160n.3 Copal, 83-8^ 90-93, 116, 119n.4, 198 Copalli (resin), 70n.6, 71 Copilli (headpiece), 266n.30 Copil l i iz tac (military standard), 272n.62 Copper, 269, 273 & n.66, 276 Copperas, 284 Corn. See MaizeCortés, Hernán, 118, 190 & nn.23,24 Cosmetics, 206Costume(s), 17, 29; of deities, 8, 9, 19, 28-29, 32,

38, 42-43, 90, 93-114, 130, 265n.2? 270n.4? 272n.61; festival, 57; of god impersonators, 85, 86, 91-93; of godlike images, 113-14; of Mote- cuhzoma, 92; of nobles, 33, 40, 50, 62 n.32, 203-206, 236, 246, 260n.l, 276-78; of priests,27, 29, 38, 43, 62n.32; of rulers, 32, 33, 40, 50,62, 186n.6, 203-207 265n.27; of sacrificial victims, 91; of warriors, 5,7, 11, 16, 26, 33, 36, 236, 245, 260n.l, 266n.30, 268[see also Suits, battle);



women's, 59; of young people, 221.See also Disguise; Clothing

Cotton, 207n.l{bottom), 225, 260 &. n.2, 268; as abscess remedy, 283

Cotztematl[- tomat l) [plant], 289 & n.60 Cough, cure for, 284, 287

Council of the Indies, 6Counts, day/year. See Day counts; Year counts Qoyatl (palm; agave), 202n.5 Coyolxauhqui (Huitzilopochtli half-sister),

112n.94 Coyotes, 175, 204, 264 Coyotlinahaul (deity), 109n.81 Coyotomatl (herb), 282 &. n.8 Cozoyahualolli (headpiece), 186n.6 Crab lice, 285Craftsmen, 12. See also Featherworlcers; Mat

makers

Cremation, 179Criminals, execution of, 197n.l Cristobal (de Guzman Cecepatic), 187n.l4, 188 Cuacuacuiltin (priests), 83n.l3 Cuahuitl ehua (feast), 27, 34, 42, 55, 81n,3, 84n.22,

85n.31, 87 Cuatlahuice tecuhtli (ruler), 191 Cuatlapanqui (deity), 86 &n.35, 123 Cuatlapanqui Ometochtli (deity), 86 Cuauhcalli (structure), 119n.5 Cuauhcihuatl. See Cihuacoatl Cuauhpil l i (warrior), 187n. 14 Cuauhtemoc(tzin) (ruler), 18? 190 & n.23 Cuauhtenanco (town), 265n.26 Cuauhtetepoyo (shield), 105n.66 Cuauhtin (eagle warriors), 279n.90.See also

Eagle warriors Cuauhxicalli ("eagle vessel"), 119nn.3,4, 125n.5 Cuaxolotl. See Chantico Cuechtli (gastropod?), 285 &n.30, 293 Cuecuetzpalti (lizards), 181n.ll Cuecuex. See Otontecuhtli Cuecuextzin (deity), 142 & n.20 Cueitl (skirts), 203n.l Cuetlachtli (wolf?), 204n.8

Cuetlaxochitl (poinsettia), 205n.l4 Cuexcochtechimalli (mortuary symbols), 113n.97 Cuexpalli (nape hair lock), 108n.78 Cuexteca (people). See Huaxteca (province) Cuicacalli (song/dance houses), 209n.2 Cuicuit lapile (plant), 289 &n.67 Cuitlahuac (Chinampaneca territory), 107n.72,

122n.4, 128, 151n Cuitlahuatzin (ruler), 187 Cuitlahuatzin tecuhtli (ruler), 192

Cuitlapatl i (herb), 285 &. n.31 Cures, 280-94Custodians (ritual functionaries), 84 Cuzti c t evcuitl aguyanacvchtli (earspools),

262n.l3Cvzcapetlatl (necklace), 263n.l4

Cycles, divinatory, 10, 19

Dahlia (flower), 204Dancing, ritual, 82; at Atamalcualiztli, 145n; by

children, 78, 8? 221; by deities, 66, 68; deities of, 101n.43, 139n.l5; festival-related, 28, 62-65, 69, 76; flaying-inspired, 57; by priests, 59, 66; rulers and, 40, 67, 198, 206-207; by warriors, 99n.33

Dandruff, treatment of, 292 Darts, 276, 279Day counts, 39, 44-49, 160-74. See alsoVeintenas

Day signs, 31, 35, 244. See alsoTonalamatl, Tonalpuhualli Dead, festivals honoring, 61. See also Ghosts Death: on ball court, 200; in childbirth, llln.90,

122n.5, 286; gods of, 177n.2; by hanging, 199, 243; by strangulation, 197n.l, 228; by water, 181. See also Capital punishment; Cihuateteo; Mummies; Sacrifice

Death God. See Mictlantecuhtli Deities. See Goddesses,- Gods Demigods, 135nDe Proprietat ibus Rerum (Bartholomaeus Angli-

cus), 17 Detours, making (ritual), 78 Devil(s): ceremonies honoring, 76n.l6, 77n.23;

Christian, 116n.2, 128, 212n.6; dreams of, 176; houses of, 116-20, 125-27; offerings to, 70-72 &. n, 74-76, 78-80; songs of, 84,• supplications to, 127-28; temple of, 62; veneration of, 81

Devil (term), 70n.3 Diablo (devil), 176n.l0 Diarrhea, 281-82 Dibble, Charles E., 9, 13, 14, 129 Dice, beans as, 101n.45Dictionary: Historia as, 25; Spanish-Nahuatl, 3

Diseases, 41, 280-94; female, 287; gods and, 122n.4; venereal, 284

Disguise, gods in, 94 &. n.3. See alsoNahuall i Diviners, 10, 19, 31, 101n.43, 176-7? 210 & n.l;

female, 218.See al so Auguries; Tonalamatl ; Tonalpohualli

Dogs, of Mictlan, 178Dormitories, for priests, 81n.2, 119. See also

Calmecac Draco (constellation), 155n.l2

Index

319



Dreams, 10, 39, 176-77See also Auguries Dress. See Clothing; Costumes Drink, 42, 72,•festival, 65; of gods(see Blood);

of nobles, 10, 40, 201-203; as offering, 28; of rulers, 201-203.See also Drunkenness; Octli

Drought, 201, 248 Drums, 265 & n.27Drunkenness, 82nn.8,ll, 83; in children, 67; im

putations of, 297; judges vs., 233, 236, 237 See also Octli

Duran, Diego, 10 Dwarves, as ill omen, 175Dye, medicinal, 292.See al so Cochineal; Indigo;

Ochre Dysentery, 282

Eagles, 84, 119n.5, 144-45 Eagle vessels, 29Eagle warriors, 221, 228, 244-4^ 249, 279-80

Ear plugs, 204n.l, 206 &. n.l, 260-62 &. n.13, 268, 27? 279

Ears: afflictions of, 285, 288, 293; ritual cutting of, 73-74, 79, 80, 125, 154

Earth, eating of, 9, 42, 71, 127-28 Eclipses, 30, 153n,2, 154 & n.6, 176 Ecoxo (herb), 292 & n.87 Education, 10, 11, 198, 219-21, 233, 234 Eggs: edible fly, 203; medicinal uses of, 288.See

also Roe Ehecatepec (town), 188n.l5 Ehecatl ("Wind"), Quetzalcoatl as wind god,

96n,13Ehecatl Quetzalcoatl. See Quetzalcoatl (deity)Ehuatl (tunic), 260n.lElders, 11; wisdom of (seeHuehuetlatoll i )Eloquil i t l (plant), 286 &. n.39Eloxochitl (flower), 253n.lEltezcatl (breast mirror), 95n. 10Enriquez, Martin de, 6Epagotl[-azotl) (plant), 286 &. n.33Epcoacuacuilli(-iltzin) (priest), 83 &. n.13, 89Epcoatl (temple), 83n.l3Equipment: ballplayer, 199 & n.10, 200, 227;

weaving, 207-208.See al so Accouterments Ethnography, Sahagun and, 3-6, 8, 12-18 Etzalcualiztli (festival), 42, 59, 76 & n.20, 78n.28,

83n.l3Etzalli, eating of. See Etzalcualiztli Evangela hum, Epistol azium et Lecti onari um

Aztecum (Sahagun?), 73n.9 Excrement, medicinal use of lizard, 291 Executioners, 199 Eyes, afflictions of, 285, 290-94

Eye shields, 269 &. n.41, 280 Ezpitzalli (helmet mask?), 94n.2

Face: mutilation of, 289; painting of(see Paint, ritual/cosmetic uses of); roughness of, 290 [see al so Blemishes, facial)

Famine, 186 &n.7, 187 & n.12, 198, 212, 244, 248&. n.l

Fasting, ritual, 59, 65, 68, 75, 84, 92 &. n.79, 124 Feasts, 27, 28, 34, 42, 161; deities associated with,

101n.43; funerary, 179.See al so Festivals Feathers, decorative, 93-9^ 99-101, 103-14, 132,

206n.l; as apparel trim, 207n.l[bottom]-, as banner adornment, 278; as battle-suit decoration, 275, 278n.88; as cape adornment, 205,225; as costume adornment, 206 &. n.2; as deity adornment, 130-31, 136, 140n.l6, 264n.22; as festival element, 77n.21; gambling for, 200; as headpiece adornment, 264-66; as insignia

adornment, 264-68, 277-80; as lordly adornment, 186n.6; ritual use of, 78, 83-85, 91, 125; as royal due, 224; on sacrificial victims, 240n.23; as shield decoration, 261 &nn.5,7 262 & nn.10,12, 269-70 & n.47, 280n.92; standards decorated with, 271-74; as tunic adornment, 263-64, 270 & nn.49,50

Featherworkers, 12, 109n.81 Festivals, 55-69, 83, 85-8^ 90, 124-25; Epcoacua-

cuiltzin and, 83; of Tlaloc[see Etzalcualiztli). See al so Feasts; Izcalli; Ochpaniztli; Panquet- zaliztli; Tepeilhuitl; Tlacaxipehualiztli; Tox- catl; Veintenas

Fever, 284 & n.21, 286-88 Filth, goddess of. See Tlazolteotl Fire(s), 88; dreams of, 176; Epcoacuacuiltzin

and, 83; as offering, 42, 70-71, 198; in temple courtyard, 126. See al so New Fire ceremony; Torches

Fire God, 62n.30, 67See al so Xiuhtecuhtli Fire priests, 72, 90 n.62, 125, 237 Fire Sticks (asterism), 154 &. n.^ 155, 160 Fish, edible, 202.See also Roe Fishing, Opochtli and, 103n.575, symbology of Nahuatl, 82n.ll, 101n.43, 120 Flank, pain in, 286Flayed One/Our Lord. See Xipe Totee Flaying, 42, 56-58, 79; as festival element,

65n.36; of women, 62, 90; as Zapotee specialty, 102n.48.See al so Skins, dressing in human; Tlacaxipehualiztli

Flight, dreams of, 176 & n.13 Floods, 187 & n.llFlor ent i ne Codex, 6n.3, 7-11, 14-18, 25, 33,



78n.28, 128-29, 229n.l.See also Illustrations, of Flo renti ne Codex; M anuscrit o de Tolosa

Flowers, 198n.3; chocolate and, 202; as clothing- design element, 204-205; deities associated with, 101n.43, 139n.l5; as offerings, 42, 57, 70, 179; ritual use of, 83 & n.19, 84, 8? 93,• ruler

interest in, 207, 226.See also Marigold "Flowery wars," 33 Flutes, 137n.ll, 154-55Food, 201n.l6, 225; of commoners, 203; festival,

87; of gods (see Hearts); of Mictlan, 177; of nobility, 10, 40, 201-203; as offering, 28, 42, 64, 65, 70, 179; overindulgence in, 287n.41 (see also Satiety); ritual casting of, 71-72; of rulers, 201-203, 226; snakes as, 57(see al so Snakes, swallowing of ). See al so Famine; Feasts; Maize; Mushrooms,- Tamales; Tortillas

Footprints, as illustration element, 27, 28, 34, 63 Frogs, 68n.44, 69, 181, 202; ritual swallowing of, 76

Frost, 30, 157, 213 Fruit, 202.See al so Avocado Fur, as apparel trim, 207n.lj bottom)Furnishings, of ruler houses, 209-10

Gambling, 197-200. See alsoPatolli Gaming, deities of, 101n.43, 139n.l5.See al so

Ball games Garibay K., Angel Maria, 9, 17, 129 Gatherers, hunters and, 138n, 139 & n.14,

141n.l8, 276n.81 Gatherings (book-leaf clusters), 20; in Primeros

Memoriales manuscript, 20 -2 4 Gemini (constellation), 154n.7 Gems, 123 & n, 200, 206n.l, 224, 227, 263.See

also Jade; Jewelry; Lapidaries,- Turquoise Ghosts, as ill omens, 175 Giants, as ill omens, 175 Goddesses, 60, 88nn.4?50, 102-103, 110 & n.8?

112-13, 142-43, 177n.2, 222, 261n.? 264n.22; earth [see Goddesses, fertility); fertility, 112n.94, 113n.97, 119n.5, 140n.l6, 143nn.21,22, 178n.9, 222n.3, 262n.ll, 273n.65, 275n.77(see al so Chi- comecoatl; Coatlicue; Teteoinnan); imperson

ators of, 84,- maize, 83n.l7[see al so Chicome- coatl); water, 133n.8.See al so Chalchiuhtlicue; Chicomecoatl; Cihuacoatl; Coatlicue; Teteoinnan; Toci; Xilonen; Zapotlantenan

God-keepers, 120, 197Gods, 8-10, 13,17 19, 26-29, 34-36, 38, 40, 42, 55-

152, 177n.2; amusements of, 207 &. n.l(top)-, attributes of, 121-23; death-centered, 100n.36 [see al so Tlaloc); fertility (see Tlaloque); gifts to (see Offerings); impersonation of, 27-29, 42, 59-

62, 65,67 68n.43, 8 4-88 n.4? 90-9 3, 101n.43, 108n,74, 110n.88,U2n.97, U 9nJ, 145n, 157n.5; maize (see Maize, gods of); meteorological, 30; of octli (see Octli, gods of); as patrons, 31; "payment" to, 74 (see al so Offerings); as planets,30; rain, 272n.61(see al so Tlaloc); ritual "eat

ing" of, 113n.99; ritual "feeding" of, 74,- wrath of, 120.See al so Atlahua; Centeotl; Costumes, of deities,- Demigods; Devil; Fire god; Huehue- teotl,- Huitzilopochtli; Insignia, of deities; Macuiltonaleque; Macuilxochitl; Mictlante- cuhtli; Mixcoatl; Octl i , gods of; Opochtli,- Otontecuhtli; Painal; Quetzalcoatl; Sun god; Tamoanchan; Tezcatlipoca; Tlaloc; Tomi- yauh(tecuhtli); Xipe Totee,- Xiuhtecuhtli; Xochipilli; Yacatecuhtli; Yauhqueme

Gold, 206n.l, 277n; banners of, 266; ear plugs of, 262 &. n.13, 277; gambling with, 200; as insignia element, 265n.26; necklaces of, 263, 269n.40; as royal due, 225; as shield adornment, 262,- standards decorated with, 271

Goldcasting, 123 n Gourds, hanging of. See Ochpaniztli Gout, 176 & n.12, 282 Grado, Diego de, 33 Grammar, Spanish-Nahuatl, 3 Grasses, 284n.29Greetings, among nobility, 294-95Guzmán, Ñuño de, 187n.l4Guzmán Cecepatic, Cristóbal de. See Cristóbal

Hail, 30, 157 & n.9, 213 Hair, splitting of, 292Hallucinations, mushroom-induced, 161 n.4,

199n.7Hanging, death by, 199, 243Head, afflictions of, 292-93.See al so Ears; Eyes;

Face; Skull Headache, cures for, 287, 292 Headbands, 206 Sl n.2 Headdresses, 206n.l, 272n.61 Headpieces, 264 & nn.22,23, 265 &. nn.24,25,

266n.30, 279

Heart(s): extraction of, 72 &. n; as offering, 198n.2 Heavens, Prim eros M emori ales focus on, 10, 26,30, 39, 43, 153-74 .See al so Astronomy; Constellations; Lightning; Moon; Sun

Hemorrhoids, 282, 289 Herbs, medicinal, 280n.l-94n.97 Hercules (constellation), 155n.l2 Hindman, Sandra, 25H i stor ia de las In di as de Nuev a España e Islos

de la Tierra Fir me (Durán), 10, 25

Index

321



Index

322

Hi stori a G eneral (U niv ersal) d e las Cosas de (la) Nueva España (Sahagún), 4, 12-17 20, 24, 25,33, 36, 55, 69-7On, 81n.l, llón.l. See also Florenti ne Co d exM anuscrit o de Tolosa

Historia Naturalis (Pliny), 17 History, Primeros M emori ales and Mexican, 12 Honduras, Cortés to, 190nn.23,24 Honey, chocolate and, 202 Houses, of rulers, 40.See also Palaces Huacalxochit l [ plant), 204n.6 Huactl i (heron), 174n.2 Huanitzin, Diego, 188 St n.15 Huauht l i (amaranth), 113n.l00 Huaxcuahuit l (tree), 281 &.n.3 Huaxteca (language), 9 Huaxteca (people), 11, 84 Sin.24, 133n.7

222nn.l,6, 261n .?266n.30 Huehue Motecuhzoma. See Motecuhzoma I Huehueteotl (deity), 35, 42, 62n.30, 63, 67 & n.42,

85, 88 &n.48, 100n.39, 122, 137n.ll; array of, 100-101; Song of, 137-38.See also Xiuhtecuhtli

Huehuetl (drum), 265n.27 Huehuetlatoll i (discourses), 11, 13, 20, 229n.l,

232n.6, 245n Huexolotl (turkey cock), 274n.71 Huexotla (city-state), rulers of, 10, 13, 32, 40, 50,

185n.l, 191-92 Huexotzinco (city-state), 189 Sin.20 Hueymiccailhuitl. See Xocotlhuetzi Huey Molían (Honduras region), 190 Si n.24 H uey nacaztli (spice), 202n.8 Hueytecuilhuitl (festival), 42, 60, 87n,47 Huey t la toani (supreme ruler), 265n.26 Hueytozoztli (festival), 42, 58, 148n.25 H u ip i l l i (garment), I05n.68, 203-204n.l Huitzilihuitl (ruler), 185 H u i t z i l i n (hummingbird), 182n.l7 Huitzilopochtli (deity), 29, 35, 59 Si n.16, 62-65,

6? 93-94nn.l,5, 105n.67 112n.94, 117n.l, 120n.l0, 121n.2(top,bottom), 152n, 179n.2 (top), 187n.9, 197 Si n.l, 222, 224; array of, 42,93-94; attributes of, 121; birth of, 106n.71, 136-37(see al so Coatlicue); and Centzonhuitz- nahua, 94n.4; as cremation presence, 179; dualistic nature of, 121n.2(bo£iom); hymns to, 128, 130n.2; and Painal, 65n.37 94n,7 121n.2( top), 122; shrines of, 118, 119nn.2,8; Song of, 130- 31; sorcerer as, 215.See also Tezcatlipoca

Huitz i tz i lxoch i t l (plant), 204n.7 Huitznahuac (temple; ward?), 60 &n.23, 131;

priest of, 81-82 Huitzoco (town in Guerrero), 275n.80 Huitzoctl i (tool), 275n.80

Huitzoncall i (headdress), 113n.99 Huixach(ti)tlan(-achtecatl) (hill), 160 Si n.4 Huixtocihuatl (goddess), 35, 42, 60 Si n.21,

98n.24, 106n.70; array of, 106 Huixtotin (sacrificial victims), 106n.70 Humans, as Prim eros Memorial es figures, 27

32-33, 36, 41, 251-98; appellations of, 253-54; categorization of, 25 2-53 .See al so Captives; Children; Commoners; Diviners; Merchants; Nobles; Priests; Rulers; Slaves; Sorcerers,- Warriors; Women

Human sacrifice, 27 42, 61n.29, 87 100n.36, 106n.70, 125n.5, 198n.2, 212, 240n.23; bathing before, 61n.29, 161n.3; of captives, 56, 64, 72, 74, 90n.66, 125; of children,27, 42, 56, 84n.22, 85n.31, 89, 248 Sin.3,- gladitorial, 94n.6, 119n.7 147n, 244; of god impersonators, 110n.88; hardware of, 119; mementos of, 29; ruler role in, 198, 199; of slaves, 56, 60n.25, 72-74, 90n.66,

112n,97 161 Sin.3; of warriors, llln.90; of women, 60, 77n.21, 84n.22, 87n.47See al so Autosacrifice,- Gods, impersonation of; Tla- huahuanalizt l i

Hummingbirds, 93n.l, 94 & n.2, 182 Si n.17 Hunter-gatherers, 276n.81; Chichimeca as, 138n,

139 & n.14, 141n.l8 Hunting, 151n, 207 276 Si n.81 Hyades (star cluster), 154n.7 Hymns, 128-52.See also Chants, sacred

Ichcahuipil l i (cotton armor), 260n.2 Ichpoli (herb), 282 Si n.ll Ichpuli (sow-thistle), 203 n.l6 -Idols, 27 29Ihichcayo (herb), 289 Si n.58 Ih iz t laqu i l t ic (herb), 291 Si n.77 Ihuit ezouhqui chimall i (shield), 262n,12,

270n.47Ilacatziuhqui (herb), 286 Si n.36 I lacatzt ic (herb), 283 Si n.18 Ilamatecuhtli (goddess), 66 Illustrations: didactic use of, 25; European ap

proach to manuscript, 24; ofFlorenti ne Codex, 8, 9, 11, 13 Si n.7 16; ofPri meros M emori al es, 6-9, 13 Si n.7 16-19, 24-3755, 114-16, 190n.25, 192-97n.l, 260n.l, 262n.l2, 263n.l6(see al so Artists, of Pri meros M emor i al es). See also Manuscripts, indigenous pictorial

Images, sacred, 27 120n.9; of gods(see Tepictoton) Implements, 5, 275n.80; of noblewomen, 207-208 Incense, 27, 29, 42, 70nn.4,6, 71 Si n, 83, 91n.70,

117 119n.4, 124, 125, 128; in children-binding ritual, 77n.24; judge use of, 231; medicinal,



292; as offering, 28, 63, 65, 75, 153-55, 177; priests and, 81. See al so Copal

Indigo, 206 &. n.17 “Indi o Tri ste” (image), 120n.9 Insects, 203, 286n.37Insignia: of deities, 8, 9, 19, 28-2^ 94-113; of no

bles, 33, 276-79; of rulers, 33, 41, 186n.6, 260-68; of warriors, 11-12, 16, 26, 33, 41, 50-51, 268-76, 279-80

Itch, cure for, 283 Itlacauhtzin (ruler), 191 Itzcoatl (ruler), 186 & nn.5,6, 189 & n.19 Itzehecayan (waystation en route to Mictlan),

177n.5Itzpapalotl (goddess), 99n.30, 135n, 136, 273n.65 Itzpapalotl (headband plates), 99n.30 Itzpapalotl (military standard), 273n.65 Itztlacoliuhqui (deity), 30, 157n.5, 275n.7ZSee

also Centeotl Ixchichi t icavizt l j (watering of eyes), 294n.97 Ixci t la l ic ihuizt l i (eye film), 294 Ixcol iuhqui chimal l i (eye shield), 269n.42 Ixcozauhqui. See Huehueteotl, Xiuhtecuhtli Ixcuina. See Tlazolteotl Ix ip t l a (god impersonator), 110n.88, 197 & n.l Ixt lapalpani t l (military standard), 274n.72 Ixtlilco (temple), 89 &. n.57 Ixtlilton (deity), 35, 89n.5? 101nn.43,44; array of,

101

Ixtlilxochitl (ruler), 188, 190Sl n.24Izcalli (festival), 42, 66-6? 77n.22, 78n.26, 100n.39

Izquitecatl (deity), 91n.72Izquitlan (barrio; river; temple), 91-92Izquixochi t l ("popcorn flower"), 204n.5Iztaccihuatl (deity), 123Iztac Cihuatl. See Coatlicue (goddess)Iztaccihuatl (volcano), 100n.36Iztac cuahuit l (plant), 291Iztachiuhque (salt makers), 106n.70Iztac cvyut l (battle suit), 275n.76, 278n.88Iz tac iv i te lolot l i (military standard), 272n.59Iztac quaxolot l (military standard), 271n.52Iztac Tepetl (mountain deity), 114

Jacobita, Martin, 3n, 33, 118, 120n.2 Jade, 206n .2 Jaguars, 182n.l3, 204 Jaguar warriors, 244-4? 249 Jails, 161, 209 Jet, 268Jewelry, 225, 245; making of, 12.See al so Gems,-

Necklaces Judges, 11, 201 , 229-4 6

Juil(e) (fish), 202n.6 Juncus (rush seats), 226 Justice, Pri meros M emori al es focus on, 11. See

also Capital punishment; Jails; Judges

Kinship, 251 Si n.l Knee, afflictions of, 283

Lampblack, 291, 294 Lapidaries, 268 Leather, 260, 268 Leg bands, 206 & n.l Leprosy, 16? 169, 172, 282 Lesbianism, 253 Lice, 285, 291Li enzo de Tlaxcala (manuscript), 33 Lightning, 30, 156, 181, 288 Lime (calcium oxide), 282, 283, 28? 292 Limewater, 284 Lineage, 251 & n.lLip plugs, 206 & n.l, 260, 268, 269n.44, 277 & nLips: ornaments for, 269, 278; perforation of, 80Liquidambar (tree), 292Lizard disease, 287Lizards, 181 & n.ll, 291Loincloths. See BreechclothsLopez, Genaro, 7Lords. See Nine Lords; Nobles,- Thirteen Lords Lye, 284

M acehualli (commoner), 182n.l4

Macht l i (niece; nephew), 251n.4 M acpallo chimal li (shield), 280n.93 Macuilcalli (deity), 120n.9 Macuilcuetzpalli (deity), 120n.9 Macui lpani t l (military standard), 272n.60 Macuiltochtli (deity), 36, lOlnn.43,44, 109n.81;

array of, 109 Macuiltonaleque (deities), 101nn.43-45,

109nn.81,82, 110nn.86,8? llln.93, 113n.9? 120n.9, 139n.l5, 152n.See al so Macuilxochitl

Macuilxochitl (deity), 36, lOlnn.43,45,109nn.82,84, llln.93, 120n.9, 152n; array of, 109-10; hymn to, 149n; Song of, 152; and

Xochipilli, 139n.l5.See al so Xochipilli Magicians, 158n.9, 169, 172, 210n.l.See al so Sor

cerers Magnolia, 202Maguey, 91, 110n.8? 143n.21, 201, 203,

207n.l[bottom], 269; medicinal uses of, 28? 293,- multiple uses of, 274 &n.70; as octli source, 82n.7; rainbow over, 157; for shields, 261; weaving with, 208. See alsoOctli

Index

323



Index

324

Mahogany, 289n.56 M aiehuatl (gloves), 199n.l0 .M a i t l (hand; arm), 200n.l3 Maize, 56, 98nn.25,28, 100n40, 220; celebration

of, 42, 58, 145n(see also Maize, hymns to); disrespect of, 178; divination using, 217-18; gods of, 83n.l7 139n.l5, 148n.25, 152n, 157n.5; as gruel, 288; hymns to, 147 & n, 148; as offering, 70; ritual use of, 63, 69, 148n.25, 155n.l2[see also Maize, celebration of); sorcerer tricks with, 215; Xilonen and, 122.See also Tamales; Tortillas

Malefactors, 210-16 M alinal l i ( broom), 143n.22, 144 Malina l l i (grass), 97n.l7 Mamalhuatzi (constellation), 160n.3 Mamazt l i ("flight feathers"), 276n.83 Man. See Humans Mange, 283, 287

Manuscripts, indigenous pictorial, 25-26, 28-30, 32-34

M anuscrit o de Tlat elol co (Sahagún), 4M anuscrit o de Tolosa, 4, 6n.3Many and the Market. See PleiadesMaquavitzoctl i (war club), 275n.80Marigold, 83 & n.19, 84, 90, 103 &. n.58Markets, ruler control of, 200.See al so MerchantsMarriage, 220.See also AdulteryMasks, 275 & n.77See also DisguiseMassacres, Spanish, 118Matatzin tecuhtli (ruler), 191

Matlahuacall i (pouch), 107n.72Matlalcueye (mountain deity), 114Matlalhuacall i[netted pouch), 139n.l4Matla l in (eye remedy), 291 &. n.81Matlalzazalic (herb), 287 & n.46 - rMat makers, 108n.77M atri cula de Tributos, 25, 32, 33Mats (furniture), 209-10, 226Maximiliano, Bonifacio, 33Maxtla (ruler), 5Maxt la t l (loincloths), 203n.lMaya (people), 30, 99n.32Mayahuel (goddess), llOn.8? 143n.21Mayance (language), 222n.6Mazateca (people), 68-69, 76Mazatlan (barrio; town), 68n.44Mazayacatzolli (herb), 283 & n.15M ecaichiuht icac ("wind design"), 96n.l4Mecatlan (music school), 88-89, 137 &.n.llM ecaxochit l (vanilla), 202n,9Medicines, 105n.64.See al so Herbs, medicinalMeiotl i . See Meyotli

M emorial es (Motolinia), 25 Mendieta, Gerónimo de, 18 v Menses, treatment of, 286 Merchants, 12, 61, 91n.70, 99n.35, 112n.97, 163,

265n.26; god of(see Yacatecuhtli). See al so Markets

Mesquite, 289 Metallurgy, 12Meteorology, 10, 26, 30, 36, 39, 43-44.See al so

Heavens Metl (maguey plant), 143n.21 M etztl i cuallo (lunar eclipse), 154n.6 Mexayacatl (military standard), 275n.77 Mexica (people), 11, 16, 59n.l6, 69-70n, 118, 142,

228; expansionism of, 33, 223-24; as hymn subject, 128. See also Chichimeca; Mexico Tenochtitlan; Motecuhzoma II; Tepepolco; Tlatelolco .

Mexico, priest of, 81

Mexico City, Mex., 16, 112n.94, 120n.9 Mexico Tenochtitlan (city-state), 4, 5, 9-12, 31,

59n.l6, 60n.23, 70n.l, 90n.59, 91n.72, 92n.74, 96n.l3, 105n.64, 106n.71, 120n.2; ascendent, 223; ceremonial center of, 117-20; dynasty of [see Mexico Tenochtitlan, rulers of); excavations of, 70n.4, 112n.94, 118; as hymn source, 128; manuscripts of, 33; priests of, 81n.3; rulers of, 10, 40, 49, 185-88 &n,16, 265nn.26,27

_ [see al so Motecuhzoma II); Sahagún in, 12, 13, 16, 80n.34, 83n,13, 84n.22, 88nn.49,51, 90n.66, 91n.70; subjugation of, 186nn.5,6, 190, 222n.3;

temples of, 60n.23, 117-18 &. n.l(see also Templo Mayor, of Mexico Tenochtitlan); Tlatelolco and, 179-80n.3; Tlaxcala vs., 33; and Tollan, 105n.67; war-ravaged, 187See al so Mexico City, Mex.; Motecuhzoma II; Templo Mayor, of Mexico Tenochtitlan

Meyotl i (symbol), 112n,96 M iahuat l. See Maize Miccailhuitontli (festival), 42, 60 -61 Michoacan (Tarascan region), 107n.72 Mictecacihuatlf-cagivatl) (deity), 39, 177n.2, 178 Mictlampa (northern region), 181n.l0.See al so

MictlanMictlan (abode of dead), 10, 39, 177-78 Mictlantecuhtli (deity), 39, 78n.25, 92n,78, 177-79 "Midnight rite," 80 Midwives, 143n.21, 253n.l, 254 Miec (constellation), 160n.3 Migrations, Nahua, 135n, 138n.See al so Chico-

moztoc Milk, 294Mimich (demigod), 135n, 136



M imiq u i l i z t l i (paralysis?), 287nn.42,44 Mimixcoa (deities), 138-39 Mimixcoa Tlalpan (steppes), 138n M in a (to pierce), 227n.23 M inacachall i (harpoon), 103n.57 Miquiz t l i (skulls), 271n.52

Mixchiauhticac (face patch), 97n.20 M ixchictl apanticac (facial painting), 96n.l6 Mixcoatl (deity), 42, 64, &. n.35, 107n.72, 108n.75,

138n, 15 InMixcolichiuticac (face-painting technique),

102n.49 M i x i t l (plant), 293 & n.92Mixteca (people), 26.See al so Olmeca Huixtotin

MixtecaMixte t l i lcomolo (domino), 108n.75 Mocihuaquetzque. See Cihuapipiltin Molonco, priest of, 83

Momoztl i (altar), 119nn.4,7 M omuzco (shrines), 154n.4 : ■Monsters, gods as, 271n.52 Moon, 30, 153 & n.l, 154 n.6 Moquihuix (ruler), 179-80n.3, 182n.l4, 186n.8 Motecuhzoma I (ruler), 183 & n.19, 186 Motecuhzoma II (ruler), 81n.3,8J 92 &. n.79, 179,

183n,20, 18? 188n.l5, 265nn.26,27 Motelchiuh, Andrés de Tapia, 187 & n.14 -- Mote(n)macpalhuiticac (design motif), 109n.82 Motolinia (Franciscan ethnographer), 25 Mountain lions, 204Mountains: dreams of, 176; festival focus on,

63-64 Mummies, 263n.l6Mushrooms, 161, 199, 238, 240; hallucinogenic,

161n.4, 199n.7 Music, god of, 139n.l5.See also Mecatlan; Songs

Nacazcolotl (tree), 284 & n.24 Nacaztli (side [of torso]), 227n.23 Nacochtli (ear plugs), 203n.l Nahua. See MexicaNahua(t)lachco (magic ball court), 145n Nahuall i (sorcerer, disguise), 94n.3, 102n.49,

140n.l5Nahualpilli ("Sorcerer-prince"), 133 & n.7 Nahuatl (language), 3, 5, 6n.3, 9, 13, 16, 106n.70,

128, 131n.3, 141n.l? 143n.21; Classical, 13; vituperation in, 11

Nanacaqualoia (eating of mushrooms), 199n.7 Nanahuaxihuit l (herb), 283 &. n.14 Nantzin (plant), 289 & n.70 7Nappatecuhtli (deity), 36, 87n.41, 98nn.23,24,

108n.77; array of, 108

Navacatl (feast day), 244n.32 Nazareo, Pablo, 106n.70Negivaquetzaliztli (death in childbirth), 286n.34 Necklaces, 204n.l, 206 & n.l, 263 & n.14,

268-69, 276,277, 279 Nelpiloni (belts), 199n,10

Nenepillaxhualiztli (tongue abscess), 282n.l3 Nests, edible larva, 203 Nets, fishing, 103n.57 Nettles, 287New Fire ceremony, 31, 154n.9, 158n.l, 160nn.3,4,

187 &. n.10Nezahualcoyotl (ruler), 5, 179n.2(ioj>), 186n.5, 189

&. nn.19,22, 191n.30, 192, 265n.27 Nezahualcoyotzin. See Nezahualcoyotl Nezahualpilli (ruler), 189n.22, 190nn.23,24 Nicholson, H. B., 15, 16 Night, god of. See Yohualtecuhtli Night Drinker (priest), 146, 147 & n Night wind (affliction), 285 Nine Lords, 274n,71Nobles, 10-11,2732, 41, 203-206, 276-79 &

n.90; battle accouterments of, 262n.l0; designations of, 258-59; education of young, 81 & n.2, 82; as festival dancers, 62; before judges, 229-34, 236-40, 243, 244; perquisites of, 225- 26; ruler focus on, 245-47; speech patterns of, 294-95; andxocotl, 61. See al so Rulers

Noisemakers, festival, 70n.5 Nonoalco (barrio), 142 & n.20 Nose plates, 206 Nose plugs, 206n.l Nourishing (ritual), 79 & n.30

Objects, ceremonial, 19 Obsidian, 5, 142Ocelocoatl ("jaguar-serpent"), 133n.8 Oceloquacuilli ("jaguar priest"), 133n.8 Ogelot etepoyo chi mal li (shield), 262n.ll, 279n.89 Ochpaniztli (festival), 42, 62, 77n.21, 84nn.22,24,

85n.28, 90n.62, 152n, 157 & nn.5,6, 275n.77 Ochre, 206Ococalli (temple), 84 & n.21

Ocotecuhtli. See Otontecuhtli Ocotzotica (resin), 282n.l0 Ocotzotl (resin), 282n.l9, 292n.86 Ocpatli (plant), 284 &. n.19 Octli (beverage), 65, 72, 81-83, 85-8?91, llOn.8?

143n.21, 149-50, 267n.3?291; children and, 78; chocolate and, 22; gods of, 85-87 & nn.39, 41, 42, 91, 93n.80, 96nn.l5,16, 97n.l? lOlnn.43,44, 107-109 & nn .80-82, 267n.3? 272n.61(see al so Totochtin); Jimson weed and, 297; medicinal

Index

325



Index

326

uses of, 284n.l9, 293, 294; white, 87See al so Drunkenness; Pulque

Offering(s), ritual, 27, 35, 38, 42,57, 58, 69-80, 178, 249; animals as, 28, 42, 5? 70, 74, 79-80, 102n49, 124; blood as, 28, 29, 38, 42, 73 & n.12, 74, 79, 128, 198n.2, 201; branches as, 74; by children, 75; clothing as, 42, 70, 179; copal as, 198; to

devil, 70-72 & n, 74-76, 78-80; drink as, 28; festival, 28, 63, 64; fire as, 42, 70-71, 198; flowers as, 42, 57, 70, 179; food as, 28, 42, 64,65, 70, 179; hearts as, 198n.2; incense as, 28, 63, 65, 75, 153-55, 177; maize as, 70; paper as, 177; priests and (see Offering priests); rubber as, 177; ruler responsibility for, 198; by sorcerers, 213; straw as, 79-80; to sun, 123-25, 153,- thorns as, 73 & n.ll, 155; tobacco as, 179.See al so Human sacrifice; Tribute

Offering priests, 92, 125-27 Officials, 197n.l. See al so Advisors, royal; Con

stables,- Judges Ohololtic (plant), 288 & n.53 Olchicalli (food), 56Ollamaliz t l i (ball game), 197n.l; 199n.9,

207n.l(iop)Olmeca (people), 133n.8 Olmeca Huixtotin Mixteca (people), 106n.70 Olmos, Andrés de, 4, 18 & n Ololiuhqui (root), 281 & n.4, 286 Ololta tont l i (herb), 284 &. n.28 Omacatl (deity), 35, 99n.33, 113n.99; array of, 113 Ome Acatl. See Tezcatlipoca, as Ome Acatl Omequipi l lo (pendants), 105n.65 Ometeotl (deity), 140n.l6.See al so Tonacacihuatl Ometochchimall i (shield), 97n.l8 Ometocht lav iz t l i (military standard), 267n.37 Ometochtli (deity), 87, 123.See also Totochtin Ome Tochtli (octli priest), 81n.3, 87 Ometochtli Nappatecuhtli (deity), 87 Ometochtli Pahtecatl (deity), 86-87 Ometochtli Papaztac (deity), 87 Ometochtli Tomiyauh (deity), 86 Ometochtli Yauhqueme (deity), 85. See also

Yauhqueme Ometochtzin (deities), 82-83

Omil lamav i ("old-womanish"), 244n.33 Omixoch i t l (flower), 205n.l2 Oocholtic (herb), 284 & n.26 Opochtli (deity), 35, 90n.63, 102n.53, 103n.5?

151n, 152; array of, 103 Oquicht lahuel i loque ("bad men"), 210n.l Oquicht l i (man[ly warrior]), 259n.8 Orations, court. See Huehuetlatolli Orion (constellation), 154n.7

Otomi (language), 5, 123n, 153n.lOtomi (people), 11, 98n.29, 107n.72, 123n, 142 &.

n.20, 153n.l, 222 & n.4; gods of, 273n.65 Otontecuhtli (deity), 35, 61 &. n.28, 98-99n.29,

107n.72, 142nn.l9,20, 222, 273n.65; array of, 98-99; attributes of, 123 & n; hymn to, 128; Song of, 142

Oxi t l (turpentine), 105nn.64,65, 122n.43 Oyohualli (ornament), 101n.44 Oztoman (town in Guerrero), 145n Oztopi l in (staff), 98n.24

Pahtecatl (deity), 82 & n.9 Painal (deity), 35, 65n.37, 94n .7 121n.2(iop); array

of, 94-95, 122 Painaltzin. See PainalPaint, ritual/cosmetic uses of, 83, 85, 90, 91,

94-114, 127 &n.2, 152n, 206, 275 Painting, gods of, 101n.43

Palaces, 199, 209-10 Palm (tree), 103n.55, 202n.5 Panquetzaliztli (festival), 42, 64-65, 75, 86, 8?

94n.? 113n.99, 221 Papaztac (deity), 87n.42 Paper, ritual uses of, 83 -8 ? 90 -93 , 177 Paralysis, 287n.44 Parrots, 289Paso y Troncoso, Francisco del, 4, 6-8, 15, 18, 23,

24, 29, 36 Patli (remedy?), 291Patolli (gambling game), 101n.45, 198 & n.l, 200

& n.14, 207 & n.l(iop)Penance (concept), 73n.9 Pendants, 277 & nPetlachiuhque (mat makers), 108n.77Philip II, king of Spain, 6, 106n.70Philodendron (plant), 204 & n.6Phlegm, treatment of, 281Pichahuazteca (people), 130Pictorials, ritual-divinatory. See Tonalamatl Pi l l i (noble), 182n.l4Pi l l ihu i t l (feathers), 263n.l9Pillivieuatl (feathers), 263n.l9Pil lo t l (niece; nephew), 251n.4

Piltzintecuhtli (deity), 141 & n.16, 145n, 146Pimentel, Hernando, 190Pinacatl[-cate ) (beetle), 177n.3Pine, 282 & n. 10Pipeteca (people), 131Pipi l t in (nobles), 279n.90.See also NoblesPipitla(n) (place), 150 &. nPlague, 198, 201, 212Planets, 30, 155n.ll



"Pleasure girls." See Prostitutes Pleiades (star cluster), 154n.9 Plumería (flower), 205 Si n.ll Pochteca (merchants), 91n.70 Pochteca ozt omeca (merchants), 150n Pochtlan (barrio), 91 Si n.70 Poetry, Nahuatl traditional, 18 Poinsettia (flower), 205 Si n.14 Pole ceremonies, 99n.29 Polianthes (flower), 205 Si n.l 2 Pollux (star), 154n.7 Popocatepetl (deity). See Tlaloc Popocatepetl (volcano), 100n.36, 113 Popoloca (language), 106n.70 Popotl (plant), 284 Si n.29 Pots, octli , 267n.37 Poztecqui (shield), 262n.l2 Pregnancy, lunar eclipse and, 154. See al so Child

birthPriest(s), 8, 9, 26,27,29, 56, 70n,4, 80-93, 119n.4;

as Cihuateteo, 66; of devils' houses, 126; drunken, 83; as festival dancers, 62; of gladitorial sacrifice (see Night Drinker); as god- keepers, 120; and human sacrifice, 100n.36 (see al so Fire priests; Offering priests); before judges, 232, 233, 235, 237-39; and Ochpaniztli rituals, 77n.21; "over the people," 82,• residences of, 29 (see also Calmecac); as sacrificers (see Fire priests); of Tepepolco, 120-21n.2; and thorn offering, 73n.ll; and tobacco, 116n.3; and Toxcatl festival, 59. See al so Costumes, of

priests; Diviners; Epcoacuacuilli; Fire priests; Offering priests Priestesses, 87-88Pri meros M emori ales (Sahagun), 4, 117-18n.l;

contents of, 8-12, 18-20, 38-41; dimensions of, 7; discovery of, 6-8; European influence on, 17-18, 26, 30-34, 36; asHistor ia component, 13-14; hymns of, 128-52; imagery of, 15-20, 24-37 42-51 (see also Artists, of Pri meros M emori ales; Illustrations, in Primeros M emori ales); indigenous aspects of, 18; linguistic/literary aspects of, 13; physical aspects of, 8, 15-37(see al so Gatherings; Watermarks); production of, 20-24, 35(see al so Artists, of Pri meros M emori al es); proselytizing aspects of, 12, 16; publication of, 6-8, 15; style of, 13, 18-24. See alsoHi storia General (U niv ersal) de l as Cosas de (l a) N ueva España

Processions, ritual, 27, 28, 76 Prophets, as "bad men," 210n.l Proserpina (Roman goddess), 141n.l6 Prostitutes, 67, 216-17 See alsoAmigas

Proyecto Templo Mayor, 112n.94, 118 Pulque (beverage), 122-23. See alsoOctli Purepecha. See Tarascans Purgatives, 288, 290 Pustules, treatment of, 283, 289 Pyrites, 270

Quachtlacalhuaztl i (plant), 289 Si n.66 Quail, 83, 90 & n.62, 102 Sin.49, 124, 153,- medic

inal uses of, 286 Quauhcalli ("eagle house"), 119n.5 Quauhpatli (plant), 289 &n.68 Quauhtetepoyo chimal li (shield), 262n.ll Quauhxicalli (ritual vessel), 125 Quegalpatzactli (military standard), 271n.54 Quecehuatl (hip-guards), 199n.l0 Quecholli (festival), 42, 64, 92n.79, 93, 145n Quechquemit l (garment), 105n.68 Quemi t l (vestment), 103n.58 Quequexquic (herb), 287 Si n.46 Quetzal (bird), 100n.40, 206n.2, 267 Quetzalcoatl (deity), 35, 83 Si n.16, 96n.l3, 142,

145n, 146, 223 & n.9; array of, 96; images of, 114; nature of, 121.See al so Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl

Quetzalcoatl (ruler), 223n.9 Quetzalcoatl wind, 156 Si n.l Quetzalcocoxtli (bird), 140 Si n.15 Quetzalcopill i (military standard), 266n.30,

272n.62Quetzalcuexyo (shield), 261n.7 269n.42

Quetzalmiahuayo (head ornament), 100n.40 Quetzalpapalotl (military standard), 266n.32 Quetzalpatzactli (military standard), 265n.26 Quetzalpetlatl (Moquihuix's daughter-in-law), 10,

179-83Quetzalpuztecqui chimall i (shield), 262n.l2 Quetzalquaquavi t l (headpiece), 264n.22 Quetzalquatlamoyaoalli (headpiece), 265n.24 Quetzal t la lpi loni (hair binder), 204n.l Quetzaltototl (military standard), 267n.34 Quetzal tz i tz imi t l (headpiece), 264n.23 Quilaztli. See Cihuacoatl Quills, 271, 276n.83 Quinatzin. See Tlaltecatzin Quiñones Keber, Eloise, 8, 15n

Rabbit: as drunkenness symbol, 82nn.8,10; as ill omen, 175

Rabbits, the. See Totochtin Rain, 30, 156, 157See al so Drought Rainbows, 30, 157Rain god(s), 10, 27See al so Tlaloc(-oque)

Index

32 7



Index

328

Ramírez, José Fernando, 6 Reeds, as ritual item, 82-83 -Relapse, disease-related, 284 Religion, indigenous, 5, 8, 12, 16, 26, 275n.75.See

also Altars; Christianity; Goddesses; Gods; Hymns,- Idols; Images, sacred; Offerings, ritual; Priestesses; Priests; Ritual; Shrines; Temples

Remedies. See, CuresResins, 282, 283, 292n.86.See al so Copal; Tur

pentineRitual(s), 8-9, 12,17, 26, 38, 42, 55-152; celestial

body-related, 30 (see also Heavens). See also Bathing, ritual; Blood, ritual drawing of; Ceremonies, ritual,- Chants, sacred; Earth, eating of; Festivals; Incense; New Fire ceremony; Objects, ceremonial; Offerings; Paint, ritual/ cosmetic uses of; Paper, ritual uses of; Pole ceremonies; Priests; Processions, ritual; Rubber, ritual use of; Sacrifice; Skins, dressing in

human; Sweeping, ritual; Twigs, passing of; Veintenas¡ War, simulated Roads, sacred, 201 Robbery, punishment of, 228 Robertson, Donald, 17 & n Roe, tamales of, 203 Roseate spoonbill, 64Rubber, 98n.24; chocolate and, 202; in devils'

houses, 116; as face paint, 102; medicinal uses of, 293, 294; as offering, 177; as ritual element, 83-8? 90, 92, 93

Rubbish, ruler responsibility to remove, 198 Rulers, 10-13, 16, 19, 20, 26, 31-33, 36, 40, 49-50,

185-250, 260-68; aides of, 197; anger of, 245- 48; appellation of, 258; ascension of, 160-61; compassion of, 248-50; death of, 179; duties of, 197-201; as festival dancers, 62; flawed sons of, 248n.l, 250; funerary rites of, 179; perquisites of, 224-28, 248; replacement of,201; Spanish-controlled, 32.See al so Children, rulers of; Costumes, of rulers; Insignia, of rulers

Rushes (plants), 226; lying on (ritual), 78

Sacrifice: of animals (see Offerings, animals as);

fire, 99n.29; human (see Human sacrifice); propitiatory, 55n.2, 56.See al so Autosacrifice,•Offerings; Stones, gladitorial

Sahagún, Bernardino de, 3-20, 25, 33, 36,37, 55,70n, 81n.l, 117-18n.l, 179n.2, 188n.l6, 229n.l, 296n.2; aides of, 3, 13, 15-18, 33-34, 36-3? 117n.l, 118, 120n.2, 296n.2(see al so Artists, of Pi i meios M emoriales)-, and sacred hymns, 128. See al so Mexico Tenochtitlan, Sahagún in; Pri-

meros M emorial es-, Tepepolco, Sahagún in; Tlatelolco, Sahagún in

Salamanders, edible, 202 Salt, 106n.70, 282, 292 Saltpeter, 283, 285, 292 San Buenaventura, Pedro de, 3n, 33 Sandals, 227, 277, 278San Juan Moyotlan (Mexico Tenochtitlan quarter),

90n.65, 92n.74 Sapodilla (tree), 102n.52 Satiety, treatment of, 286 Scabies, 292Schools, 81n.2, 119. See alsoCalmecac Scorpio(n) (constellation), 156 & n.13 Scorpions, 156n.l3, 286n.37 Screenfolds, 25-26, llOn.87 Scrofula, 282Seats (resting places), 209-10Seler, Eduard, 7-9, 55, 67-68n.43, 93, 94n.2,

117n.l, 129 Seven Caves. See Chicomoztoc Severino, Mateo, 33Sex: offenses related to, 224; ritual rejection of,

64, 75.See also Adultery,- Prostitutes; Sodomy; Women, licentious

Shamans. See SorcerersShells, decorative, 80n.33, 88n.51, 101n.44, 103,

111, 117; as costume accessories, 97n.l7; as lip ornaments, 269; necklaces of, 206,268-69, 277

Shields, 142n.20, 261-62 &. nn.10-12, 269 & nn.41-44, 270 & nn.45,4^48, 277-80 & nn.92,93. See also Eye shields

Shifts (apparel), 203n.l, 205 Shirts, 260, 268, 276-78Shoots (sprouts), laying down of (ritual), 79 &.

n.31, 198 Shrimp, 203Shrines, 29, 30, 110n.88, 118, 119nn.2,5,8, 154 Side, pains in, 286 Siege, 265n.26Signs, day/year. See Day signs; Year signs Silver, 225, 262Singing: in dreams, 176; gods of, 101n.43, 139n.l5;

incense and, 71; rulers and, 198, 199, 207; women and ritual, 76 &. n.20; by youths, 221.See al so Songs

Skins: dressing in human, 57-58, 62, 65n.36,77n.21, 79, 84n.22, 90 &. n.62; ruler claim on animal, 226-27See also Fur

Skirts, 203n.l, 204n.l, 205 Skull racks, 119Skulls: bashing of criminals', 197n.l, 199; fracture



of, 293; of sacrificial victims, 29; standards decorated with, 271n.52

Skunk, as ill omen, 175 Slaves: flaying of, 42, 56; gambling for, 200; as

god impersonators, 112n.97; ritual bathing of, 67; sacrifice of(see Human sacrifice, of slaves)

Slings, 276 & n.84Snakes: dreams of, 176 & n.12; as festival fare,

68n.44 , 69; as offerings, 42, 57; as sorcerer -props, 215-16; swallowing of, 76, 145n

Snake walls, 29, 120 & n.10 Snow, 30, 157Soconusco (Chiapas region), 210n.2 Sodomy, 253Songs, 89; festival, 59, 60, 62, 64, 65; of gods, 38;

Nahuatl traditional, 18; sacred, 84[see also Chants, sacred; Hymns); Toxcatl-related, 59; women and festival, 59, 60, 62.See al so Hymns; Singing

Soot, as abscess remedy, 283 Soothsayers. See Diviners Sorcerers, 10, 11, 94n.3, 163, 169, 170, 172, 210 &

n.l, 212-16.See also Diviners,- Magicians Southern Cross (constellation), 155n.l2 Sow-thistle (plant), 203 Spanish Conquest, 3, 12, 16, 118, 181, 189, 190;

harbingers of, 189n.21 Spasms, muscular, 286 Spears, cactus, 99 &n.31, 107n.72 Spear-throwers, 276 Spices, 202 & n.8

Springs, sacred, 80 &. n.34 Squash, 202Standards, military, 265-68, 271-75 &.nn.75,77

280n.92Stars, 30, 154n.7 155 &. n.ll.See also Asterisms;

Constellations Steam, iatric, 293 Steppes, Mexican, 138n Stew, parrot, 289Stone(s): building, 226; gladitorial, 29, 56, 72,

11 In .90, 244 Stoning, ritual, 77 Stools, bloody, 281 Strangulation, death by, 197n.l, 228 Straw: offering of, 79-80; passing of (ritual), 73 &

n.10; placing on (ritual), 79 Stretching, of children, 77 & n.22 Striping, 78Suits, battle, 274n.74, 275nn.76,78,79, 278nn.8788,

280n.91Sullivan, Thelma, 9, 13-15, 129, Mln .l? 229n.l,

245n.l

Sun, 30, 38; eclipse of, 153-54,- excess of, 201; worship of, 123-25, 127n.2(bot tom ), 153.See also Tonatiuh

Sun god, 30Sweeping, ritual, 75, 88, 126, 198, 201, 235 Swellings, cure of, 283

Tadpoles, edible, 202 Talegas (tobacco pouches), 116n.3 Tamales, 28, 64, 177 202, 203, 220.See al so Ata-

malcualiztli; Water tamales Tamoanchan (abode of gods), 135 &. n, 136, 140,

141n.l6, 145 & n, 152n Tarascans (people), 107n.72 Taurus (constellation), 154n.7 Tecanman (barrio; temple), 85 & n.28 Tececec [ plant), 286 Techotlalatzin (ruler), 188 Teciuhtlazque ("hail-throwers"), 157-58n,9

Tecocoltzin (ruler), 190 Tecolotl (owl), 174n.3 Tecozahuitl (yellow ochre), 104n,60 Tecpantzinco (barrio,- canal; gate), 89 &. n.54 Tecpatl ("year bearer"), 31, 158n.l Tecpilchichimeca. See Acolhua Tecuhtlatoque (judges), 229n.l Tecuilhuitl (festival), 221 Tecuilhuitontli (festival), 42, 60, 106n.70 Tecuitlatl (edible lake scum), 203n.l7 Teeth, cosmetic darkening of, 206.See also

Toothache

Tehuantepec (town), 265n.26 Tehuehuelli (shield), 94n.5, 136-37 Tehuetzquititzin (ruler), 188 Teicui (girlchild), 255Telpucbcali (Telpochcalli ) ("bachelor houses"),

209n.3, 219n Teltapach (liver), 257n.3 Temalacatentetl (lip plug), 87n Temalacatl (sacrificial stone), 56n.l0, 119n.7 Temalli (head ornament), 103n.55 Tematlatl (sling), 276n.84 Temillotl (coiffure), 99n.34, 110n.89 Temple of the Sun, 119n.5 Temples, 9, 27, 29-30, 35, 38, 43, 81, 83n.l3, 88, 89

&n.5790n.65, 91nn.70,72, 101n.43, 110n.88, 118, 119n.2, 137n.ll; Colhuacan, 119 & n.8; of devils, 57 62, 119; as festival focus, 65-67 69; of Mexico Tenochtitlan, 60n.23, 117-18 & n.l [see al so Templo Mayor, of Mexico Tenochtitlan); as sacrifice site, 72 &. n; of Tepepolco,5, 30; of Xipe Totec, 119 & n.6.See also Shrines

Index

329



Templo(s) Mayor(es), 118, 119n.2; of Mexico Tenochtitlan, 9, 70nn.l,4, 80n.34, 81n.3, 83n.l3, 84n .22; 8 8-9 1 n.70, 112n.94, 117-20nn.9,10, 137n.ll, 187 &nn.9,10, 199n.8

Tenime Chichimeca (people), 11 Tenitl (barbarian), 222n.7 Tenixyo ("eyed"— of a garment), 204n .l Tenochtitlan. See Mexico Tenochtitlan Tentlapilolo (feather fringe), 26 2n .l2 Teocal l i. See Temples Teocomitl (cactus), 178n.8, 204n.l0 Teocuitlateteyo (shield), 269n,42 Teocuitlaxapochimalli (shield), 262n.l0, 269n.43 Teonanacatl (mushrooms), 161n.4, 199n.7 Teotihuacan (city-state), 5 Teotlatl (bamboo), 261n.6 Tepachiuhqui chim all i (shield), 269n.42 Tepaneca (people), 5, 11, 98n.29, 123n, 138n,

186nn.5,6, 189, 191n.29, 223, 228.See al so

TlacopanTepanecapan (province), 142n.20.See also Tlacopan Tepanecatl(i), 142 &. n.20.See al so Tepaneca Tepanec War, 186 &. n.5 Tepatiani (female healers), 216 Tepeilhuit l (festival), 42, 6 3- 64 , 85—87 90, 93,

113n.l00, 145n Tepepolco (city), 4-5, 12, 31-34, 60n.23, 118,

119n.2, 221n; ceremonial center of, 118—20nn.8,9; rulers of, 185n.l; Sahagun in, 3-7 9,11, 13, 16-18, 20, 25, 30, 36-37 55, 68n.44,70n.l, 117n.l, 120n.2, 128, 166n, 179n.2,188n.l6, 203n.l; temples of, 5, 30

Tepepolco (dialect), 13Tepetl Imonamiquiyan (waystation en route to

Mictlan), 178n.lO Tepictoton (deities), 35, 42, 43, 85n.30, 89n.55;

array of, 42, 113-14; priest of, 89.See al so Chalchiuhtlicue; Quetzalcoatl; Tlaloc

Tepictoton (dough images), 65-66, 113n.l00 Tepiltzin (child), 258n.4Tepotzoicpalli (throne), 186n.6, 189n.l9, 190n.25,

191n.29Tequihuaque (champion warriors), 99n.34,

110n.89

Tequitzin (sacrificial victim), 90 8i n.66 Tetectli (warp thread), 228n.24 Teteoeco (festival), 42, 63, 77 Teteoinnan (goddess), 35, 42, 61-63, 102n.54, 123,

135n, 143n.21, 152n, 275n.77; array of, 102-103 & n.56; Song of, 135-36.See al so Toci

Tetepoyyo (shield), 105n.66 Tetzahuitl. See Huitzilopochtli; Tezcatlipoca Tetzahuitl (augury), 174n.l

Tetzahuitl Huitzilopochtli. See Huitzilopochtli Tetzcoco (Acolhuacan capital), 5, 11, 13, 31,

105n.67 118, 119n.2, 186n.5, 191n.27 192, 222n.2; independence for, 189n.l9,- rulers of, 10, 13, 32, 40, 50, 185n.l, 188-90, 265nn.25,27 [see also Nezahualcoyotl); temples of, 29

Tetzcoco (dialect), 13 Tetzitzilin (herb), 287 & n.40 Tetzon (hair), 258n.5Teucuit lacuzcatl temolti c (necklace), 263n.l5 Teucuitlavevetl (military standard), 265n .27 Tevcuitlapanitl (military standard), 266n.29 Texocoyoli (plant), 288 & n.47 Texoxapochimalli (shield), 269n.43 Teyacapan (first-born girlchild), 255 Te(n)zacanecuilli (lip plug), 269n.44 Texcoco, Lake, 127 &.n.2[top) Texcoco, Mex., 118.See al so Tetzcoco Tezacanecuilo chimal li (shield), 269n.44

Tezcacoac Ayopechtli (deity), 36, 110 & n.8ZSee also Ayopechtli Tezcatlipoca (deity), 35, 42, 58-60n.23, 94-96n.l3,

110n.88, 152 & n, 232n.6, 270n.47; array of, 95; attributes of, 121; birth of, 113n.99[see al so Omacatl); dualistic nature of, 121n.2; as ghost, 175n.8; hymns to, 131n.3; impersonators of, 85n.28; as Ome Acatl, 81n,6.See al so Huitzilo- pochtli; Tlacochcalco Yaotl; Yaotl

Tezcatzoncatl (deity), 85n.29, 122, 152n; hymn to, 148-50

Tezcatzoncatl Ometoch tli (deity), 85 Tezcatzonco, 149-50 Tezozomoc (ruler), 5, 138n, 191n.29 Tezteco (liver), 257n.3 Thirteen Lords, 274n.71 Thirteen Sacred Birds, 102n.49, 274n.71 Thorns, as offering, 73 <5in.ll, 155 Tiacahuan (champion warriors), 260n.l, 276n.85,

278n.88, 280n.92 Tiacauh, 262n.l0, 264n.20, 269n.43, 271n.52.See

also Ti acahuan Ti lma t l i (capes), 203-204n.l Timall i . See Temalli Timed (staff), 100, 108n.76

Tititl (festival), 42, 66 & n.39, 157n.7 Tizoc (ruler), 186-87 & n.9 Tlaal t i l t i ("bathed ones"), 61 Tlaavi tect l i ch imall i (shield), 270n.48 Tlacalhuaztli(-huazcuahuitl) (blowgun), 207n.4 Tlacametl (maguey), 287 Tlacanexquimilli (ghost), 175n.8 Tlacatecolotl (devil), 116n.2, 212n.6 Tlacatetehuitl ("human ritual papers"), 248n.3



Tlacatl (person of consequence), 258n.3 Tlacaxipehualiztli (festival)), 34, 42, 56 finn .J 65

& n.36, 85n.28, 90n.66, 147n, 221, 244 , Tlaccayatl (foot; sole), 99n.35 Tlachayahualcozqui (neckpiece), 97n. 17 Tlachialoni[-chiaya ) (ritual surveillance device),

95 finn .l2, 101, 110n.88, 111 Tlachinol te tzmit( l ) (plant), 286, 294 & n.96 Tlachmait l (ball court), 200n.l3 Tlachtemalacatl (ball game ring), 200n.l3 Tlachtli(co) (ball court), 140n.l5, 207n.l(top) Tlacochcalco (shrine,- temple), 110n.88 Tlacochcalco ("north"), 131n.5 Tlacochcalco Yaotl (deity), 35, 99n.33, 110n.88,

113n.99; array of, 110-11 Tlacopan (city-state), 11, 89n.54, 142n.20, 186n.5 Tlacotl (girlchild), 255 Tlacoxochitl (flower), 205n.l3 Tlacuilocan (temple), 101n.43 Tlacvchpatzactli (military standard), 271n.55 Tlahuahuanaliztli (gladitorial sacrifice), 56,

94n.6, 119n.7 147n Tlahuazomalli [ arrows), 94n.6 Tlahuitoltzin, Antonio, 190 Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli (deity), 108n.75 Tlaitzcopintli (facial markings), l l ln .92 Tlalayotli (plant), 290 finn.76 Tlalli iyollo. See Teteoinnan Tlaloc(-oque) (deity [ - ties]),27, 29, 30, 35, 42, 55 fin

n.l, 56, 65, 87n.4, 89n.55, 91n.71, 92nn.75,79, 97n.l9, 103nn.5?58, 104n.59, 106-108n.7?

112n.94, 117-20n.l0, 132n, 133n.? 181n.l2, 182, 187n.9; abode of, 113n,100; array of, 97-98; attributes of, 121; and elements, 156-57; festivals honoring, 59, 68-69[see al so Etzalcualiztli); hymns to, 128, 132n; images of, 113-14; physiognomy of, 181n.l2; rituals honoring, 78; sacrifices to, 84n.22, 85n.31, 248n.3; Song of, 132-35; supplication of, 201; temple of, 83n.l3; veneration of, 42. See also Chalchiuhtlicue; Cuahuitl ehua; Opochtli; Tomiyauh(tecuhtli); Yauhqueme

Tlalocan (afterworld), 10, 20, 148n.25, 150n, 151, 179n.2, 181-83

Tlalocs. See Tlaloc(-loque)Tlaloque Tlamcazque (deities), 140 finn.15 Tialpatli (plant), 289 finn.69 Tlaltecahua (earth mother?), 136, 137n.10 Tlaltecatl (earth mother?), 137n.10 Tlaltecatzin (ruler), 188 finn.18 Tlaltecuhtli (earth deity), 136 Tlalzitzicaztli (plant), 288 finn.48 Tl amacazqui ipapa [ plant), 289 finn.64

Tlamacehua (term), 73n.9 Tlanelhua(tl) (root), 289n.62 Tlanext l i (column of light), 189 finn.21 Tlapalcvyotl (battle suit), 274n.74 Tlapal i tzmit l (military standard), 273n .64 Tlapallivieuatl (tunic), 270n.50

Tlapallivitelolotli (military standard), 272n.58 Tlapalquaxolotl (military standard), 271n.52 Tlapaltetzmitl (plant), 286 Tlapalxapo chimal li (shield), 269n.43 Tlapatl (Jimson Weed), 282 Si n.9 Tlappanec. See Yopi Tlaq’milo l i (military standard), 275n.75 Tlaquimilo l l i (sacred bundle cult), 275n.75 Tlatecque (lapidaries), 133n.7 Tlatecuhtli (deity), 127n.2(bo££om)Tlatelolco (city), 106n.71, 118-20n.2; feather-

workers of, 109n.81; as hymn source, 128; rulers of, 11; Sahagun in, 4, 6,7,9, 10, 12, 13,16, 55, 77n.21, 156n.l, 160n.l, 175n.9, 178n.l, 179n.2, 188n.l6, 198n.l, 201n.l, 203n.l, 206n.l, 207n.l(bottom), 209nn.[top, bot to m), 219n, 229n.l, 251n.l, 252n.l, 255n.l, 257n.l, 258n.l, 260n.l, 265n.26, 280n.l; subjugation of, 180n.3, 186 finn.8; temples of, 29

Tlatemohuiloni (herb), 287 finn.43 Tlatlag,izmimiqailiztli (cough), 287n.42 Tlatlauhcapatli (plant), 284 finn.25, 289 Tlat lauhqui (herb), 290 finn.73 Tlat lauhqui (tree), 289 finn.56 Tlatoani (ruler), 188n.l5

Tlatoani p i l l i , 260n.3, 261n.? 263nn.14,16,1719 265n.26, 266nn.29,32 Tlatoque p ip i l t in (lords), 260n.l, 276n.85 Tlavi to l l i (bow [weapon]), 276n.81 Tlaxcala (city), 33, 269n.44 Tlaxcalgoyatl (yucca tortillas), 202n.5 Tlaxcallan (city-state), 5, 189 finn.20 Tlaxhuiztli (boil; abscess), 282n.l3 Tlaxochimaco (festival), 198n.3 Tlayapaloni it latl a (herb), 284 finn.20 Tlazazazalic (herb), 289 finn.59 Tlazimalvapalli (military standard), 274n.70 Tlazolcuacuilli (priest), 88 finn.50, 89 Tlazolteotl ("Filth Goddess"), 88n.50, 102n.54,

145, 26In.7 Tlazolyaotzin (ruler), 191-92 Tlecocomoctli (military standard), 271n .57 Tlecvyutl (battle suit), 280n.91 Tlemaitl (incense ladle), 70 finnn.4,5, 71 TiepatZi (plumbago?), 282 finn .l l ;Tied (fever), 286n.38 Tletlemaitl (plant), 289 finn.57

Index

331



Tlilapan (spring), 70n.l, 80 Tlilhua (deity), 123 Tlilhua Ometochtli (deity), 86 Si n.36 Tlillacalco (stain), 127 &n.2(top¡Tlil lotoc tl apalotoc ¡ancestral tradition), 228n.25 Tlilpapalotl (military standard), 274n.73 Tl i l t i c cvyu t l (battle suit), 275n.79 Tobacco, 62,87, 88, 116 & n.3, 117; medicinal

uses of, 282-84, 287; as offering, 179; ruler claim on, 226

Tochin tecuhtli (ruler), 191 Tochtecomat l (octl i jars), 82 &n,10 Tochtetepon (herb), 289 Si n.63 Tochtli ("year bearer"), 31, 158n.l Toci (deity), 77n.21, 84 Si nn.22,24, 88nn.4750,

90n.62, 152n.See al so Teteoinnan Tolicpalli (royal seat), 186n.6, 190n.25, 191n.29 Tollan (Toltec capital), 105n.67 138n, 222n.3,

223n.ZSee al so Quetzalcoatl (ruler); Toltecs

Toltecatl (deity), 87 Si n.39 Toltecatl (craftsmen), 87n.39 Toltecs (people), 5, 96n.l3, 138n Toltzalan Acatzalan. See Mexico Tenochtitlan Tomatoes, 291Tomato sauce, 202, 203 ' - Tomiyauh(tecuhtli) (deity), 35, 86n.33, 87n.41,

98nn.23,24, 107n.73; array of, 107; and pulque, 123

Tonacacihuatl (deity), 140n.l6 Tonalamatl (book of day signs), 10, 19, 26, 28, 29,

31, 160n.l, 228n.25 Tonalamatl A ubin, 29 Tonalchichicaquilitl (plant), 293 &. n.94 Tonalli (heat; summertime), 224n.l3 Tonallo (symbol), 101n.45, 109n.85 Tonallopantli (banner), 101n.45 Tonalochimallj (shield), 98n.27 Tonalpohualli(divinatory cycle), 10, 19, 31,

124nn.2,4, 155n.l2, 157n.5, 160n.l, 166n, 253n; patrons of, 274

Tonalpouhque (diviners), 10 Tonan(tzin). See Cihuacoatl Tonan Quilaztli (goddess), 222 Si n.3 Tonatiuh (deity), 124n.2

Tonatiuh quall oyah (solar eclipse), 153n.2 Tonsures, priestly, 83n.l3 Tools. See Implements Toothache, treatment of, 284 Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl (deity), 11. See also Quet-

Index zalcoatlToral, Francisco de, 3 Torches, ritual, 85

3 3 2 Tortillas, 56, 65, 20 1-2 03 , 220

Totochtin (deities), 35, 82 Si n.8, 96n.l5; array of, 96-97; Song of, 148-50

Totoicxitl (herb), 283 Si n.17 Totolihuiehuatl (tunic), 270n.50 Totollan (town), 93n.80, 108n.79; priest of, 93 Totoltecatl (deity), 36, 93n.80, 108n.79; array of,

108 Si n.79; priest of, 93 Totomochtzin (ruler), 191 Totonaca (people), 11, 222n.l, 223n.8 Toxcatl (festival), 42, 58-59, 85n.28, 110n.88,

1¡311 .99. 118, 22! : -Toxcatl (term), 58n.l3Toxiuhmolpia(-pillia) (New Fire ceremony),

154n.9, 158n.l Tozcololi (military standard), 273n.63 Tozcopilli (military standard), 266n.30 Tozcuecuexi (Tlaloc brother), 134 Tozmiquizyo chim all i (shield), 26In.9 Toznene (parrot), 263n.l9

Tozoztli (festival), 87 Tozoztontli (festival), 42, 57 106n.71 Tozquaxolotl (military standard), 271n.52 Trade, ruler control of, 200.See also Merchants Trecenas (13-day periods), 29, 160n.l Trees, 225, 282, 284 Si n.24, 289 Si n.56, 292;

dreams of, 176.See al so Branches; Twigs; Wood Tribute, 26, 32, 33, 118, 191 & n.29, 204n.l, 223,

224, 236; administrators of, 229-31, 233; ruler relaxation of, 248

Triple Alliance, 5, 11, 98n,29, 118, 185n.l,223n.ll, 265n.26; formation of, 186n.5; power of, 222n .l . See also Mexico Tenochtitlan; Tetzcoco; Tlacopan

Trumpets, 80 &n.33, 88n.51, 123-26 Tunics, 263-64, 270 Si n.49, 276, 277, 279 Turkeys, 202, 220, 274 Si n.71, 279, 288 Turpentine, 122 &. n.3, 285, 292 Turquoise, 277n Tvzcoyotl (battle dress), 264 n.2 0 Twigs, passing of (ritual), 72-73, 125, 154, 198 Two Rabbit. See Octl i , gods of Tying, of children, 77 & n.24 Tzapocuetzin (ruler), 192 Tzatzayanalquiltic (plant), 289 Si n.71

Tzatzaztli (military standard), 267n .35 Tziccoac (town), 187n,10 Tzihuacmit l (cactus arrow), 99n.31 Tzihuactlacochtli (cactus spear), 99n.31, 107n.72,

139Tzihuactli (cactus), 99n.31 Tzipipatli (herb), 281 S. n.7 Tzipitl (military standard), 274n.69 Tzitzictic (herb), 281 Si n.2



Tzitzilli oyohualli (bells), 101n.46 Tz i tz imime (demons), 153n.3 Tzitz imit l (warrior suit), 264n.23 Tzoalli (amaranth-seed dough), 113nn.99,100 Tzocotzontla(n) (place), 150 n Tzocuilpatli (herb), 287 & n.45 Tzompachquilitl (herb), 284 & n.27 287n.40 Tzonmolco (temple), 88 & n.49, 137 ¿kn.ll, 138 Tzonmolco Calmecac (Templo Mayor structure),

88 &. n.49 Tzontemoctzin (ruler), 192 Tzotzocolli (coiffure), 99n.34, 110n.89 Tzotzoicpalli (thrones), 197n.l Tzotzopaztli (weaving stick), 106n.69

Underworld, 10, 30, 39, 43, 177-78. Seealso Mic- tlan; Tlalocan

Unguents, 294Urinary tract, diseases of, 285

Urine, medicinal use of, 292, 293 Ursa Major (constellation), 155n.l2, 156n.l3 Ursa Minor (constellation), 155n.l2 Uterus, dropped, 287

Valeriano, Antonio, 3n, 33Vanilla, chocolate and, 202Vegerano, Alonso, 3n, 33Veintenas (twenty-day periods), 8, 9, 26-28,

34-36, 38, 42, 55, 60n.26, 73n.l2, 81n.3, 83-85nn.28,30, 87n.4? 99n.29, 100n.39, 106nn.70,71, 108n.74, 110n.88, 112n.97 - 113nn.99,100, 142n.20, 145n, 147n, 148n.25, 152n, 157nn.6,7 198n.3, 275n.77

Venus (planet), 30, 155n.ll Venus god, 108n.75 Vexolotl (military standard), 274n,71 Vigils, ritual, 75Vindobonensis (pictorial), 91n.71 Vituperation, among commoners, 296-98 Volcanoes, 100n.36, 113

War, 223; god of (see Huitzilopochtli); as ru ler responsibility, 198, 199, 248n.l, 249; simulated, 5; Tenochca and, 180n.3, 186, 187n.l0; Tetzcoco

and, 189; Tlatelolco-Tenochtitlan, 180n.3.See also Conquest; "Flowery wars"; Tepanec War War clubs, 261 & n.4, 268, 275-78 Warriors, 33, 198, 266n.31, 26 8-76 & n.85, 278n.88;

appellations of, 259; into birds, 176n,13; champion, 99n.34, 110n.89, 260n.l; death in battle of, 11 In.90; as festival dancers, 62; before judges, 229-35,237, 239, 243, 244; and Ochpa- niztli rituals, 77n.21; punishment of flawed,

245n; rewarding of, 245n; ritual sweeping by, 235; ruler concern for, 248n.l, 249; Tlaxcalteca, 269n.44. Seealso Costumes, of warriors,- Eagle warriors; Insignia, of warriors; Jaguar warriors

Water: black, 101n.43; Chalchiu htl icue jurisdiction over, 104n.59; death by, 181; dreams of, 176. Seealso Bathing; Dousing; Rain

Waterflies, edible, 203 Water lilies, 97, 98n.23 Watermarks, 20; in Primeros M emori ales manu

script, 6n.3, 8, 20, 24, 36 Water tam ales, 145 &. n Water-whirlers. See Sorcerers Weakness, treatm ent of body, 2 88-8 9 Weapons, 275-76 , 278-80 ; Ch ichimec, 99n.31 ; of

deities, 94-113; of devils' houses, 116; ruler claim on, 227See al so Arrows; Slings; Spears; Spear-throwers; War clubs

Weasel, as ill omen, 175 r-

Weavers, noblewomen as, 207n .l[bottom], 208 Weaving, of maguey, 274n,70 Wind, 30, 156 &. n. l; god of (see Quetzalcoatl) Wolves, 204 Women: beauty aids for, 203n .l ; and blood-

drawing ritual, 73n.l2; categories of, 252-53; Cihuacoatl and parturient, 105n.67; death in childbirth of, llln.90, 122n.5, 286; disrespect of, 240; execution of, 247-48 (seealso Human sacrifice, of women); as festival participants, 58-59 & n.l? 60, 62, 66, 70; flaying of, 62; before judges, 229-32, 236-39, 242, 244; licentious, 164, 166, 167, 172, 216 &. n, 230(see al so Prostitutes),- naming of, 254-55; procurers of, 253; ruler focus on, 245-48; singing of, 59, 60, 62, 76 & n.20; speech patterns of common, 296-98; andxocotl, 61. Seealso Goddesses,- Midwives; Pregnancy; Prostitu tes; Tepatiani

Wood: for devils' houses, 116; hauling of, 126; as omen factor, 174; as ruler due, 226

Worms, 203, 290 Wrist bands, 20 7

Xacalli (military standard), 273 Xahual li . See Paint, ritual/cosmetic uses of

Xalaquia (term), 56n.5 Xaltocan (Otomi center), 5, 153n.l Xicol l i (jackets), 62 & n.32 Xilonen (goddess), 35, 42, 60 &. n.22, 83 & n.17 84

& n.21, 87n.47 102n.53, 104n.61; attribute of, 122 Xipe (deity), 90n.64, 102nn.48-52; array of, 102,•

priest of, 90-91; temple of, 90n.65 Xipe Totee (deity), 29, 35, 56n.7 90n.65, 91, 118,

119 & nn.6,7 147n, 265n.27; hymn to, 146-48

Index

333



Xiquipilco, warrior of, 266n.31 Xiuhananacazt l i (headpiece), 265n.25 Xiuhcoanahual l i (disguise), 94 & n.3 Xmhcoyotl (battle dress), 264n.21 Xiuheuat l (tunic), 263n.l8 Xiuhmolp i l l i (52-year cycle), 158n.l Xiuhnel (demigod), 135n, 136

X i u h q u i l i t l (indigo), 206 Sin.17 Xiuhtecuhtli (deity), 67n.42, 85 & n.28, 88n,48, 94n.3, 137n.ll; attribute of, 122.See al so Huehueteotl

Xiuh t la lp i l l i (royal cloak), 204n.l Xiuhtzont l i ( -hui tzo l l i ) (diadem), 186n.6, 189n.l9,

191n.30, 197n.l Xix ipeme (flayed ones), 79Xochatlalpan (abode of dead children), 178 & n.ll Xochimilco (city), 133n.7Xochipilli (deity), 35, 90n.58, llln.93, 139-41n.l6;

array of, 111-12; priest of, 90; Song of, 139-40. See al so Macuilxochitl

Xochiquen, Pablo, 188 Si n.15 Xochiquetzal (goddess), 112, 140-41n.l6, 145n,

146, 264n.22; Song of, 140-4 1 Xochit l (flower), 253n.l \Xochitlicaca. See Tamoanchan Xochitlicacan (mythical region), 145n Xochiyaoyotl (fighting fields), 5 Xoco (girlchild), 255Xoconochco (town and province), 265n.26 Xocotl. See Otontecuhtli Xocotl (ceremonial pole), 60-62, 142n.20 Xocotl (term), 60 & n.26, 61

Xocotlhuetzi (festival), 99n.29, 112 -13n .9J 142n.20, 221

Xollopapalotl (military standard), 267n.33 Xolotl (deity), 145n, 146, 271 & n.52 Xomexihui t l (plant), 287 Xonecuilli (asterism), 155n.l2 Xopilcozqui[-cozcatl ) (jewelry), 101n.44 Xouili(n) (fish), 202n.6 Xoxouhcapatli (herb), 290 Si n.74

Yacahuiztli. See Fire SticksYacametztli ("nose moon"), 26In.? 267n.37Yacatecuhth (Yiacatecuhtli) (deity), 35, 42, 58

& n.15,16, 91 Si nn.69-71, 99n.32, 112n.97 113n.99, 150n; array of, 99; priest of, 91; Song of, 150-51

Yahualli (jar rest), 225n.l9 Yaocihuatl. See Cihuacoatl Yaotl [Necoc] (Tezcatlipoca appellation), 131-32 Yaotzintecuhtli (ruler), 191 & n.29

Yauhqueme (deity), 35, 85-87n.41, 98n.23, 102n.53, 103n.58; array of, 103; and pulque, 122 Yauhqueme (hill), 85n.31, 103n.58 Yauhtecatl (deity), 122 Yauhtli. See Marigold Year counts, 39, 44-49, 158-60, 188n.l6 Year signs, 31, 36 Yohualitqui. See Fire Sticks Yohuallana. See Night Drinker Yohualtecuhtli (deity), 124n.2.See al so Fire Sticks Yollotopilli (staff), 110n.86, llln.93, 113n.97

120n.9Yopi (people), 102 Sinn.48,50, 119n.6 Yopico (barrio; temple), 90 & n.65 Yopihuehuetl (drum), 265n.27 Yopitzontli (headpiece), 102nn.50,51 .Yoyontzin (ruler), 190 Yteucuitlatempilol (labret), 277n Yucca, 202

Zacacalco (ritual building), 154 St. n.5 Zapocueitl (skirt), 102n.52 Zapoteca (people), 102nn.48,50,52 Zapotitlan (barrio), 105n.64 Zapotitlan, Mex., 105n.64

Z apot l. See Sapodi ll a Zapotlan (barrio), 92 Si n.74 Zapotlan (Zapotec homeland), 84, 102n.52,

105n.64Zapotlantenan [goddess), 35, 84 Si n.27 102n.53,

105n.64, 122 Si n.3; array of, 105 Zit l a l lo ch imall i (shield), 270nn.46,48 Zoaehuatl (herb), 281 Si n.6 Zol li n. See Quail Zoomorphism, 264n .20 Zouche-Nutta l l (pictorial), 91n.71 Zoyatemall i (head ornament), 103n.55

Zoy atl . See Palm

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